Alvares Chariton 1997

8/19/2019 Alvares Chariton 1997

1/18

Chariton's Erotic History

Author(s): Jean AlvaresSource: The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 118, No. 4 (Winter, 1997), pp. 613-629Published by: The Johns Hopkins University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1562054 .

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2/18

CHARITON'S

EROTIC HISTORY

Jean

Alvares

It is clear

that numerous personages

and events

of Chaireas and

Callirhoe

are either

taken

directly

from

history

or are

in

some

way

based

on

historiographical

materials.1

The work has been considered

a

historical

romance,2

yet

its

mixture of

genuine

historical

fact,

gross

inac-

curacies, anachronisms of Chariton's period,3 and reflections of drama,

oratory,

and

epic4 suggests

to

some

that Chariton

merely

aims to

pro?

vide

a

"general

colouring

of Greek

history,

to titillate the readers"

(Reardon

1996,

327).

I believe Chariton had

larger

aims.

Building upon

the

insights

of

Edwards

(1987, 29-51)

into

how

Chariton

depicts Aphro?

dite's influence

upon politics

and

society,

I

consider

here how Chariton

adapts

familiar elements

from

history

in

order to

provide

a contrast

to

For

example,

Hermocrates, Ariston, Statira,

and Artaxerxes

are historical

fig?

ures. Mithridates

may

recall a Mithridates

that,

according

to

Ktesias,

Statira

helped

be?

come

satrap.

The

Egyptian

rebellion

probably

recalls the revolt of

404 B.c.

and

Chaireas

the Athenian

Chabrias

who

fought

for

King

Tachos around 360 b.c.

Chaireas'

victories re?

call Alexander's

conquest

of

Tyre

and the Athenian defeat of the Persian

navy.

See

Bartsch

1934,1-34;

Schmeling

1974, 51-56, 76-80;

Zimmerman

1961;

Plepelits

1976,16-17;

Perry

1967, 77-78;

Hunter

1994, 1055-61;

Salmon

1961.

2On Chaireas

and

Callirhoe

as a historical novel see

Hagg

1987;

also Ruiz-Montero

1996,

47.

3I find

convincing

a date

in

the

early

Empire,

but

before

the

blossoming

of Atti-

cism and

the

Second

Sophistic,

most

probably

mid- to late first

century

a.d. See

Perry

1967,108-9;

Plepelits

1976, 8;

Ruiz-Montero

1980, 64-67;

Reardon

1996,

319-25.

4Mithridates' trial before the

Great

King

best demonstrates this mixture. For ex?

ample,

the court's

eagerness

to see

Callirhoe recalls the

appearance

of

Penelope

before

the suitors in

Odyssey

18

and the

Teichoskopia

of Iliad 3. The trial itself

combines tradi?

tional

conceptions

of the

Great

King

as

judge,

translations of Roman administrative

prac?

tice

(such

as

the

imperial

conventus)

into a Persian

setting,

and

details of

generic

Greek

legal practice,

such as the

paragraphe

(5.7.3).

Chariton stresses the

superiority

of

the

Greek ethos to that of the barbarians as he shows the proceedings corrupted by the lusts

of the Persians. Yet at

the

same

time,

the role of the

Great

King,

as

understood

by

himself

and

his

underlings,

also reflects

Stoic-Cynic

notions of

the ideal ruler. See Bartsch

1934,

5-7;

Bowersock

1994, 41-42;

Karabelias

1990,

393-95

and n.

109;

Ruiz-Montero

1989,

138-41;

Zimmerman

1961, 331-32, 339,

341;

Schmeling

1974,

117-18.

American

ournalf

Philology

18

1997)

13-6291997

y

The

ohns

opkins

niversity

ress


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3/18

614

JEAN

ALVARES

history,

as

those

elements' usual

political

and social

significances

are at-

tenuated or

ignored

and

as

they

in turn

become evidence

for

the

opera-

tions

of

Aphrodite.

Thus

a

Greek

assembly pleads

for

the

marriage

of

teenagers,

an

eros-obsessed

satrap

contemplates

revolt,

and the

hero,

seeking vengeance

against

his

erotic

rival,

mimics the deeds of Alexan?

der. I

use

these elements

to

produce

an

outline

(not

a

full-fledged

nar?

rative)

of an

"alternative"

history

of

Syracuse,

one that

suggests

a more

satisfying

history

wherein

Aphrodisian

values are

pursued

with the

same

vigor

as those

of

conventional

history.51

do not assert that

Chari?

ton intended

his work

to

be read as

a

type

of

history

or even as a his?

torical

novel;61

merely

wish to reveal

the

historical

narrative that is con-

tained

(with

much

else)

within the text and its

significance.

To

provide

context

for

this

reading

I

begin

with

Muller's observa?

tion that

Chariton

offers

his work as

a

successor

to

epic

inasmuch as

Chaireas

and

Callirhoe

concerns

a

heroic

period

of Greek

history

that

had

by

Chariton's

time become

legendary.7

For

such

"epic"

and

"my-

thologized"

history,

traditional

accounts,

such as

those

of

Thucydides,

become

simply

raw

material,

such as Homer became for later

poets,

dramatists

and

rhetoricians?material

to be altered

according

to the au?

thor's

purposes.8

Further,

as Bowersock

notes,

starting

at

roughly

the

5By

"conventional

history"

I

denote historical narratives like

those

of

Herodotus

or

Thucydides.

6I

consider

Greek

novels as

light

entertainment for the

educated,

and

Chaireas and

Callirhoe directed

to

those

who,

like

Chariton,

had

a

"decent

secondary

education" but

were

by

no

means

"very

well read" as

might by

contrast be said of

Longus

or Heliodorus.

See Reardon 1996, 323; also Bowie 1985, 688; Wesseling 1988, 77.

7Miiller

1976,131-34.

See also

Scholes

and

Kellogg

1966,

57-81.

8Ruiz-Montero

(1996,

42-48) gives

a

good

account

(with

bibliography)

of the rela?

tionships

between dramatic or

tragic history,

Hellenistic

biography,

and

the Greek

novel.

The conventions of these

genres

would

encourage

some readers to

respond

to

Chaireas

and

Callirhoe

as a

type

of

history

or

biography.

I

must also at least

mention the

vexed

question

of the

extent

to which

Greek and Roman

historians

and

their readers

felt

that

"fictional" elements?whether

made-up persons,

events,

or

sequences

of

events?could

be

incorporated

into historical

writing.

My

own

position

is

that ancient historians were

more

concerned with

history's ability

to

reveal

general

truths

than its

import

as a

collec?

tion of specific facts. Thus even a Thucydides will invent or alter historical details so what

they

signify

becomes

clearer.

Lesser historians invented even

more

freely,

although

all re-

spected

a

certain "core" set of facts

that could not be

radically

altered. This wide

variety

of treatment of historical facts

could lead to a

confusion,

even

among

supposedly

edu?

cated

people,

between fact and fiction.

Thus Diodorus

incorporates

the

utopian

romance

of Iambulus

(2.55-60)

and

Euhemerus

(5.41.4)

into

his

world

history.

For an

introduction,




4/18

CHARITON'S

EROTIC HISTORY

615

time of

Nero,

various

literary

works

appeared

that

challenged

conven?

tional

history

or

myth by presenting

an

alternative version of

famous

events:

for

example,

the account

of the

Trojan

War

offered under

the

name

of

Dictys

of Crete.9

I

suggest

that,

for

Chariton,

the

glorious

period

of

Syracuse's

victory

over Athens is

sufficiently

remote

and

my-

thologized

to be the

legitimate object

of

a similar

rewriting,

an "alter?

native"

history

which

demonstrates

that

pursuit

of the

values of

Aphro?

dite

and Eros can

bring

the sort

of

success

achieved

by

the heroes

of

conventional

histories. The outlines

of

such

an alternative

history

can be

extracted from Chaireas

and

Callirhoe.

The

starting point

for

Chariton's

alternative erotic

history

is

an

idealized

Syracuse,

a

state whose

unique

excellence makes it

a

fitting

birthplace

for

the

exceptional

Chaireas and Callirhoe.

A

long-standing

literary

tradition

idealized

Syracuse

and

Hermocrates for their wealth

and

unexpected

defeat of

Athens.10

The

Syracuse

of

Chaireas

and Cal?

lirhoe is

a

city

with

recognizably

Hellenic

political

and social

institutions

that

work

in

surprising harmony.11

Hellenistic

and

Roman

historiogra?

phy

often connect

the

rise and

fall

of states and

individuals to

their

character and

actions;

similarly,

the

social

harmony

and

success of these

fictive

Syracusans

are

linked

to their

willingness

to follow

the influence

of

Aphrodite,

whose

politically

beneficent

effects

are

observed

early

on.

Initially

a fierce

political

rivalry

exists between

Hermocrates and

Ariston

(1.1.3-4).

Such rivalries were a common

historiographical topos

as weil

as

a

present

reality

of the Greek East.12

They

often

brought

civic

with some bibliography, to these questions see Wiseman 1993;Morgan 1993;Feeney 1993;

Woodman

1988,

197-212.

Finally,

Chariton's own

text indicates a

concept

of

history

that

includes

properly

mythological

events.

Dionysios,

amazed at Callirhoe's

supernatural

beauty,

questions

his bailiff about the

circumstances

surrounding

her

arrival,

suspecting

that

Callirhoe

is a divine

being:

"xouxo exelvo-

uia

Nuu^cov r\

NrjQTjtdtov

x

OaXdaaTjg

avekr\kvQe.

xaxaXafupdvouai

de xai

daijiovag

xaiQoi,

xiveg

eijiaQuivTjg vdyxTjvc|>eQOvxeg

6|niXiag biex'

vOodmcov

xauxa

r\\ilw

oxoqovoi

Jtoirrraixe xai

aDYYQacbeig"

2.4.8-9).

Such

divine

liaisons are

thought

appropriate

material for

guyyQ0^8^

as weh as

poets.

For other

examples

of the confusion

between

mythology

and

history

see

Bowersock

1994,

8-13.

9See Bowersock

1994,

1-28;

also Merkle

1994.1 would

argue,

however,

that

Xeno?

phon's Cyropaideia, which rewrites the history of Cyrus and Persia to illustrate Xeno?

phon's

conception

of ideal

kingship, represents

the

earliest such

"alternative"

history.

See

Tatum

1989,

Stadter 1991.

10See

Bompaire

1977; Billault,

1989;

Pernot 1981.

11

See

Alvares

1993,

153-67;

Ruiz-Montero

1989,

113-18.

12

C.

P.

Jones

1971,112.

For a fine

example

of

such

rivalry

see

C. P Jones

1978,101-4.




5/18

616

JEAN ALVARES

disaster,

but

here

Eros,

"who is a lover

of

victory

and

rejoices

in

para-

doxes set

straight,"

decides that the rivals' two children should be

mar-

ried and

arranges

their

meeting.

Chaireas

and

Callirhoe

fall in

love, and,

forbidden

to

marry, begin

to

waste

away (1.1.4-10).

At

the next sched-

uled

assembly

the

Syracusans,

dominated

by

Eros

the

demagogue, ig?

nore all other

public

business and instead

beg

Hermocrates to

marry

his

daughter

to his rivaPs

son,

which would be

"the

first

among

his

[Her?

mocrates'] trophies"

(1.1.11).

Hermocrates,

being

fyikoTcaxQic,,

relents

and

allows

the

marriage.

The

assembly

is

abruptly

canceled

as

all

pre-

pare

for

the

wedding,

which

the

Syracusans

celebrate "with more

plea?

sure

than the

day

of their

victory" (1.1.13-4).

This

early episode exemplifies

Chariton's

method of

presenting

episodes

that both recall events

and motifs

of

conventional

history

and

yet signify

very

different historical forces

and values.

For

example,

like

Tyche

in

Hellenistic

history,

Love

in

Chaireas and Callirhoe

is

stronger

than human will

or

custom,13

and

seems

determined to overthrow stan?

dard

political expectations.14

Thus,

instead

of

making

a

political

mar?

riage

with a leader

of a

nearby city,

Callirhoe marries the

son

of her fa?

ther's rival. That

the affairs of

young

lovers

become

the

business

of a

public assembly,

that

Hermocrates,

having

permitted

the

marriage,

is

designated

(^ikoitaxQiq,15

and

the celebration

of

the

marriage

with

more

joy

than after

a

famous

victory,

all

represent

a

conscious transformation

of

the civic

values of conventional

historiography.

This

transformation,

however,

makes

perfect

sense

in

the context

of this

history;

for

by

ac-

knowledging

and

cooperating

with

Aphrodite,

who is

a

potent

historical

force,

the

Syracusans

gain

a

desideratum

of

conventional

history:

the

dissolution

of a

dangerous political

rivalry.16

This will be the first

of

many

benefits

arising

from devotion to the values of

Aphrodite.

13Konstan

1994, 32-33;

Fusillo

1989,

208.

14Chaireasand

Callirhoe

purposely

contrasts the

power

of

Tyche

to

that of Love.

The

account

of Theron's

discovery

demonstrates the

widespread

Hellenistic belief

in

the

power

of

Fortune:

"And Fortune

brought

to

light

the

truth,

without whom

nothing

is ac-

complished" (3.3.8).

Yet

later

Aphrodite

overrules

Tyche's plan

to have

Chaireas leave

Callirhoe

behind

on

Arados

(8.1.2-3).

Both

Eros and

Tyche

can

be

seen

as servants

of

Aphrodite. See Reardon 1982.

15This

designation

for a leader

appears

at

Aphrodisias

frequently

in

the

Imperial

Period. See

Ruiz-Montero

1989,

117;

Robert

1965,

215.

16In

an

interesting

sidelight,

Beck

(1996,

138)

notes an

inscription

which describes

how

Sarapis

orders his cult

to

be

introduced

at

Opus

and in

the

process

reconciles two

po?

litical enemies.

See IG

X.2 1.255

=

Totti no. 14

(1st

cent.

a.d.).




6/18

CHARITON'S

EROTIC HISTORY

617

Sicilian

history

relates

numerous conflicts between

Syracuse

and

its

neighboring

states. Chaireas

and

Callirhoe transfers this

struggle

to

the realm

of

the erotic. Callirhoe's

suitors are rulers

and

sons

of

tyrants

from

Sicily

and the mainland

(1.1.2).

Informed

that Chaireas has wed

Callirhoe,

the son

of

the

tyrant

of

Rhegium proposes

to

murder

Chai?

reas

(1.2.2-4),

but

the

tyrant

of

Acragas points

out

that

open

warfare

(f|

ex

c()avefjoD

\icL%r\)

s

impossible

and

proposes

instead

to

fight

Chai?

reas

by guile.

He

then

asks

the

suitors

to

elect

him

"general

in

the war

against

Chaireas"

(1.2.5).

And,

after one

setback,

the

suitors

win

this

war,17

as

Chaireas,

provoked

into

a

jealous

rage,

kicks

Callirhoe,

who

falls down as

if

dead.

Out

of

respect

for Hermocrates

Chaireas

is

quickly

tried for mur?

der

(1.5.3).

This

haste

suggests

that the

population

wishes to

give

Her?

mocrates

the

opportunity

to

avenge

his

daughter's

murder as

quickly

as

possible.

The whole

demos,

shouting

various

opinions, gathers

for the

trial,

while the

suitors stir

up

the

crowd

(e&rip.oxojtouv,

1.5.3).

Such de?

scriptions

of

an excited demos and

demagogic

activity

are a

common

feature of

rhetoricians'

picture

of

Greek

civic life

(Russell

1983,

22).

Disaster

threatens,

since,

if

convicted,

Chaireas

will

be

destroyed

and

Ariston

disgraced.

Note that

Chaireas,

demanding

his

own

execution,

declares:

"I

have taken

the crown

(&jteoT8(J)dva)oa)

from the

demos"

(1.5.4-5),

as

if

his crime were

political,

not

private

(Edwards

1987,

43).

But

instead

Hermocrates,

respecting

his

daughter's

wishes,

pronounces

Chaireas

innocent,

and the

jury

concurs.

Hermocrates

and

the

Syracu?

san

demos,

unified

in

their desire to honor

Callirhoe's

love for

Chaireas,

avoid an

error with

dangerous political implications.

As often

noted,

Callirhoe is the

palpable

manifestation of

Aphro?

dite's

power.18

By

joining

with Chaireas in

marriage,

Callirhoe

gives

the

Syracusans

hope

of

further

blessings

from

the

divine

force she

repre-

17Laplace (1980,

88-89)

points

out

how this

episode

also

recalls the

activities of the

suitors of Helen of

Troy.

Many

of

Chariton's

scenes recall the

myths

of

Helen,

as

seen in

Homer

and

the

Cyclic

poets

or

in

drama,

especially Euripides'

Helen.

18Many

scenes

present

Callirhoe

as

an

apotheosis

of the

goddess

herself. Crowds

become awestruck by her beauty as if by a divine epiphany and Callirhoe is sometimes

mistaken for a

goddess.

See

1.1.1-2,

1.1.16, 2.3.6-7,

3.2.17, 4.1.19,

4.7.5-7,

8.6.11.

For

further

discussion see

Muchow

1988, 75-87;

Helms

1966,

42-45;

Ruiz-Montero

1989,126;

Laplace

1980,121-22;

Scott

1938,

385-86;

Edwards

1987,

29-51.

However,

Reardon

(1996, 328-29),

while

acknowledging

the

importance

of

Aphrodite,

sees

her

influence

as "less

than

sys?

tematic."




7/18

618 JEAN

ALVARES

sents. She is rather

like

Syracuse's

living

Palladium,19

the embodiment

of divine favor.

Accordingly,

the announcement of Callirhoe's death

(1.5.1)

is likened

to

the

fall of a

city (Perry 1930,129),

and like

a

notable

political figure,

she is

given

a

state

funeral

attended

by

all

segments

of

the

population

(1.6.3-4).

After

Callirhoe is

kidnapped by

the

grave-

robber

Theron,

her

complaint

that

although

Hermocrates

had defeated

three hundred Athenian

warships,

he could not

keep

one small boat

from

carrying

off

his

daughter (1.11.2) suggests

the

equal

historical

im?

portance

of the

two

events,

an

equivalence

which will be

proved

accu?

rate,

for

this

kidnapping prompts

Chaireas

to

begin

his

career,

whose

successes

will

surpass

those

of

Hermocrates.

Some

separation

of lovers

(however minor)

is

a common motif

in

the

extant

Greek romances.

But

only

in Chaireas and Callirhoe does the

entire state

strive

to reunite the

lovers,

as

if

this were

a

matter

of

high-

est

political

import.20

This

corporate

mission to

regain

Callirhoe recalls

the

mythical panhellenic

effort to recover

Helen;21

yet

the

workings

of

the

Syracusan

demos,

assembly,

and

Hermocrates also recall conven?

tional

history

and

thereby

allow Chariton's erotic alternative

history

to

demonstrate the

superiority

of

the

Syracusans' eros-inspired

conduct.

Thus Hermocrates finds his

countrymen

far more

willing

to

recover a

lost

wife than

did

Agamemnon,

and

the

Syracusans

demonstrate a so?

cial

harmony

born of

common devotion to

Aphrodisian

values. When

Callirhoe's

tomb

is found

empty,

the citizens

mobilize: "triremes

were

immediately

launched,

and

many

took

part

in

the

search"

(3.3.8).

After

Theron is found

due

to

the

machinations

of

Tyche (and,

one

suspects,

Aphrodite),22

his

interrogation

takes

place

in the

assembly

(3.4.3-

19Callirhoe

s

called an

dyak\ia

(1.1.1),

and

in Ionia

her statue

is

beside

Aphrodite's

(3.6.3).

20The

closest

parallel

is found

in

Heliodorus'

Eithiopica,

where

the

citizens

of

Meroe intercede on behalf

of Characleia

and

Theagenes (10.15-40).

There too the

father

finally gives

in

and,

by altering

the

age-old

custom of human

sacrifice,

allows the

marriage

with

consequent

benefit for the state.

21

See

Laplace

1980,

84-85. Unlike

Helen,

Callirhoe

represents

more than

a

capti-

vating,

destructive menace.

Despite

the

irregularity

of

her

bigamous

(but forced)

marriage

to

Dionysios,

Callirhoe seeks

to

uphold

high

standards

of female

probity.

The

passivity,

obedience, and suffering of the young lovers in romance balance the self-assertion im?

plicit

in

their

marrying

partners

of

their own

choosing,

and

thus

they

confirm the

patterns

of

familial

control

and social

order.

See

Muchow

1988, 75,

93-98,135-36;

Heiserman

1975,

283.

22Chariton

states that it was

Tyche

who

allowed

Theron

to be

discovered while

be-

calmed at sea.

However,

the link

between

Aphrodite

and the

sea is weil

known,

and

it is




8/18

CHARITON'S EROTIC

HISTORY 619

3.4.14),

where

the truth is

revealed when the archons

give

a

lowly

fisher-

man

the

liberty

to

speak.23

When

Hermocrates

proposes

an

embassy

to

seek

Callirhoe

in

Asia,

the

whole

assembly

shouts

"Let us

all

sail,"

and

most of the Boule volunteers

(3.4.17).

Hermocrates then

picks

two

men

from the

assembly (representing

the

demos)

and two men from the

Boule

(representing

the

aristocracy)

to seek Callirhoe

together.

The search for Callirhoe is

part

of

Aphrodite's punishment

of

Chaireas and initiates his career as future leader. His

voyage

to recover

Callirhoe recalls Menelaus'

expedition

to

Troy

as

well

as historic con?

flicts between Greek and

Persian forces on the Ionian coast. Thus when

Phocas,

Dionysios'

bailiff,

learns of

Chaireas'

objective,

he

leads

out a

Persian

garrison

to burn

the

ship

and

capture

its

crew. We note that

Phocas thus acted "to

put

off

something

terrible

and

quench

a war that

would not be

great

or

widespread,

but

only

concerning Dionysios'

household"

(3.7.2). Though

Chariton

is

being

ironic

(this

certainly

would

have been no

Trojan War )

nevertheless the

aborted

military

conflict

between

Dionysios

and

Chaireas should

be seen in the

light

of Chaireas'

future

conflict with the

Great

King

and his

navy.

The

episodes

set in

Ionia and Asia likewise

demonstrate the

power

of

love

as a

historical force and

similarly

transform

familiar

his-

toriographical

elements,

a

process

epitomized by

Miletus'

temple

of

Homonoia

(3.2.16).

Traditionally

altars, statues,

and

temples

of

Homo-

noia

were

dedicated to

harmony

between

warring

social

classes

as

well

as

to

peace

between

cities.24 This cult

was

familiar

to

Chariton's reader-

ship.25

Homonoia

was

also a

popular

literary

and

political

topic

in the

quite

possible

that

Chariton

intends his

reader

to

imagine

Aphrodite

the cause of The-

ron's

fate. Edwards

(1987,

44 n.

66)

refers

to the

cult of

Aphrodite Euploia

who

enjoyed

a

vigorous

cult

in

Asia

Minor and

the

nearby

islands.

See also Mellink

1978;

Farnell

1897,

636-38;

Solmsen

1979,

56-57.

23

Such

supervision by

the

archons

probably

reflects the

practice

of the

Hellenistic

and later

periods,

when

the

public's

right

to address the

assembly

was

curtailed;

see

A.

H. M.

Jones

1940,

164. But

the influence

of

Aphrodite

here

breaks

down

such

social

barriers.

24See

Plepelits

1976,174

n.

81;

Ruiz-Montero

1989,114.

Edwards

(1987,29-30

n.

20)

further points out that coins from Aphrodisias feature a statue of Aphrodisian Aphrodite

in a

conversation with

the

statues of other

cities,

under which

grouping

is written

homo-

noia.

Such a

temple

at

the

romance's

dramatic

date, however,

is

anachronistic,

since these

temples belonged

to the

Hellenistic

and

Imperial

eras.

25At

Aphrodisias

a

dedication

was

made to Homonoia and

Roma

in

the

second

century

b.c. See

Reynolds

1982,

document

1,

6-11.




9/18

620 JEAN ALVARES

Imperial period.26

Yet

Aphrodite

herself was sometimes

conceived

of

as a

protector

of Greek

officials

(Sokolowski 1964),

and

Aphrodisias

minted coins that depicted Aphrodite with the cult statues of various

cities

accompanied

by

the

word

homonoia.27 Chariton

replaces

the

cus-

tomary political

associations

of

the cult of Homonoia

with

purely

erotic

ones,

as

this

temple

becomes

the

center of a

marriage

custom,

thereby

suggesting

that

Aphrodite

best

serves

the

city

by creating

homonoia be?

tween

man and

wife.28

During

her erotic anabasis29 from

Miletus to

Babylon,

Callirhoe

becomes the obsession of

ever more

powerful

men:

Dionysios,

the

lead?

ing

man of

Ionia;

Mithridates and

Pharnaces,

the

Persian

satraps;

and

fi?

nally

the

Great

King,

Artaxerxes. The

Great

King's

infatuation

with

Callirhoe

should

be

viewed

in the context of

accounts of Persian

history

as a series of court and

harem

intrigues

that

goes

back to

Ctesias

and

Duris and

can be seen

in

Plutarch's

Life of

Artaxerxes.3?

Again,

Chari?

ton

expands

upon

a

preexisting

tradition,

here to

suggest

the

influence

of eros

upon

Persian

political

life.

Thus in

Chaireas

and

Callirhoe,

al?

though

Mithridates

had

quarreled

with

Pharnaces,

the

neighboring

satrap,

Pharnaces'

appeal

to Artaxerxes is motivated

solely

by

passion

for

Callirhoe

(4.6.2).

As

in

conventional

histories,

Artaxerxes

must

pro?

tect himself

against

his

satraps

and

fears that if he

does

not

act,

Mithri?

dates will be

encouraged

to treat

him

with

disrespect (4.6.6-7).

Mithri?

dates,

when

summoned,

intends to seize Callirhoe and

revolt,

and

only

her

unexpected departure

prevents

him

(4.7.1).

Thus Chaireas

and Cal?

lirhoe

presents quarrels

between

satraps,

the watchful

scrutiny

of

the

Great

King,

and

contemplated rebellion?typical

elements of Persian

history?as

motivated

by

Aphrodite

and

Callirhoe.

26Dio

of Prusa wrote discourses on

homonoia,

as

did

Aelius

Aristides.

The

political

rhetoric of

Vespasian, Trajan,

and

Hadrian

likewise

frequently

mention homonoia. See

Ruiz-Montero

1989,

114-15.

27See Edwards

1987,

30-31 n.

20;

Vermule

1968,

160-61.

And

see note 24 above.

28Chariton's era shows

an

increased

appreciation

of

marriage.

Coins

and

funeral

epitaphs

stress

sophrosyne

and

philandria

as well as

homonoia,

and

such marital concord

is stressed, for example, by Plutarch in his Advice to the Bride and Groom as well as by

Musonius Rufus. See Ruiz-Montero

1989,131-33.

29The

party

of

Mithridates,

as it heads toward

Babylon,

is called

a

oxokoz,

sent out

by

Eros,

a

term that

often

denotes

a

military expedition.

The

party

of

Callirhoe

and

Dio?

nysios

is

likewise denoted

(4.7.5).

See

Laplace

1980,

96.

30Bartsch

1934, 5;

Zimmerman

1961,

339.




10/18

CHARITON'S

EROTIC HISTORY

621

At

Babylon

Callirhoe's

erotic

power

exerts an

even more baleful

effect

upon

the Persian leaders'

ability

to

rule

effectively.

The

role of

the Persian

king

as

the

supreme

arbiter of

justice

had

figured promi-

nently

in

Greek

literature

from

Herodotus onward.31

And

here,

as has

been

noted,

the trial at

Babylon

combines traditional

conceptions

of

the

Great

King's judicial

role,

translations

of

Roman administrative

prac?

tice into a Persian

context,

and

details of Greek

legal practice32?all

of

which

are

subverted

by

eros

and

Callirhoe.

As the trial

begins,

Mithri-

dates

objects

to Callirhoe's

absence.

Dionysios

correctly

answers that

she has

no role in the

case,

but to no avail: xama

5ixavixa)g

\iev

eurtev 6

Aiovuoioc;, jtXf]v

ou5eva ejteiBev

EJteBiôw yap Jtdvxeg KaXXiporiv

i6etv

(5.4.11). Royal justice

is undercut

by

passion,

and

the

peers

must

find an

excuse for the

Great

King

to demand Callirhoe's

presence.

Later,

after Chaireas

has

reappeared

and

Mithridates has

been

acquit-

ted,

the Great

King

sets a date to decide

who is

Callirhoe's

true hus?

band.

But on the

night

before the

judgment

is

due,

the

King,

unable

to

face

giving up

Callirhoe,

decides to

feign

a dream from

the

royal gods

demanding

a month of sacrifice

(6.1.6-12,

6.2.2-4).

Thus the Great

King,

through

the

influence of

eros,

not

only

fails in his role as

supreme

ar?

biter of

justice

but

undermines

Persian

religion

as

well.33

Another

activity particularly

associated in

history

with Persian no-

bles and the Great

King

was

hunting,

both as recreation and

as

training

for

war.34 In Chaireas and Callirhoe eros

likewise subverts the

royal

hunt. Earlier

the

head

eunuch, Artaxates,

had

suggested

a hunt to take

the infatuated

king's

mind off

Callirhoe.

The

lavish tableau of

the

Great

King riding

out

(6.4.1-3)

recalls

the

royal

hunt's

usual

literary/cultural

significances.

But here his

riding gear

is like the

extravagant plumage

birds flaunt to attract a

mate,35 and,

overcome

by

eros,

the

Great

King

31Notice,

for

example,

in

Herodotus'

description

of the Median

monarchy,

that

Deioces becomes

absolute

ruler

through

his efforts as

judge

(1.96-97).

32Karabelias

1990, 393-95;

Zimmerman

1961,

341.

33Artaxerxes'

religious

role is

evident;

he is considered a

god among

his

people

(xaxcx:n;?:n;^r|Yaaiag

Jidvxeg

ol

pdopaooi

xai Oedv

(t>av?Qov

oulôvai

xov

paailea,

3.7.12),

and

his

quasi-divinity

is

linked to the

worship

of

the

paaileioi

Oeoi invoked

by

Mithridates (5.7.10) and later by Artaxerxes (6.2.2).

34Cook

1983,142;

J. K.

Anderson

1961,

57-76.

See,

esp.

in

reference to the

depiction

of the

importance

of

hunting

as

training,

Tatum

1989,

110-11.

35As

is

made clear

by

the

text:

xaOfjaxo

6e

aopaooc;

eaxi

ydo

i'6iov

'

Eowxog

(xo)

()>iA6xoaux)vjOeta

6e

uiaog

vno

KaMioong

ooaGfjvai,

xai 6id

xfjg

jioêwg djidang

eîcbv

Jieoieptajiev

ei'nov xdxeivn

Oeaxai

xr\v jioujuiv

(6.4.3).




11/18

622 JEAN

ALVARES

indulges

in

voyeuristic

fantasies of

Callirhoe

(6.4.5-7).

It is

apparently

now

that

Artaxates convinces

the

King

that he can

possess

Callirhoe

without

violating

his own laws on

adultery (6.4.7).36

Thus not

only

does

Eros cause

the

King

to

transgress

his own laws on

proper

erotic

behav?

ior,

but Eros' trivialization

of

the

royal

hunt,

granted

its traditional

sym?

bolic

value,

can

be linked to

the

historical

question

of the decline of

Persian

military

excellence

and foreshadows the later

incompetence

of

the Persians

in the

Egyptian

rebellion.

Factional

conflicts

were a

notable

feature of Greek cities

in the

Classical

period

and

during

the

Roman

Empire.

In Chaireas and

Cal?

lirhoe

such divisions are

inspired

by

erotic concerns. As Callirhoe

ap?

proaches

Babylon,

the

Persian

noblewomen fear that

her

loveliness

will

undermine

their own

reputations

for

beauty

(5.3.1)?which

in

Chaireas

and

Callirhoe

equals political

status.

They approach

Queen

Statira

and,

at

her

urging,

hold a virtual

assembly37

with

debates and

voting

in order

to

pick

a

challenger

to

Callirhoe's

beauty

(5.3.3-5).

Afterwards

Baby?

lon

is

divided

over

the

coming

trial: the

aristocrats

support

Mithridates,

while the

ordinary

people

sympathize

with

Dionysios (5.4.1),

and all

Babylon

prepares

for the trial as

if em

JtoXe^iov

xov

piyiaxov (5.4.1).

And

just

as war and its causes

figure prominently

in

conventional

historiography,

so

here

the

events

of

the

Egyptian

rebellion

fully

reveal

the

influence

of

Aphrodite.

Indeed

nearly

all

the

central

participants

are

motivated

by

erotic

concerns,

and a

close correlation exists

between de?

votion to erotic values and

military

success. To

start

from the lowest de?

gree

of erotic

devotion,

the

nameless

Egyptian king

has

strictly

conven?

tional

goals:

political

freedom for

Egypt,

and territorial

conquest.

His

greatest

success,

the

conquest

of

Tyre,

is achieved

only by

the efforts of

the erotic

hero,

Chaireas. He is

finally

defeated and

forced

to

commit

suicide

by Dionysios,

whose heroics are

largely

motivated

by

hope

the

Great

King

will

reward him

with

Callirhoe. Yet

simple

devotion to love

is

not

quite

enough

for

Dionysios;

the

rule

of the romances seems to be

"one mate for

life."

Dionysios'

first

wife

is

dead,

but

his

relationship

36Thetext is somewhat defective at this point. See Reardon 1989, 94 n. 97.

37Note

that

now,

as

in a

Hellenic

assembly,

differing

views

are

put

forth about

pos?

sible

challengers,

after which "there

was

voting by

hands as if

in a

theater"

(xetQOtovia

6e

rjv

(bg

ev

Oedxoq),

5.3.4).

Such

voting

seems

strange

in

autocratic

Persia,

but here

again,

as

during

the

investigation

of

Theron,

Chariton wishes us

to

see

the

democratizing

effects

of

the

erotic.




12/18

CHARITON'S

EROTIC HISTORY

623

with

Callirhoe

betrays

that earlier

love.38

Thus while

Dionysios

survives,

his

only

consolation

is to raise

the child of another

man,

which Callirhoe

has made him believe his own. The Great King,

in

turn, is

on the

point

of

forcing

Callirhoe

when the

Egyptian

rebellion intervenes.

While the

Great

King

must concentrate

on

defense of his

empire,

he nevertheless

sees

to it that

Callirhoe

is

brought

along

(6.9.7-8).

When

Tyre

is

lost,

Artaxerxes seems

to abandon the erotic

as he leaves the

excess

bag-

gage,

including

Callirhoe

and his wife

Statira,

on Arados

(7.4.11-13).

The

Great

King

then

finally

wins

and

regains

his

territories,

but loses

his

wife to

Chaireas.

The

king's

willingness

to reward

Dionysios

with

Cal?

lirhoe

(7.5.15)

and his

eager,

almost

frantic,

behavior

when

Statira

re?

turns

(8.5.5),

indicate

that he has not abandoned the

erotic;

rather,

in his

new

appreciation

of his

wife,

he has the erotic values

appropriate

to his

role.39

Indeed,

while he still feels

strongly

about

Callirhoe,

Artaxerxes is

glad

that

Chaireas has taken

her off his hands

(8.5.8).

Chaireas

demonstrates

the most absolute devotion to

the values of

Aphrodite

and

receives its ultimate

rewards,

presenting provocative

contrasts between

conventional

history

and Chaireas

and Callirhoe's

erotic alternative.

Critics

decry

Chaireas'

lack

of

public engagement,

his

hysterical

emotionalism,

attempts

at

suicide,

and occasional

paralysis,40

but

these weaknesses

prove

his utter devotion to Love and to

Callirhoe.

His

excellence,

given

the

proper

erotic

motivation,

will show itself. Thus

when

Chaireas

finally joins

the

Egyptian

rebellion

in

order to

punish

his

erotic rival

(7.1.11),

he rises

rapidly

in

the ranks

(7.2.5-6)

and

soon

shows

the

greater

resourcefulness

and

bravery

inherent

in

Greeks.

Chaireas'

successes,

by mimicking

famous

events,

demonstrate

how devotees of romantic love can

prove

equal

or

superior

to the

great

figures

of conventional

history.

Like Leonidas

at

Thermopylae,

Chaireas

has three hundred

picked companions,

as he himself

notes

(7.3.9).

Like

Alexander

(but

with less

effort),

he

captures Tyre (7.4.1-10).

Like

the

Athenians

(whose

victory

at

Salamis

is

mentioned several

times),41

38

As

Dionysios

himself seems

to

realize;

see

2.1.1-2,

2.4.4-5.

39Konstan(1994, 1-59) points out how the Greek novels emphasize the equality of

age

and

experience

of

the

central lovers.

Thus,

despite

their

obvious

advantages

as

mates,

the

greater age

and

experience

of

Dionysios

and

Artaxerxes

prevent

them from

challeng-

ing

Chaireas as

a

match for Callirhoe.

40See

Egger

1990, 175-76;

Bowie

1985,

689;

Helms

1966, 28;

G.

Anderson

1984,

64.

41

See,

e.g.,

1.11.2, 6.7.10,

7.2.4,

7.5.8.




13/18

624 JEAN ALVARES

Chaireas defeats

the

Persians at

sea

(7.6.1).

Again

like

Alexander,

Chai?

reas

captures

the

Persian

queen

and

treats

her

humanely.

While Chai?

reas' successes recall the achievements of famous Greek military lead?

ers,

Chaireas'

letter reminds us that this

war

has

been above

all

an

erotic contest

with

Artaxerxes

(8.4.2).

And

Chaireas

has

won,

a

triumph

symbolized by

the fact that

he

celebrates

his first

night

with Callirhoe

in

the

Great

King's

bed in

his

domicile

on

Arados

(8.1.13-14).

Like

Xenophon

in

the

Anabasis,

Chaireas

must

get

his men

home

after their

king

has been

killed

(8.2.1-3).

But,

unlike

Xenophon,

Chai?

reas does not

have

to

deal with

constant

dissension

among

his officers

and

men;

quite

the reverse. As

Chaireas

goes

from Phoenicia to Arados

to

Paphos,

and then

prepares

to

return to

Syracuse,

all

wish

to

return

with

him

(8.3.11),

and he takes

with

him

twenty ships

filled with

Greeks

and

a

select

portion

of non-Greeks.

While

the

Persians

must

keep

a

multinational

empire together

by

force,

a

microcosm of such

an

empire

spontaneously

organizes

itself

around Chaireas.

When Chaireas returns

to

Syracuse,

the

spoils

of his

conquests

indicate

the

scale

of

his achieve?

ment.

After

listing

some of

these

treasures,

Chariton

concludes,

"the

whole

city

was

filled, not,

as

formerly,

with the

poverty

of Attica from

the Sicilian

war, but,

a

thing

most

novel,

with

spoils

of the Medes

in

peacetime " (8.6.12).

Athenian riches

are the

results of

an earlier Per?

sian

victory, yet

even the fruits of

Hermocrates'

victory

over the Athe?

nians do not match those of Chaireas'

new

conquest.

Further,

Chaireas'

three hundred Greeks become citizens of

Syracuse,

and farm land

(al?

though

not

citizenship)

is

given

to

the

Egyptians

(8.8.13-14).

Chaireas

has

gained political power

equal

to

Hermocrates'.

And

whereas

Her?

mocrates' victories had

not ended hostilities with

Athens,42

Chaireas

can declare that he has made the

Great

King

a

friend

of

the

Syracusans

through

the return of

Queen

Statira

(8.8.10).

As their

uneventful re?

turn over the

open

sea

indicates,

Chaireas

and

Callirhoe remain

at

peace

with

the

gods.43

And

it is

clear that this new

order,

superior

to the

famous

achievements of

old,

was the result

of devotion to erotic

values,

as

demonstrated

by

the deeds of the

Syracusans

and,

above

all,

of

Chaireas.

42When

Chaireas'

fleet

appears,

the

Syracusans immediately

worry

that

they

may

be

hostile Athenians

(8.6.2-3).

43

Like

Menelaus,

Chaireas has

regained

his wife from an

Asian

prince,

but without

incurring

divine

anger.

See

Laplace

1980,

119-20.




14/18

CHARITON'S

EROTIC

HISTORY

625

And

other benefits are still to

come from

the

productions

of

Love?most

notably

Callirhoe's

son.

As she

debates

the fate

of her un-

born child, Callirhoe declares that she is sure that the child will sail one

day

to

Sicily (2.9.5).

Later she

begs

Dionysios

in her

letter

to send their

child

back

to

Hermocrates

(8.4.6),

and

the victorious

Chaireas

declares

to the

Syracusans,

"There is one

being

raised

as

a citizen for

you,

O

men

of

Syracuse,

one

[raised]

as

wealthy, by

a

distinguished

man"

(8.7.12).

While Naber's

conjecture

that

the child is to be

thought

of as the future

Dionysios

I

of

Syracuse

is

speculative,44

this child

is

obviously pictured

as a future leader and

bringer

of

blessings

to

Syracuse.

We

may

summarize the

historical narrative within Chaireas

and

Callirhoe

as

follows.

Syracuse's phenomenal

defeat

of

Athens indicates

the excellence of its

citizens,

which

make

them a

fitting people

to

pro?

duce a

Callirhoe,

who incarnates the

power

and favor of

Aphrodite

and

draws

Syracuse

towards

a

greater

appreciation

of love and sentimental

values. As a

result,

Chaireas

and

Callirhoe

are married and a

dangerous

political

rivalry

dissolved.

There

follows

the

successful attack of various

Sicilian and Italian

potentates

upon

the

marriage,

and thus

upon

the

state,

but the

workings

of

Aphrodite

turn Chaireas' mistaken

jealousy

and its

unhappy

aftermath into a

felix

culpa.

Callirhoe infatuates the

leading

men of Asia and demonstrates

Aphrodite's power

over the

poli-

ties of Ionia

and the

Persian

Empire.

The

excellent

Chaireas,

inspired

by

his love for

Callirhoe,

trained

by Aphrodite's punishment,

and

finally

moved

by

the desire

for

vengeance against

his erotic

rivals,

becomes a

military

leader more successful than

Hermocrates.

He

captures Tyre,

defeats

the Persian

navy,

and

returns to

Syracuse

with

vast

spoils

and

numerous followers as the future ruler of a new

Syracuse.

Further,

through

Callirhoe's

actions,

there is the

promise

that one

day

still an?

other

outstanding

leader,

Callirhoe's

child,

will come from

Asia.

Thus Chariton offers material that both

recalls conventional

Greek

historiography

and

yet

has been

transformed to make the reader

aware

that

this material

belongs

to the

history

of a

different sort of

world,

one that revolves around

Aphrodite

and Eros and the

apprecia?

tion of romantic

values,

all

fully integrated

into the

historical

process.

Chaireas

and Callirhoe

contains a

partial

historical narrative of this dif?

ferent

world,

one that describes the rise of

Syracuse

to new

heights

of

44See Naber

1901,

98.

In

contrast,

Laplace (1980, 121)

sees an allusion to

Aeneas

and

a

return to his ancestral

home.




15/18

626

JEAN

ALVARES

unity

and success

through

its devotion to

Aphrodite,

and

through

its

new

leaders,

Chaireas

and

Callirhoe.

The

pleasures

of

Chariton's im?

plicit alternative history are those which critics as diverse as Frye and

Jameson45 have seen as a

property

of

romance: an

escape

from

history

as

ongoing

tragedy

into

a

more

utopian

world,

which

has

not

only

its

own

protective gods,

but its

own

history.

Montclair State University

e-mail:

[email protected]

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