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Transcript of HISTORICUS 2'2012
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April-June 2012 Vol. LX, No. 2
Editor: Dr. Ansar Zahid Khan
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Executive Committee(2009-2012)
Office Bearers
Mrs. Sadia Rashid ......... President
Prof. Mrs. Mumtaz Moin ......... Vice-President
Prof. Sharif al Mujahid ......... Vice-President
Dr. Ansar Zahid Khan ......... General Secretary and
Director of Research
Prof. Dr. Javed Husain ......... Joint SecretaryDr. Navaidul Zafar ......... Treasurer
Members
Prof. Dr. Riaz Ahmad Prof. Hasnain Kazmi
Sh. Khurshid Hasan Prof. Dr. Tahera Aftab
Prof. Dr. Syed Jaffar Ahmed Dr. Sultan-i-Rome
Dr. Muhammad Reza Kazimi Dr. Inamul Haq Kausar
Prof. Hakim Naimuddin Zubairy
Note
The sacred yt from the Holy Qurn and adth have beenprinted for Tablgh and for increase of your religious knowledge. It isyour duty to ensure their sanctity. Therefore, the pages on which these
are printed should be disposed of in proper Islamic manner.
Acknowledgement
We gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Hamdard Foundation
Pakistan in providing a recurring grant to the Pakistan Historical Society
as well as meeting the printing, publication and postal expenses of the
Journal.
We also gratefully acknowledge Higher Education Commissions
financial grant for the Journal.
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J.P.H.S., Vol. LX, No. 2
OBJECTIVES
The Pakistan Historical Society was founded in 1950 to encourage interest
and research in history by providing facilities for exchange of ideas, publication
of monographs, original texts and research papers. It has also been trying to
focus attention on the study of Islam and Muslim people to acquaint the
general reader as well as scholars with their glorious heritage. Its quarterly
journal (First published 1953) is devoted to:
1. History and Civilization of Islam.
2. Culture and Traditions of Muslim Peoples.
3. Study of History and Culture.
4. Muslims in South Asia.
The Society does not assume any responsibility for statements of facts
or opinion made by the contributors.
Correspondence on editorial or other matters may be addressed to the
Editor, Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, Bait al-Hikmah at Madinat al-
Hikmah, Muhammad bin Qasim Avenue, Karachi-74700, Pakistan.
The Pakistan Historical Society does not necessarily agree with all the
statements made or opinions expressed by the Contributors who are themselves
responsible for their views or comments.
For review two copies of the book should be sent.
Articles from this journal are indexed in International Bibliography of
the Social Sciences (IBSS) ProQuest, the Quorum, Barnwell Road,
Cambridge, CB5 8SW, United Kingdom.
For correspondence:
Editor
Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society (Historicus)Bait al-Hikmah, Madinat al-Hikmah
Karachi-74700, Pakistan
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Journal of the
PAKISTAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY
Vol. LX April-June 2012 No. 2
Editor:
Dr. Ansar Zahid Khan
Published with the financial support
of the Hamdard Fo undation Pakistan
on behalf of the Pakistan HistoricalSociety, Karachi, Pakistan.
Telephones:36440184, 36616001-436440035-42 Ext. 337
Telefax: (92-21) 36611755
e-Mail:
[email protected]@hamdardfoundation.org
Websites:
www.hamdardfoundation.org
[Hamdard Foundation Pakistan]www.hamdardlabswaqf.org
[Hamdard Laboratories (Waqf)]
www.hakimsaid.info
[Idara-e-Said]
Articles and photographs in this issuemay not be reproduced unlesspr eviou s permis s ion has be enobtained from the Editor.
Price
Inland Foreign
Annual Rs.520/- US$90/-
Single Copy Rs.135/- US$30/-
Inclusive Airmail Postage
Payments should be in the name
of the Pakistan Historical Society
Printed by MAS Printers,Nazimabad, Karachi-74600, Pakistan.
CONTENTS
* Editorial
* An Analysis of the Council of
Pakistan Newspapers Editors some
Guidelines
Dr. Seemi Naghmana Tahir
Dr. Tauseef Ahmad Khan
Dr. Sajjad Ahmad Paracha
* Impact of fism on Sikhism
Special reference to Bb Fard
Dr. Fatima Hussain
* The Dilemmas of Transition from
Military to civilian Regime the
Making of the 1972 Interim
Constitution of Pakistan
Dr. Syed Jaffar Ahmed
* The Bengal Shipping Company on
the Rangoon-Chittagong Line
(1905-1933)
Dr. Mohammad Mahbubul
Hoque
* Book Reviews
* Review Article
* Current History
Historical Reflections from the
Pakistani Press
5
7
23
39
59
75
85
89
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J.P.H.S., Vol. LX, No. 2Editorial
MADINAT AL-HIKMAHCity of Education, Science and Culture
A renaissance of learning has begun to fulfil the perspective and
prospective demands of the evolving mind-set of youth in Pakistan.
This is the culmination of the lifelong dream of a great humanitarian,
Shaheed Hakim Mohammed Said (1920-1998), President, Hamdard
Foundation Pakistan to build a city of education, science and
culture the Madinat al-Hikmah. The work was initiated and funded
by Hamdard Foundation Pakistan in 1981 in picturesque surroundings
of Bund Murad Khan, 35 kilometres away from Karachi. Today, it
is a beehive of activity, with children and students engaged in
academic, technical and sports activities devoted exclusively to
promote learning and culture and through it help achieve moral andphysical welfare, peace and progress. The Bait al-Hikmah Library,
Hamdard Public School, Hamdard Village School, Scholars House,
Centre for Horticulture and the Hamdard University are the major
institutions found there. The Hamdard Universitys mission is to
provide value-based education to all students in its constituent
institutions. Its prestigious institutions include Hamdard Institute of
Management Sciences (HIMS), Hamdard Institute of Information
Technology (HIIT), Hamdard College of Medicine and Dentistry
(HCM&D), Hamdard Al-Majeed College of Eastern Medicine
(HACEM), Shifa ul-Mulk Memorial Hospital, Hamdard Hospital
Naimat Begum Mother & Child Care Unit (Hamdard UniversityCentre of Excellence), Hamdard Institute of Education and Social
Sciences (HIESS), Dr. Hafiz Mohammad Ilyas Institute of
Pharmacology and Herbal Sciences (HMI-IPHS), Hamdard School
of Law, Faculty of Pharmacy, Faculty of Engineering Sciences and
Technology (FEST) and the Environmental Studies Centre.
More development and institutions are visualised by Hamdard
Foundation Pakistan for the future.
Shaheed Hakim Mohammed Said
19201998
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EDITORIAL
The No. 2 issue of theHistoricuscomprises four research papers,
2 book reviews, a review article and Current History reflecting popular
historical perceptions.
Prof. Dr. Seemi Naghmana Tahirand her colleagues, Dr. Tauseef
Ahmad Khan and Dr. Sajjad Ahmad Paracha (Pakistan) have co-
operated to produce a compact study on an important aspect of current
problems of Pakistani journalism in their article, An Analysis of the
Council of Pakistan Newspaper Editors: Some Guidelines. They have
criticized emergence of non-professional owner editors who often work
against the interests of the journalist in general.
Dr. Fatima Hussain(India) has spotlighted the Impact of fismon Sikhism: (With) Special Reference to Bb Fard (Shakarganj ofPak Patan). It is said that a number of his verses and sayings are found
in the GurGranth ib. The author has tried to trace the impact of
the Qurnic verses also.Dr. Syed Jaffar Ahmed (Pakistan) discusses an importanttransitional phase in the constitutional history of Pakistan in his analytical
article entitled, The Dilemmas of Transition from Military to Civilian
Regime: The Making of the 1972 Interim Constitution of Pakistan by
Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.
From Bangladesh Dr. Mohammad Mahbubul Hoquehas provided
a very good study of the attempts of the people of Bengal (particularly
Chittagong and Dhaka) to participate in the shipping concerns in his
article about The Bengal Shipping Company on the Rangoon-Chittagong
Lines (1905-1933).
This issue also includes two book reviews and one review article.The Current History focuses on the study of History and some
sketches of historical personages.
Editor
Editorial 5
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J.P.H.S., Vol. LX, No. 28
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AN ANALYSIS OF THE COUNCIL OF
PAKISTAN NEWSPAPERS EDITORS
SOME GUIDELINES
DR. SEEMI NAGHMANA TAHIR,*
DR. TAUSEEF AHMAD KHAN,**
DR. SAJJAD AHMAD PARACHA***
The Council of Newspapers Editors (CPNE) is responsible for
editorial standard of the Press but it is being observed that for the last few
years many businessmen have entered into the profession of journalism.
They have not only become the owners but also they themselves are the
editors of their newspapers and by virtue of being editor they have become
the member of not only All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS) but
also members of CPNE. Though the struggle of CPNE for the just cause
of freedom of the Press has been a glorious chapter in the Press history
of Pakistan, but the increasing influence of APNS and a huge presence of
non-professional editors in the field, has impaired the image of CPNE. If
it denies membership to the new entrants, they would not fall under its
umbrella, and continue whatever they like to do. The CPNE would not
have any right to refrain them. In this context this paper suggests that
CPNE should strictly control its pre-requisites for membership and only
persons having sound professional backgrounds should be allowed its
membership. The Press Council should be competent to check the
commitments of the members of CPNE in respect of professional
background and editorial standards.1
The theoretical framework for this paper is based on the paradigmof Media Sociology. The methodology of document study and survey was
employed to collect the relevant data from media professionals.
*Professor, Department of Mass Communication & Dean, Faculty of Arts and
Law, Federal Urdu University, Karachi, Pakistan. e-mail: [email protected]
**Associate Professor, Department of Mass Communication, Federal Urdu
University, Karachi, Pakistan. e-mail: [email protected]
***Assistant Professor, Department of Media Studies, The Islamia University of
Bahawalpur, Pakistan. e-mail: [email protected]
Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors 7
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J.P.H.S., Vol. LX, No. 2
An Overview of Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors
It is commonly believed that the Council of Pakistan Newspapers
Editors (CPNE) was established in 1956, bringing together the leading
newspapers editors of the day onto one single platform to fight for Press
freedom of the Press and before this newspapers editors of the country
were divided.2 However, M.A Zuberi, former Chief Editor, Daily
Business Recorder, claims that it was established in 1958, when the
Pakistan Newspapers Editors Conference and Newspapers Editors Council
of Pakistan merged together.3Those who took the lead in the unity move
were Hameed Nizmi and Fakhr Mtri from the then Newspapers Editors
Conference of Pakistan (NECP) and Altf Hussain and M.A. Zuberifrom the Council of Pakistan Editors (CPE).4 The CPNE received due
recognition from the government and also from the people. In this way
from 1958 onwards, the Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors started
a new struggle; it worked diligently for the formation of a press council
and also for establishing special benches of high courts to hear the
matters related to newspapers. The Council also enforced a code of
conduct and bound its member editors to follow the same.5Prior to this,
the Newspapers Editors Conference of Pakistan was established in 1948
with Altf Hussain of daily Dawn as its organizational head.6 AltafHussain was the man who resisted the later attempts to censor the policy
address of Mr. Jinnah in the very first session of the Constituent Assembly(CA) of the newly formed country* but later he could not stop division
among the editors, on the issue of Public Safety Act. One group was led
by Faiz Ahmad Faiz and Hameed Nizmi and the other had Altf Hussainin a leading role.7During this period the central and provincial governments
in the country continued their attempts to curb the press, so much so that
the government of the state of Bahwalpur banned two local newspapers,the Insfand Satluj.The All Pakistan Newspapers Editors Conference
decided to boycott the publication of the news of the state and the ban
was at last lifted.8 The Newspapers Editors Conference of Pakistan
continued its role to safeguard the newspapers from the governments
attempts to curtail freedom, but on a very important occasion the
*TheDawnwas founded by the Quaid-i-Azam during the movement for achieving
Pakistan. Altf Husain was its second editor. The reference is to the speech of the Quaiddelivered before the Constituent Assembly on 11th August 1947 when he declared that
in Pakistan in course of time, Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would
cease to be Muslims not in the religious sense but in the political sense as citizens of
the State. Some people regarded it as a slip on his part and against the Two Nation
Theory, hence the efforts to distort his words. For a detailed discussion see S. Irtiza
Hussain, Compromise with Conciliation, 1997, Karachi, p. 92 et seq. Ed.
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conference toed the line of establishment in 1949. On publication of anews on Kashmir in the Civil and Military Gazette,one of the oldest
newspapers of the subcontinent, the Editors Conference along with sixteen
daily newspapers of the time joined hands in demanding its closure. The
paper was banned for six months, but could never recover and was
finally closed down in 1963.9
During the 1950s conflict between Min Mumtz Daulatnaand Nawb Iftekhr Mamdot, the government of Punjab enforcedpre-censorship on the dailyNaw-e-WaqtLahore because the newspaper
sided with Nawb Mamdot. This was greatly condemned by the EditorsConference. Later on the declaration ofNaw-e-Waqtwas also cancelledfor violation of pre-censorship. The then acting president of Editors
Conference, Maulana Akhtar Ali Khan, appealed to the government to
restore its declaration.10 Similarly during the premiership of KhawjaNzimuddin, the government made many attempts to silence the newspapereditors, Maulana Akhtar Ali Khan once again condemned the government
for ignoring the stand of All Pakistan Newspapers Editors Conference
on the issue.11
In 1954, the Central Government established a Press Commission
to oversee the matters related to the press. The Newspapers Editors
Conference decided to participate in the Commissions meetings to
represent the Urdu press on that forum. From 1955 onwards the
government of Pakistan started utilising newsprint as a lever to control
the press in the country.12It is worth remembering that till then country
was not producing newsprint and it had to be imported through permits
issued on the discretion of the government only. Subsequently in the
following year the government decided to reduce the pages of newspapers
to overcome the shortage of newsprint. This attempt was also condemned
by the Newspapers Editors Conference. It demanded the discontinuation
of permit system and urged the government to allow direct import of
newsprint by the newspapers.13
Role of CPNE vis-a-vis Various Regimes in the country
On 7th October 1958, General Ayub Khan enforced Martial Law
in the country and abolished the 1956 constitution. Ayub Khans Martial
Law regime was the most trying period for the newspapers. It introduced
fresh curbs on the press and there began a black era for the press in the
country. Political parties were banned and there was no room left for an
independent press which could criticise the wrong doings of the
government.14In the following months the fast developing political turmoil
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J.P.H.S., Vol. LX, No. 2
paved the way for the merger of both the organizations of newspaperseditors and there emerged the Council of Pakistan Newspapers Editors
(CPNE). The first session of this forum was held in Karachi which was
attended by 50 newspaper editors including those from East Pakistan
(now Bangladesh). The forum unanimously put forward the demand for
abolishing the press laws to Chief Martial Law Administrator, General
Ayub Khan.15The united efforts by the CPNE helped in projecting the
unanimous views of the national newspapers to the government. Every
draconian measure, every law seeking to curb the freedom of the Press
was resisted by the CPNE. The standing committee of the CPNE
expressed its views strongly on all such laws and called for the withdrawal
of curbs on Press freedom. Individual instances of arbitrary executive
action against newspapers for their editorial contents, were also strongly
condemned. The CPNE forced Ayub Khan to have a dialogue with it
and to promise the removal of curbs once the editors established a code
of ethics.16
The non-implementation of the promise made by Ayub Khan showed,
in the later years, that to trust him was a big mistake. The continued
curbs on the Press produced a credibility gap, promoted a false sense of
bliss at official levels, and resulted in the traumatic events leading to the
East Pakistan debacle of 1971. But prior to that the CPNE had also
failed to raise voice against the governments attempt of taking over ofprogressive papers limiteds newspapers like the DailyPakistan Times
Lahore, Daily Imroz Lahore, weekly Lailo-Nahr and weekly Sports
TimesLahore under the Safety Act and Martial Law Regulations. The
editors Mazhar Ali Khan, Ahmad Nadeem Qasmi and Syed Sibte Hassan,
were arrested. The government immediately sacked Syed Sibte Hassan
a leftist, from the job while Ahmad Nadeem Qasmi and Mazhar Ali
Khan resigned. Under the intense pressure from the government the
CPNE kept silent on these acts.17 Encouraged by this, the government
further took control of three more newspapers the DailyMashriqLahore,
DailyMorning NewsKarachi and Dhaka and the DailyDainek Pakistan
Dhaka, and established the National Press Trust, which resulted in causing
great damage to the cause of free press in the country. Although in the
subsequent years the CPNE rejected the Press and Publication
Ordinance (PPO) 1963, not only this it also resisted other press curbs
and arrests of editors during Ayub regime. However, its president, AltfHussain, joined Ayubs cabinet as a minister. During Yahya Khans
Martial Law (1970) the CPNE again failed to raise voice against the
arbitrary attempts of the government against the press including
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enforcement of censorship prior to begin operation in East Pakistan andalso when a number of journalists were sentenced by the military courts.18
Under Z.A. Bhutto regime the CPNE continued its struggle for its
just cause of Press freedom. The Bhutto government, contrary to its
earlier claims for a free press in the country, left no opportunity to harass
press in the country. Events like the arrest of Altf Gohar, editor in chiefof the Dawn group, under martial law regulation and punitive actions
against three magazines from the Punjab including Urdu Digest, Zindag
and Punjab Punch were the highlights of Bhutto eras press control.
Retaliatory actions against publications like DailiesJasrat, Hurriyat
andMehrnwere reflective of the Bhutto governments attitude towards
press, which were vocally confronted by the CPNE.19
To sum it up CPNE played a significant role in tackling all sorts of
limitations enforced on the press by the Bhutto government. Banning of
newspapers, curtailing government advertisements and news print quota
and above all the continuation of black laws like thePress and Publication
Ordinance 1963 were the daunting tasks faced by the CPNE. The
editors forum went all out to get its demands accepted by Mr. Bhutto
to restore press freedom in the country, and there were fair chances that
thePress and Publication Ordinancemight come to an end but General
Ziaul Haq toppled Bhutto government down on 5th July 1977. Contrary
to its role during Bhutto regime, the CPNE again kept silent when ZiaulHaq banned newspapers, arrested editors, and subjected journalists to
severe punishments from summary military courts including flogging of
three journalists.20Not only this but in 1984 at one point, the then president
of CPNE and APNS and the editor of Daily Naw-e-WaqtMr. Majeed
Nizmi demanded the promulgation of martial law ordinance to discourage
the competition among the newspapers for circulation figures. In a
statement he termed the competition as unhealthy for the profession and
that he was ready to welcome a martial law regulation in this connection.
This was a unique example in the history of press when professional
bodys head was urging the government to stop competition among
newspapers only because his own newspaper was lagging behind in
circulation with the other papers of that time.21
In the early years of Zia Martial Law, the CPNE adopted
a low profile, however, the body, succeeded in organising a three-day
Quaid-i-Azam Press Convention on 8-10 May 1983 at Karachi to review
the situation of Press freedom. On the day of the convention at the
initiative of Muhammad Salhuddin, all the editors gathered at the tomb
of the Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of the nation, and pledged to
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uphold the ideological basis of Pakistan and adhere to the Press Code ofEthics, finalised in 1981 by the CPNE.22
The convention set the pace for the growing demand for press
freedom which reached a crescendo in 1988 and General Zia agreed to
discuss the issue in a joint committee constituted for this purpose. However,
Zia-ul-Haq died on August 17, 1988 in a plane-crash near Bahwalpur.Senate Chairman Ghulm Ishq Khn, who according to constitutionbecame the acting President, promulgated theRegistration of Printing
Press and Publication Ordinance (RPP&PO), 1988. This was not an
ideal law for the Press but the CPNE accepted it to get rid of the
accursed PPO of 1963.23
Benazir Bhutto, who came to power as a result of 1988 general
elections, announced her readiness to review the RPPO for which a
whole exercise was conducted with the consultation of CPNE, APNS
and the working journalists. This development also came to naught when
Benazir Government was dismissed by President Ghulam Ishaq Khan on
August 6, 1990. The government of Min Nawz Sharf also promisedimprovements in RPPO in keeping with the demands of the CPNE and
other Press bodies. The CPNE also submitted a draft legislation called
the freedom of information (Protection) Bill for adoption by the National
Assembly.
In April 1993 a division developed in the ranks of the editors, andthe NECP (Newspapers Editors Council of Pakistan) was formed by the
editors who left the CPNE for reasons of differences on granting
membership to new publications. Prominent among those who left the
CPNE were Majeed Nizmi, M.A. Zuberi, rif Nizmi, Fash Iqbl, ZiShhid, Masood Shorish, Adeeb Jvedni, Sharf Frooq, and Zhid Malik.24
Between April 1993 to September, 1996 there remained two separate
bodies of newspapers editors. However, in this period also the two
bodies did not deviate from the principled stand of defending Press
freedom.
The joint struggle of CPNE, NECP and All Pakistan Newspapers
Society (APNS) against the ban, the PPP led Sindh government imposedon six Karachi evening newspapers in 1995, set the ball rolling for fresh
unity moves. Then in the budget of 1996 new taxes were imposed on
newspapers. Due to all these measures editors decided to bring unity in
their ranks, so the NECP merged in CPNE in October 1996. As per
merger agreement the standing committee of the enlarged CPNE
comprises the standing committees of the merged bodies and had a
strength of some 35 members.
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An important aspect of the CPNEs working is also its condemnationof violence and sectarianism in the country. In that framework it has also
condemned the elements responsible for the arson attack on newspapers
and murderous attacks on pressmen and editors. It has strongly denounced
the failure of law enforcing agencies to apprehend the culprits responsible
for attacks on newspapers and pressmen. It has also called upon all theelected representatives, regardless of their party affiliations, to declare
their commitment to Press freedom.25
Overall the CPNE as a professional body of newspaper editors has
done what it could in the past more than four decades of its working as
the representative organisation of newspaper editors of the country. The
fact that it should have done better is conceded by almost all its members.Let us hope that in the days ahead it would do better. Here we must
remember that newspapers mirror society in its true form and face. But
as a mirror the newspapers cannot become a hall of mirrors to wrongly
enlarge the figures of small men, reaching high position by manipulation
and intrigue and not by the process of ballot. This is the reason for
demagogue and why every sycophant always have a grouse against the
editors community and the CPNE. But that has not deterred the CPNE
in its just stand on Press freedom in Pakistan.26 But there is a strong
perception about the ineffectiveness of CPNE due to the fact that it is
now dominated by owner editors and thus often fails to take a just stand
as editors body only. According to Saleem Aasmi, former editor of theDailyDawnKarachi, this professional body of editors is now dominated
by owner-editors. For this reason why the Council does not pay any heed
to professional issues and standards and often sides with the agenda of
All Pakistan Newspapers Society of low wages for journalists and non
implementation of the Wage Board which is not eventually the purview
of CPNE. Similar views were expressed by Media Consultant Saeed
Usmni, while commenting on the role of CPNE, as per his opinion theinstitution of editor is dying out in Pakistan. This position has now been
taken over by the non professional people. Only few newspapers in the
country have professional editors; rest are mostly owner-editors.27
The increasing number of owner-editors in the country has raised
many questions regarding the editorial preferences and priorities of the
non professional editors and its impact on the overall standards of
journalism in the country. Consequently their role in representing the
newspaper editors in forums like CPNE is a matter of concern for many
people in the profession. In an attempt to revive the actual role of CPNE
a survey was conducted to know the opinion of media professional
regarding the CPNE.
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J.P.H.S., Vol. LX, No. 2
Survey on Respondents Awareness andPerception Regarding CPNE
To document the respondents awareness and perception regarding
CPNE, a survey research procedure was adopted in which data was
collected through a well designed questionnaire from 355 respondents
working in different organizations of all the four provinces and federal
capital of the country as reporters, subeditors, news editors, chief editors,
district correspondents, editorial, column and feature writers, information
officers and teachers of mass communication.
The respondents perception regarding CPNE is being presented in
the following fashion.
TABLE 1
Perception Regarding Integrity of CPNE (n=355)
Up to some
Fully extent Not at all
Represents editors of all
newspapers and magazines
of the country 18% 44% 38%
Safeguards interests of
editors of all newspapers and
magazines 19% 43% 38%
Satisfaction with struggle for
the press freedom 08% 48% 44%
Role for promotion of
professional values 06% 58% 36%
The figures show that 44% respondents think that CPNE represents
editors of all newspapers and magazines of the country up to some
extent. Substantially less than half of the respondents (43%) feel that
CPNE safeguards the interests of editors of all the newspapers and
magazines up to some extent. Again slightly less than half of the
respondents (48%) express that they are satisfied up to some extent with
CPNE struggle for freedom of the press in Pakistan. Majority of the
respondents (58%) are satisfied up to some extent with the role of
CPNE for the promotion of professional values.
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TABLE 2
Suggestions for Excellence of CPNE (n=355)
Yes No
Educational qualification should be
compulsory for its membership 94% 06%
Professional experience for its membership 95% 05%
Membership should be given to owners
of newspapers 30% 70%
Number of standing committee members
should be increased 72% 28%
Membership should be given on promise
to abide by the code of the press council 79% 21%
Should cooperate with government to
make the press council effective 85% 15%
Editors should have political affiliation 22% 78%
The figures in Table 2 show that the very vast majority of the
respondents agrees with the suggestion that educational qualification (94%)
and professional experience (95%) should be compulsory for the
membership of CPNE. A significant majority of the respondents (70%)
agrees with the proposal that CPNE membership should not be given to
newspaper owners. More respondents (72%) also agree with the proposal
that to ensure the representation of the editors of all the newspapers and
magazines of the country, the number of standing committee members
be extended. Again a highly significant majority of respondents (79%)
agrees with the proposal that CPNE membership should be given to only
those editors who promise to abide by the code of conduct given by the
Press Council. Similarly, a vast majority of the respondents (85%) is of
the opinion that the CPNE should cooperate with the government to
make the Press Council effective. Again a highly significant majority of
the respondents (78%) further agrees with the suggestion that editors
should have no political affiliation in the interest of professional values.
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J.P.H.S., Vol. LX, No. 2
Fig. 1
Perception regarding minimum educational qualification compulsory for
membership of CPNE (n=335)
Figure 1 manifests a majority of the respondents (59%)
opinion that level of educational qualification for membership
of CPNE should be a Masters degree.
Fig. 2
Perception regarding professional experience compulsory for
membership of CPNE (n=336)
Figure 2 indicates a simple majority of the respondents (51%)
opinion that five years professional experience should be
compulsory for membership of the CPNE.
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Fig. 4Perception for not nominating CPNE members in the
Press Council (n=355)
Figure 4 reflects highly split perception of the respondents. Twenty seven percent ofthe respondents blame that due to the hurdle of the APNS, the CPNE is not nominatingits members for the Press Council. Almost the same ratio (26%) feels that the CPNEis against the representation of working journalists in the Press Council, whereas 24%respondents are of the view that the CPNE does not recognize any Press Council.Similarly, 21% say that the CPNE does not recognize the Press Council constitutedby the Musharaf government.
Fig. 5
Perception regarding political affiliation of Editors (n=83)
Figure 5 displays again a split perception of the respondents. Substantially less than
half of the respondents (43%) feel that political affiliation of editors does not affect
professionalism, whereas 41% opine that politics being part of the society is unavoidable.
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Conclusion
To conclude this discussion it is suggested that newspapers should
try to reflect a high degree of objectivity in news presentation, avoiding
sensational approach, and adhere to it in day to day in handling of the
content received from multiple resources to maintain their credibility, so
that the readers may get at the truth for the money they spend on buying
newspapers. The worlds great newspapers became great because they
earned public acceptance. It is imperative that newspapers make greater
efforts in this respect. There is no magic formula but everyone the
government, judiciary, the journalists, the social scientists, the academicians,
the reformists, and the religious scholars will have to contribute in this
process. Here and there the public in general may decide wrongly, but
in the long run it will learn and correct itself. Only thus will its own
judgement be matured and only thus can it ever be. This is the lesson
of history.
Future Agenda
Further research on the following areas would contribute to improve
the standard and working of media and would make it more effective
and transparent. This may be conducted by the students of journalismand mass communication, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Press
Council, media organizations and national and international NGOs working
for the promotion of media.
1. What sort of the business and other interests of the owners affect
the contents of newspapers.
2. The working condition, i.e., salaries, atmosphere of the offices,
behaviour of the newspapers owners with their employees may
affect the performance of the journalists, so a thorough study would
be helpful to improve the working conditions etc.
3. A research on the aspect as to what type of control is exercised
by the owners on the editors to determine the editorial contents of
newspapers would be very interesting.
4. A series of studies regarding the relationship of advertisement and
its impact on editorial contents would also be a valuable contribution
in the body of knowledge.
5. A series of study regarding the policy of each newspaper
organization that determine the editorial contents in respect of
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important national and international issues would also be an interestingaspect.
6. A series of research on the academic and professional background
of the editors would be very interesting aspect regarding print media.
7. A study as to how to make the CPNE more strong and effective
for improving the standard of newspapers and upholding the just
cause of the press freedom, right to know and access to information,
would also be very useful.
The important fact that emerges out from the whole discussion is that the
print media in the country needs to strengthen the institution of editor ifit wants to survive and compete on the basis of content they publish and
not merely on the basis of money it makes out of it.
Notes and References
1. Paracha, Sajjad, (1999) Pakistans print media policy: a historical Perspective.
An unpublished thesis of M.Phil submitted to Department of the Mass
Communication, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan.
2. Report of the Press Commission, (March 1959), Govt. of Pakistan Press Karachi.
p. 81. 3. Tauseef Ahmad Khan Dr, personal interview of M.A. Zuberi, former Chief
Editor, Daily Business Recorder (2006), in Azdi-e-afat Mein Council of
Pakistan Newspaper Editors k Kirdar, Ek Teqeeq Muli, Published in
Karonjharresearch Journal of Arts and Social Sciences, Department of Sindhi,
Federal Urdu University, Karachi, No 4, June 2011 p. 88.
4. Niazi, Zamir, The Press in Chains, 1986, Karachi: Royal Book Co., p. 117.
5. Mahmudul Aziz, former secretary general CPNE, personal interview (2008),
Tauseef Ahmad Khan, op. cit., p. 81.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid.
8. Daily Imroz Lahore, July 2, 1952.
9. Niazi Zamir, The Fettered Freedom, 2005, Pakistan Study Centre, University ofKarachi, p, 36.
10. Daily Imroz Lahore, April 21, 1951.
11. Ibid., January 21, 1953.
12. Ibid., February 14, 1956.
13. Ibid., March 10th, 1956.
14. Daily Dawn Karachi, October 17th, 1958.
15. M.A Zuberi personal interview. In Tauseef Ahmad Khan Dr. Op. cit., p, 88.
16. Daily Dawn, May 30, 1966.
17. Daily Dawn, Karachi, September 14, 1959.
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18. Minhaj Barna, personal interview of former president PFUJ 2005 in TauseefAhmad Khan, op. cit., p. 112.
19. Abdul Hameed Chapra, personal interview with former president, PFUJ. 2008,
Ibid., p, 113.
20. Mahmud-ul-Aziz, personal interview with former secretary general CPNE, 2008,
ibid.
21. Tauseef, op. cit., p. 106.
22. Naw-e-Waqt, Friday Magazine, April 20, 1984.
23. Dr. Jabbar Khatak, personal interview with former secretary general CPNE,
2008, ibid.
24. Mujeeb-ur-Rehman Shami mentioned in his column Jalsa-e-Aam, The Jang
April 26, 1998.
25. Niazi, Zamir, The Press under Siege. 1992, Karachi: Karachi Press Club, p. 37.26. Business Recorder, August 14, 1997.
27. Saleem Aasmi (2008) Saeed Usmni (2007) personal interviews with former
editor Daily Dawn Karachi and media consultant, Karachi, op. cit., Tauseef
Ahmad Khan, p. 113.
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IMPACT OF FISM ON SIKHISMSPECIAL REFERENCE TO BB FARD
DR. FATIMA HUSSAIN*
The fs during the Sultanate period had acquired great veneration
from the masses due to their being independent preachers of monotheism
and concept of equality, and their services towards the humanity. Their
shrugging off the state patronage and criticism of the state system brought
them closer to the people.
When Muslims came to India from the west, it was Sindh or the
Punjab through which they came. The land of Punjab has a rich cultural
heritage. The Vedas were composed mainly on the banks of five flowing
waters of the ancient Punjab; the Indus valley civilization also flourished
in its soil. In the epic age, this was a land of glorious people broken into
a number of tribal republics which were known for their pride in chivalry
and honour. Here fism flourished to an unprecedented extent. Andhere, was born, probably, chronologically the youngest religion of the
world, Sikhism.
The advent of Islam and fism in the Punjab led to cultural andlinguistic interaction between the two civilizations. The influence on each
other was immense. Persian as well as Arabic vocabulary was imbibed
by the Punjabi language. On the other hand, cultural tenets of Islam also
received fulsome impact of local dialects and culture. The most important
and interesting outcome of the said inter-mixture was on the metaphysical
thoughts and practices. Shaykh Fard al-Dn Ganj-i Shakar (d. 664/1265),popularly known as BbFard played an important role in transforming
the religious, linguistic and cultural ethos of the land. Two centuries later
GurNnak (1469-1538) was born when a new composite culture and
*Associate Professor, Department of History, University of Delhi, New
Delhi, India. e-mail: [email protected]
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vitally transformed language had evolved in the soil. Hence, the impactof the Arabic-Persian culture and Islam, especially through the fs onthe Punjabi language, culture and on the socio-religious ethos of the
Punjab and more so on Sikhism needs no emphasis.
The essence of Islam is the belief in One God. The people of the
land knew Islam through the fs, their verses and their literature.
These had tremendous impact on Sikhism as well. The single great
impact was the introduction of monotheism as the basic philosophy of
Sikhism laid down in the first verse of the Adigranth. The verse is
identical to the first surah of Qurn i.e. Srah al-Ftiah(the openingchapter) which reads as follows:1
Praise be to Allah,
The Cherisher, Sustainer of the worlds,
Most Gracious, Most Merciful.
Similarly,MlamantrainAdigranthpronounces:2
He is the Supreme Being of eternal manifestation;
Creator, Immanent Reality; Without Fear;
Without Rancour, Timeless Form; Increated;
Self Existent; Realised by grace of the Holy Preceptor.
Thus, there are striking similarities between the Srah Ftiahof
the Qurn and Mlmantra of the Adigranth. Both spell out God asAlmighty, the Creator and Sustainer and also seek His Grace for attaining
salvation. Both Islam and Sikhism believed in unity of Supreme Being
i.e. One God. The Qurn spells out;3
Say, He is Allah,
The One and Only,
Allah, the Eternal, Absolute;
He begetteth not, nor He is begotten,
And there is none like unto Him.
Similarly, theAdigranthspells out EK Onkr, Nirguna, Nirankr
Brahm4
Further, the Adigranth spells out5 about the Day of Judgment
as that of Islamic concept of Qiymah.6 Both believe in equality,
reject idol worship and oppose caste system. Both reject ritualism and
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conceive that any prayer without purity of heart has no meaning theQurn reads;7
Ah, woe unto worshippers. Who are heedless of their prayer; Who
would be seen (at worship).
And in another Srah (Nis, IV:142) Allah says:
(Lo! the hypocrites seek to beguile Allah, but it is Allah who beguileth
them). When they stand up to prayer they stand without earnestness,
to be seen of men, but little they hold God in rememberance.
In the same vein Mlamantra in the Adigranth reads;8
Ritual purification, though million fold,
May not purify the mind.
Both the Qurn and theAdigranthlay down that the salvation liesin obeying the commands of God. The Qurn reads;9
And they have been commanded
No more than thisTo worship Allah by offering Him sincere devotionBeing true (in faith) to establish regular prayer
And to practice regular charityAnd this is the Religion Right and Straight.
The Adigranth unfolds;10
How then to become true to the Creator?
How demolish the world of illusion?
Through obedience of His ordinance will.
Elaborating the concept further Gur Arjun Dev* notes:
*Gur Arjun (also Arjan, b. 1581 A.D.) was punished by Jahngr in 1606because he met the rebel prince Khusraw and blessed him putting a saffron qashqah
(sectarian mark on the forehead by the Hindus) on his forehead. It is also reported thathe gave him monetary help also. According to Jahngr he was punished and his familyand residences were confiscated (Tuzuk-i Jahngr, Persian ed. Syud Ahmud (Sir Syed),Ally Gurh, 1864, p. 34). According to another version he was fined Rs. 2 lacs but
refused to pay on the plea that he was a faqr hence his punishment (CambridgeHistory of India, vol. 4, 1937, p. 245). According to one tradition the dwn ChandShh was against the Gur and he was responsible for his punishment. It is also saidthat he was drowned while bathing in the river (1610 A.D.).
He is, generally, reported to have initially collected the sayings of the first four
Contd....
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Whoever by the Masters guidanceUtters the holy Name is liberated.
Notwithstanding this, the source of the basic Sikh philosophy was
not the Orthodox Islam, but the fs and their concepts and way of
practising of Islam, which was universal and often crossed the boundaries
of religion and region. It was through the fs they knew Islam. Theremarkable resemblance of the Qurn andAdigranthcould not merelybe accidental. It could possibly be attributed to GurNnaks interactionwith and learning from the fs. He had evidently visited Pkpattan and
Multan to meet the descendant successor of Shaykh Bah al-Dn Zakariyand BbFard respectively.12GurNnaks interaction with the officialsof Dawlat Khn Lod, a shiqdr at Sulnpur and later governor ofLahore, also might have influenced him. GurNnak had worked underDawlat Khn Lodi at Sulnpur.13
The fstaught the way the religious books were to be respected.
The Qurn was the core book and the guiding force for all their activities.The importance of this singular book in Islam was (is) immense. It is
given the highest regard, and is always kept at a higher place and on a
ral (stand). In Sikhism also, a similar practice is followed. Gur
Granth hibis kept and revered in a similar way, kept on a raland
is considered as the singular most guiding force, as the Qurn is for theMuslims. As stated earlier the opening verses of the Qurn and theGurGranth hibare similar which reveal the greatness of God, Who
is One and Alone, Merciful and All-encompassing and All-embracing.
In Sikh religious history, fism had an important role to play. Thecompilation of the Gur Granth hib is the core event of Punjabi
literary and religious history. The best compilation ofNirguna Bhagat
like Bb Fard and Nmdev are contained in it. Gur Nnak whowas born in14 April, 1469 i.e. 204 years after the death of BbFard had gone to Ajodhan to meet Shaykh Fard Thn, (Sh. Ibrhm)who was in the line of succession of the FardChisht order to collect
hymns of Bb Fard, which were later on incorporated in the Gur
Gurs including GurNnak and joined them with his own bnand compiled the GurGranth ib.For a detailed discussion see Abul Amn Amratsari, GurGranth iband Islam, Urdu, Lahore, 1960. See Also Ll Har Rm Gupt, Sikh Dharam kiPhu lwr, Lahore, 1933.
Shaykh Nim, a Chisht f of Thanesar also met Khusraw. He was alsoordered to be exiled. He went to Hijaz for the pilgrimage and on his return settled down
at Balkh. Shaykh Akhnd Darwzah who successfully opposed Byazd Anr, theRoshniyah pr, was his disciple Ed.
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Granth hibby GurArjun Dev in 1609.15At a later stage, verses orkfs of Shh ussayn of Lahore, a great fshaykh,* inspired theSikh community in their devotion, as his verses have deeper meaning and
lyrical excellence in expressing passionate love for the Creator. Similarly,
Writh Shhs compositon ofHeer Rnjhain 18th century had a definiteinfluence in Punjabi and Sikh classical literature.
The first popular fwho had settled in the Punjab was DtGanjBaksh or Al al-Hujwr. He is considered the pioneer of fism inSouth Asia. All other fswho came to India, sought his permission on
their pilgrimage orziyrat(visit) to his shrine, DtDarbr at Lahore.
He came to Lahore in mid-11th century and wrote the famousKashfal Majb,16which became the bible for fsof various orders. Shaykh
Mun al-Dn Chishtwho is considered the founder of the Chishtorderin India, visited his mazr(tomb) to seek his permission to come to India
and addressed him as DtGanj. Henceforth, people began call to himDt Ganj Baksh lit. bestower or giver of treasures. Shaykh Munal-Dn settled at Ajmer17and his khalfahShaykh Qub al-Dn BakhtiyrKk18 at Delhi. Shaykh Fard Ganj-i Shakr or Bb Fard was the
latters khalfah or spiritual successor who settled at Ajodhan.19
Bb Fard was a great fshaykh who gave importance tohuman values and tolerance. The following verse reflects his concept of
tolerance and non-violence in a simplistic way:
Farde Jo tein mrain Mukkian, tinhn na mrain ghumm
Aa panre ghar jiya, pair tinhn de chumm
O Fard! Do not strike back at those who strike your face withfists you should rather go back home after kissing their feet.
As Bb Fard, the wandering famous f, had tremendousinfluence on Gur Nnak, the founder of Sikh religion, thus, it is no
wonder that he is a highly venerated saint in the Sikh traditions. There
are many verses of BbFard recorded in the Adigranth. In fact, hisverses are well preserved only in the Adigranth. Bb Fard is alsoconsidered the first ever to compose in any of the modern Indo-Aryan
*Shaykh usayn of Lahore (1538-1600) belonged to theMalmatiyah Qdir forder. He wore red apparels, shaved his hairs (head, beard, moustache of eye brows
chr abr). He used to dance on the beat of drum and apparently imbibed wine. Heleft behind four dwns or khalfahs. Two great popular celebrations of Lahore onBasant and Mela Chirghn on his urs, are observed by his followers. Ranjt Singhalso used to pay respects to his tomb on the eve of Basant. See Ghlam Dastgir,
Buzurgn-i Lahore, Urdu, Lahore, 1966, pp. 10-19) Ed.
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languages. He composed his preachings in Lehindi-Punjabi, which wasthen spoken in the Punjab and some parts of Rjasthn. Many considerhim as the father of Punjabi literature and others consider him as the
father of Sindh-Sgr poetry. Sindh-Sgr is meant here to convey the
link language spoken in this part of the country, which was a broader
version of Lehindi-Punjabi. Urdu is also attributed to have emerged out
of this language.Fard bn,which includes twenty-fourshlokas(stanzas
of two verses) and fourshabds(words), is included in the GurGranthhib.
Adigranth contains Bb Fards verses on Dhol (lover or
darling), which is the first symbol of an ideal lover in Lehindi and its
dialects. It reads:
Nath na ain kasumbhre jal jasi, Dhol
(Dhol, dont touch the opium water, lest it spells disaster on you).
This is in the context of Umr, a villains design to intoxicate Dhol,while he was travelling with his wife, so that when Dhol* was out of his
sense, he would abduct his wife. The verse was made out to have been
sung by a drummer-women as a warning. The verse is relevant in
philosophical and religious terms as a symbol of warning to all so that
they may not to be lured by evils or evil designs of others.
BbFard composed both in Persian and Lehindi. His compositionsin Lehindi are pure, unalloyed and undiluted and are away from the
aparbhransha tradition of love-romance and feudal heroism and are
focused on the liberalistic mystical mode in a great measure. His verses
totaling 123 in the GurGranth hib20emphasise good deeds and highthinking. There are about 2000 words contained in theAdigranth,which
pertain to the verses of BbFard, out of which more than 1800 wordsare in chaste Lehindi. Some of the words like Rabor hibuse forGod, which did not belong to Lehindi language, were later incorporated
in the GurGranth hiband now are completely naturalized. Thus, tobegin with such naturalization the GurGranthis called GurGranth
hib .The originality of BbFards verses in Lehindi is pure and well
preserved. Those are in chaste Lehindi with minimum Persian or Arabic
words, which for that matter is common in many compositions. Another
influence of BbFard on Sikhism is his use of word omat the endof verb form such as bhaviom,which was incorporated by GurArjantowards the close of sixteenth century.
*Name of a famous lover Ed.
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During BbFards time and thereafter there were cordial relationsbetween Hindus and Muslims, due to the impact o f his teachings. The
impact of his teachings continued during the Sultanate and the Mughul
period. This is also evident from the fact that Bhi Mardna, a Muslim,
was GurNnaks constant companion during his long journeys. GurNnaks message was like that of the fs in as far as it was meantboth for Hindus and Muslim. Thus in his first utterance in his mission he
said:
There is no Hindu, no Musalmn
Nnak, the true teachers great trust is to unite all.
He further says:
He who looks upon both parties as one
Will alone be able to solve mystery;
He who regards others as heretics;
Will burn (in hell fire)21
Almost in the similar vein, a century earlier, despite Islamic aversion
to idol worship, Amr Khusraw, a disciple of Shaykh Nim al-DnAwliy had said:
Dont look down upon the idol worship of Hindus
Learn from them the way of worship.
BbFard, like his predecessors popularized the concept of deg(big cauldron) and langar(free food/open kitchen) in the Punjab.Deg
means a big food pot,* which was popularly used in the fkhnqhs22
of that time. Bb Fard had his khnqh at Ajodhan, which was
strategically a very important place, as all trade routes passes through
Ajodhan. People of all sections, creed and religion came to his khnqh
or jamat khnah.Both inmates and visitors partook food cooked outof a common deg.Whatever was available was consumed together by
all on the basis of equality. This concept is linked with the concept of
langar i.e. open kitchen.
*At Ajmer on the tomb of Khwjah Mun al-Dn Chisht three huge open degs(cauldrons), nearly a storey high, still exist. According to a tradition they belong to the
Mughul period. On the eve of his urs, rice mixed with gur and nuts is cooked
throughout the night. In the morning they are allowed to be looted. People even dive
into the virtually bubbling hot recipe to get the most of it Ed.
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Thus, the principle of food for all was incorporated in the khlahrank, whereby each from the khlahpanth including the Gurmust eatthe same food. Sharing food and eating together was laid down as a rule.
Like in fkhnqhs, Sikhism outlawed untouchability. Both fism
and Sikhism in their turn thus opposed the dogmatic principles of the
caste system, status based on birth and concept of pollution accruing
due to touch by lower castes.
Bb Fards langar was run from fut, unasked for gifts.Sometimes dire poverty was witnessed. The inmates shared the food and
poverty in equal proportion. In his khnqahthe inmates irrespective of
their status had to pluck pelu and delha from the kareel trees, fetch
water, collect wood from the jungle and thus food without a grain of salt
was prepared.23 Similar traditions are found in Sikhism also. It is
noteworthy that one of Bb Fards khalfahand his son-in-law, Alal-Dn bir or Piran Kaliyar,24 who is the greatest known jall (aweinspiring) f in the subcontinent of South Asia was in charge of thelangar.As he was in charge of it, he performed his duty with religious
devotion and did not eat even a morsel out of it. He had lost weight and
looked sick. BbFard, on enquiry, found that he did not eat out of thelangar,as he was merely asked to look after it. Because of this patience
orabr,BbFard named him as bir.* He preferred him to his ownsons because of his spiritual attainment.
Another khalfahof BbFard was Shaykh Nim al-Dn Awliy(d. 1325) who is considered the most popular fshaykhof his lifetime.Shaykh Rukn al-Dn, the spiritual head of then Suhrawardsilsilah,therival of Chishtsilsilah,addressed him as king of religion.25The conceptof langarwas further popularized and carried forward by him.Langar
was meant to serve food to all, the inhabitants of the khnqhas wellas all the visitors, without any discrimination. The food was cooked in a
deg,which could cook large amounts of food materials and could feed
large number of people at a time. Food was cooked in the deg
intermittently till all were fed. The degof Shaykh Mun al-Dn Chishtat Ajmer is probably the largest deg found in India and is a tourist
attraction. The langar system is still prevalent in many f darghs.In the dargh sharfof Shaykh Qub al-Dn, the spiritual leader of BbFard at Delhi, there is a practice of langar twice a day i.e. at 11 amand 4 pm even today.
The khnqhs were the only places where people of differentshades of opinion, professing different religions and speaking different
*From him the sub-order of br Chisht originated. He lies buried at Kaliyar(U.P. India) Ed.
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languages met. These khnqhs became veritable centers of culturalsynthesis where ideas were fully exchanged and a common medium for
exchange was evolved.26
The Sikh Gurs followed this practice as well. In exemplifyingthe creed of deg Gur Govind Singh introduced twenty-four hourkitchen service at nandpr ib, which was open to all withoutdiscrimination. The concept of degand langar,taken from ftraditions,
in due course, has percolated down to almost all thegurudwras the
world over. In fact, the concepts of langarand degare more popular
and more extensive in Sikhism, though this originated as an Islamic f
tradition.
Al al-Dn bir and Nim al-Dn Awliy had performed theduty of looking after the kitchens in BbFards khnqhbefore theyfounded and became heads of the sub-f orders i.e. biriyah andNimiayah orders of the Chishtsilsilah. In a similar tradition Angad
and Amar Ds performed the same service in their spiritual leadershouse before they were elevated as Gurs. Both khnqah and langarbelonged to a common pattern and their development in Sikh society, as
institution unknown in Hindu society might not have been quite accidental.27
There is also a similarity between Udsi sect in Sikhism and the biriyahsect of Chishtfs, as both believed in seclusion.
The khnqhs of the fshaykhs had spread throughout thelength and breadth of the country by the end of the Sultanate period. By
the time GurNnak was born these were popular institutions, amongthe Muslims as well as Hindus, specially the lower strata of the society.
Similar institutions sprang up among the Sikhs as well. As a result of
GurNnaks travels and activities of successive Gurs, there sprang
up, networks of places of worship calledgurudwras and centres of
Sikh missionary activities known assanga ts.The sangatswere placed
under the charge of a leader known as Bhi-j, the revered brother, whopresided over their congregations and instructed them in their spiritual
religion, and social and moral duties. Thesangatswere on the pattern
of khnqhs.Bhiji is similar to the shaykhof a khnqh.28The termpangat was also popular. The evolution of pangat was a practical
demonstration of the high ideals of thegursand it helped to inculcate,
into the minds of the Sikhs the spirit of the dignity of labour. The same
is in vogue today also, as ingurudwras,people of all classes perform
services to the visitors i.e. not only serving food, but also washing dishes
and polishing shoes, which is remarkable.29This community service also
appears to have been inspired by the practices of fs khnqhswhere
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community service was extremely important, indicative of abolition oftaboos related to touch, smell, interdining etc. which had been stretched
to absurd limits under the agies of Brahmanism. Great fslike Shaykh
Burhn al-Dn Gharb and Shaykh Nir al-Dn Chirgh of Delhi wholead the society in spiritual terms respectively in the south and north after
Shaykh Nim al-Dn Awliy, also performed similar services. Theformer was personally looking after the kitchen of Shaykh Nim al-DnAwliy. Khir Khn, the heir apparent of Suln Alal-Dn Khaljandprince ShdKhn are reported to have served thefaqrswith their own
hands, by washing their hands, serving food,sherbet and betel, when
they commemorated their discipleship of Shaykh Nim al-Dn Awliy.30
Other princes and amrs also joined them in their service towards thefaq rs.
Islam preached social equality, but the aristocratic character of the
ruling class in India, especially after Balban, emphasized clear class
division based on blood (ethnicity). It was fism which comfronted thearistocratic character of the Islamic ruling class and the Hindu verna
system prevalent during the Medieval period. The mosques were open
to all the Muslims and thus, there the concept equality among the believers
prevailed, but in the royal court there was clear class distinction. However,
the fkhnqh not only demolished the feeling of inequality amongthe Muslims only, but also did not extend any special treatment to the
sulns,when they visited them, or rather avoided meeting with them.The khnqh was open to all. All were treated alike. It reflected
brotherhood of humanity. Large number of yogis, and untouchables
flocked to the khnqhs.There are many anecdotes relating to encountersbetween the fsandyogisin which the latter attained higher status ofspirituality due to their interaction with the fs. There are strikingsimilarities of fhagiography andjanam sakhstyle of Sikhism in thisregard.31 Bb Fard learned yoga from yogis and practised ardhamukhogami, the most difficult known yoga i.e. having ones feet tied
on a tree and lettering the person upside down with his eyes peeping
deep into a well for meditation. All were allowed into f faith. Onecould retain ones religion and still be a believer of the f. A low castecould become an important disciple. Similar practices are seen in Sikhism
as well. GurNnak opposed caste system and so did subsequent Gurs.Thus in 1969, Bhi Jatia, a low caste was administered the oath of thecreed and renamed Jwan Singh.
The fs were probably the first ones to preach the concept of
equality during medieval period, which was followed by the Bhaktsaintsand taken to its highest manifestation by Sikhism. The concept manifested
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clearly in the concept of deg and langar system of fism and wascarried forward by Sikhism. The following prayer of Sikhs, even today,
reflects the concept of equality and service towards humanity in its
correct perspective:
Those who shared their food (with others)
Applied the sword,
Ran the free food service
Consider their great work
And please, Khlah, utter Whe Gur
The egalitarian ethos of fism was adopted by the Bhakt saintsand further developed by the Sikh faith. The concept of zakt is
popular among Muslims from its very inception. This concept was in a
form was used in giving fut to the fs for running of the langar.
The amount fixed for this was of certain percent of the income of a
person. The Sikh tradition of daswnor parting ten percent of income
towards community welfare including langaris akin to this.* A linkage
between the two thus appears logical even if borrowing of the concept
is not indicated by authentic sources. The emergence of similar concepts
in two different religions, however, could not be accidental.
The architecture ofgurudwrs is close to the architecture of themosques and fkhnqhs.Both are influenced by Persian architecture,
in which the dome is roundish and the structures have rounded pillars.
There are also notable similarities in the etiquettes of visitation to f
khnqhs, mosques and gurudwrs. While in the former there wereprovisions for wu or ablutions,32 which comprises washing of face,
hands and feet etc., in the latter also there is provision of water for
washing of hands and feet. This is typically mandatory for the followers
or visitors there. Further, covering the head in the vicinity is also a
convention. Covering the head with a handkerchief is thus a common
practice at f darghs and gurudwrs.
The fpractisedsam. Samliterally means hearing of music.The fs organized sam with a view to inducing ecstasy (wajd).
*Zakt (help for the poor) first is given to ones poor family members then tothe neighbours and others. It is mandatory for all Muslims @ 2.5 % on the savings
after the end of an years time. Among the Ism l Muslims it is called dassondh or10%. An Islamic government has the right to collect it on the apparent assets of a
person. Believers are expected to give it on the unseen hidden wealth on their own.
During the British period when the Government did not collect it, the Muslims, in
general, continued to pay Zakt on their own individual basis Ed.
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Al-Ghazlsaid: For him whose heart is with the love of God,samismomentous (muhim), because the fire (of love) is increased by it.33
Later it took the form of qawwl(chorus singing).Bakhtmovement,which was inspired by the fmovement also followed suit and resorted
to krtan, which was also sung in such a way as to attain ecstasy. In
Sikhism also a similar practice was followed. In thegurudwrsa band
of musicians were employed who were called rabbs. The rabbs
who were Muslims, were the principal singers at Darbr ib, at Amritsarand other gurudwrs till the days of partition. There are some verses
attributed to Mardadana, which is symbolic of broad vision of Sikh religion
which was influenced by fswho accepted in their fold both Hindus
and Muslims. These rabbswere Muslims who sang on the pattern of
qawwls.However they used rabb,a musical instrument, then known
in Central Asia, and later came to be known in North-West part of the
sub-continent. amd Qalandar has made a mention of this instrument inhis work, theKhair a l-Majlis,while discussing the concept ofsam.
It seems that the rabbswere in fact qawwls and used to participate
in sam. Gur Nnak was born much later. The services of rabbs
were obtained subsequently.
The ftradition, mentioned in thefhagiography, further havebeen ext ensively been used inJa nam Skh s, which narrate Sikh
traditions. W.H. Mcleod has dealt this aspect extensively in his work theConstituent of the Janam Skhs.TheJanam Skhscompilers appear
to have followed the pattern as well as anecdotes of f hagiography.
GurNnak is referred to as BbNnak in the pattern of referenceto Bb Fard Gur Nnak is attributed to have visited Makkah andother places in the same pattern as the ajjpilgrimage of fshaykhs
narrated in the f hagiographical works. A parallel can be drawnbetween the f hagiography of the tadhkirah malft literature and
Janam Skhs. Janam Skhs are loosely described as biographies of
GurNnak, many of which are considered spurious, but their importanceless in the insight they give us about the popular perceptions regarding
GurNnak and his new faith W.H. Mcleod has highlighted the characterofJanam Skhs.Thefhagiography mentions about miracles including
miraculous locomotion, levitation and instantaneous transportation
(air-i-Safar)* by closing of eyes. The story of moving mosque of
Kabah illustrates this variety of locomotion.34 Similarly Bhi Gurds
*Ilm-i Smy is one of the esoteric knowledges acquired by the fs fortransmigration of soul while ilm-i-Rmy means physical transportation to any placein an instant Ed.
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provides an example of levitation in his account of BbNnak as heascended into the air during his visit to Baghdad. air-i-Safar is also
used inJanam Skhsat occasions and there is mention of GurNnaks
travel of hundred of miles instantaneously. The explanation to this miracle
is also found in f hagiography. BbFard is said to have travelledin this way.
The fimpact on Sikhism is also apparent, as GurNnak is saidto have encountered various fs, most of whom were dead long ago.
The encounter with BbFard is prominent whereby theJanam Skhs,
describes BbFard maintaining a rigorous ascetic discipline by carryinga wooden loaf (chaptt).35 Nnak is said to have encountered Ruknal-Dn, Sharaf al-Dn and Bah al-Dn Zakariy, all of whom had longpredeceased the birth of Nnak.36 Their names appear in the puratanJanam Skhs. Bhi Gur Ds and Miharbn Janam-Skh bothdescribe encounters with Abd al-Qdir Jln, the founder of Qdiryah
order of fs. Santokh Singh refers to Shams al-Dn Tabrz, preceptorof Rm.37 Janam Skh also mentions about BbRatan j, who issaid to have met the Prophet () and lived for 700 years and is buried
at Tabir Hind, the modern day Bhatinda.38
The concept of upholding of justice is also clearly seen in thef
tradition. It is said that once, Shaykh Qub al-Dn brought alive a man
who was executed by the Suln.39
The fshaykh considered manyof the acts of rulers oppressive and often rejected gifts from thesulns40
as they were from unlawful or non-Sharah sources. Pr BudhdhShhof Sadhaura, a f, fought a battle in support of GurGovind Singhalong with his four sons and five hundred Muslims followers against the
Mughuls, which also reflects their principle of upholding justice. This
singular example shows that Islam cannot be construed as a faith of
aggressor, for Islam means peace and peace cannot be achieved in an
unjust way. Similarly, Sher Muammad Khn, the Nawb of Mler Kotlahhad protested against the execution of Gur Govind Singhs children.The philosophy of the Khlah Panth was also similar. Thus, while Gur
Govind Singh was fighting his war against the Mughuls, he believed in
the oneness of mankind, as they are the children of one God. Thus
fism and Sikhism covered and crossed rigid religious boundaries. Thiswas probably why arat Min Mr (1550-1635) the renowned fsaint of Qdiriyahsilsilah41was invited to lay the foundation stone of thesupreme Sikh Shrine, Shri Harmandar ib, popularly known as Darbrib or Golden temple at Amritsar in 1604. GurGranth ib also
includes hymns of 36 others fs and prs.
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The influence of Islam on Sikhism, especially through the fsandmore so by Bb Fard is well known. Gur Nnak lived during the
closing years of the Sultanate and the dawn of the Mughul period. The
religion of the rulers is difficult to be ignored, when it has so much to do
with every day life. Not only was it a religion of the ruling class, but also
a religion of the greatest ascetics of the time. These ascetics or fs
not only led a simple life and engaged themselves in the service of the
humanity, but also had the courage to ignore royal overtures and in turn
identified themselves with the masses and their problems. Their simple
living and simple preaching had made a mark for themselves. Thus
imbibing the verses of the
fs and of their religion added strength tothe new faith and was considered by the populace as an extension of the
liberal faith of the fs, until it emerged as a distinct faith at a later
stage, probably due to political upheavals.
Notes and References
1. Srah Ftihah, al-Qurn Srah-I. Yusuf Ali, the Holy Qurn, Eng. Tr., with
text, translation and commentary, Qatar edition. 2. Sri Gur Granth ib, vol. 1, English Tr, Guru Bachan Singh Tlib, Punjabi
University, Patiala, 1988. p. 1.
3. Srah Ikhl, Al-Qurn, Srah-CXII.
4. Sri Gur Granth ib, vol. I, English tr, 1988, Introduction, p. xxvii.
5. Adigranth, pp. 341, 1035-56.
6. Srah Wqiah,al-Qurn, Srah-LVI.
7. Srah Man, al-Qurn, Srah-CVII: 4-6, Srah al-Nisa, IV:142.
8. Sri Gur Granth ib, vol. I English tr, p. 1.
9. Srah Bayyinah, al-Qurn, Srah-XCVIII, p. 1768.
10. Sri Gur Granth ib, vol. I, English tr., p. 1.
11. Suhi, Guru Arjun Dev, 50, p. 747.
12. G.S. Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab, Cambridge University Prss, reprint, 1999,p. 8.
13. Ibid., p. 6.
14. Ibid., p. 6.
15. Gurucharan Singh, Impact of Baba Farid on Punjab, International Seminar-
March, pp. 11-13 and 1991 on fism: History and Philosophy.
16. The earliest known f treatise written in the subcontinent.
17. Amr Khurd, Siyar al-Awliy, Lahore, re-print 1978, pp. 27 and 35.
18. Ibid., p. 55.
19. Ibid., pp. 67-68.
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20. Sri GurGranth ib, vol. I, Intoduction, p. xxviii.21. Raga Majha.
22. f convents; place of dwelling of the fs and their followers.
23. Amr asan Sijz,Fawid al-Fud,p. 74; Amir Khurd, Siyar-al-Awliy,Lahore
reprint 1978, pp. 86, 209 etc.
24. Amr Khurd, Siyar al-Awliy, pp. 203-206.
25. Ibid., p. 139.
26. K.A. Nizami, Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin, p. 105.
27. Gurucharan Singh, Impact of Baba Farid on Punjab, p. 13.
28. Darshan Singh, Sikh Religion, Democratic ideals and Institutions, Oriented
Publishers, New Delhi, 1979, p. 58.
29. Ibid., p. 150.
30. Qiwm al-Aqid, as reproduced in Qande Frsi, May, 1994, p. 79; also of.Fatima Hussains, The Chishtis during the Delhi Sultanate; A Balance between
Ideal and practice, Ph.D thesis, 2002, pp. 155-56.
31. W.H. Mcleod, Early Sikh Tradition,Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1980, pp. 70-71.
32. Barani, Trkh-i Frz Shh, p. 344.
33. Al-G hazli, Kimiy-i-Sadat, p. 370.
34. Janam Skh,B.40, F.154b.
35. B.G. 1:44 GNSR, pp. 35, 142 etc.
36. Janam Skh,B.40.
37. Janam Skh, B.40, (Eng) p. 50n.
38. Asrr al Taawwuf, Lahore, 1925, pp. 10-11 of Fatima Hussain, The Chishtis
during the Delhi Sultanate; A Balance between ideal and Practice, Ph.D thesis,
2002, JNU.
39. Amr Khurd, Siyar-al-Awliy, p. 89.40. Amr Khurd, Siyar al-Awliy,pp. 63, 204, 294 etc., Trkh-i Frz Shh,p. 344.
41. Founded by Abd al-Qdir Jln.
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THE DILEMMAS OF TRANSITION FROM
MILITARY TO CIVILIAN REGIME
THE MAKING OF THE
1972 INTERIM CONSTITUTION OF PAKISTAN
DR. SYED JAFFAR AHMED*
In its history of over six decades Pakistan has experienced four
military rules, the total period of which exceeds more than half of the
history of the country since independence. In each case the transition from
military to the civilian regime involved numerous political and legal
problems. But the transition in 1971-1972 proved quite unique in the
sense that it was required to be done solely by a civilian regime which was
put in office while the country was still under Martial Law. In December1971, following the dismemberment of the country, the military regime
handed over power and also martial law, to a civilian, Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto. How his Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and other political parties
managed to get rid of the martial law through the promulgation of an
Interim Constitution, is studied here. The paper looks into the political
dynamics of the transformation and also into the respective, and often,
contradictory interests of the political parties involved.
Introduction
Four months after the separation of East Pakistan on 16 December
1971, the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan adopted, on 17 April 1972,an Interim Constitution which paved the way not only for the removal of
martial law, imposed on 25 March 1969, but also for the countrys
onward journey towards the realization of a permanent constitution. Passed
on 10 April 1973, and promulgated on 14 August of the same year, the
permanent constitu tion ushered in an elected civilian rule which,
*Professor & Director, Pakistan Study Centre, University of Karachi, Karachi,
Pakistan. e-mail: [email protected]
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unfortunately, could not survive beyond a four-year period and wasreplaced by another military rule, imposed on 5 July 1977.
The Interim Constitution remained in force for sixteen months, that
is, from 21 April 1972 to 14 August 1973. Though it had transformed the
martial law regime into a civilian and constitutional dispensation, the
Interim Constitution was the outcome of difficult parleys and bargaining
between the contending political forces, the sitting government of the
Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), on the one side, and the National Awami
Party (NAP) and Jamiat-ul-Ulama-e-Islam (JUI), two major opposition
parties, on the other. It also sought to respond to these forces diverse
interests some of which have been referred to in this paper. For example,
contrary to the generally held view, the paper argues that Bhutto did not
want to deprive his opponent, Abdul Wali Khans NAP or its ally, JUI,
a political role. Instead, he facilitated and accepted their role at provincial
level so as to marginalize them. Not only this, the Interim Constitution
also carried anomalies and contradictions which enhanced the tussle
between the contending sides, and also widened the rift between the
centre and the two provinces of Balochistan and North West Frontier
(NWFP, present Khyber Pukhtunkhwah-KP). This paper attempts to
look into the background in which the Interim Constitution was made; it
also endeavours to analyze the political crisis which existed at that time.
The constitutional provisions have also been looked into, for, these carriedanomalies and contradictions which could only enhance political polarization.
The period after the adoption of the permanent constitution in August
1973 was not characteristically different from the period immediately
before it, and the political crisis continued unabated in the subsequent
months and years. One may find some of its roots embedded in the
tensions created by the Interim Constitution and the manner in which it
was made and implemented.
Background
Following the country-wide mass protest movement against his
authoritarian rule, Field Martial Ayub Khans fall accompanied the take-
over of power by Pakistans second military ruler General Mohammad
Yahya Khan. While stepping down and handing over power to his
successor, Ayub abrogated the 1962 Constitution made by none else but
him. Yahya promised the nation that as soon as the political turmoil in
the country was controlled he would hold elections for a new Constituent
Assembly which would draft a new constitution, after the adoption of
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which the martial law would be removed. On 28 November 1969, Yahyaannounced the time table for the restoration of democracy. On 30 March
1970, Yahya Khan issued a Legal Framework Order (LFO) which spelt
out the details of the structure and composition of the national and
provincial legislatures. It laid down that the Constituent Assembly would
frame the constitution within 120 days from the commencement day.
Once the constitution was made and accented to by the President, the
Constituent Assembly would change into a legislature. The elections to
the provincial assemblies were to take place along with the Constituent/
National Assembly elections. The seats to the central legislature were
allotted according to the principle of population deviating from Pakistans
previous two constitutions of 1956 and 1962, which had created an
artificial parity between eastern and western wings of the country,
overlooking the numerical majority of East Pakistan. According to the
LFO, East Pakistan was given 162 general seats in an assembly of 300,
while the rest of the four provinces, all in the western wing, had 138
seats altogether. One major flaw in the LFO was its silence over how
the constitution would be approved in the Constituent Assembly.
In July 1970, he also restored the old provinces of the Punjab,
Sindh, and NWFP in the western wing of the country. Balochistan was
made a province for the first time at this stage. The elections to the
National Assembly were held on 7 December 1970 and to the provincialassemblies on 17 December. The pro-provincial autonomy Awami League
led by Shaikh Mujibur Rehman swept the board in East Pakistan by
winning 160 seats. Pakistan Peoples Party emerged as the majority party
in the western wing where it secured its victory mostly in the Punjab and
Sindh, with overall 81 seats in the Assembly.1In the provincial assemblies,
Awami League won all of the 288 seats in East Pakistan while Punjab
and Sindh went to the PPP, which secured 113 out of 180 seats in the
Punjab and 28 out of 60 seats in the Sindh Assembly. The National
Awami Party and Jamiat-ul Ulama-e-Islam, both could not do well in the
National Assembly but did get sufficient seats in the two provinces. In
Balochistan, as well as in NWFP, they could attain simple majority with
the support of a couple of other members.2
The post-election developments resulted in a severe crisis. As
Awami League enjoyed overall majority in the National Assembly, and
since the LFO did not lay down the detail about voting on the constitution,
it was likely that the majority party could, through a resolution, get it
passed, and that the constitution would be adopted by simple majority
which the party commanded. PPPs position was that a federal constitution
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should not be adopted by the votes of only one of the five federatingunits. PPPs leader, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, also asked for waiving the
clause of 120 days limit for constitution-making so that the assembly
could dilate on constitutional matters in detail. The divergent positions of
the two major parties as well as the military regimes inability to manage
the differences precipitated a crisis which led Awami League to announce
civil disobedience movement. On the night between 25 and 26 March
1971, Yahya Khan launched military operation in East Pakistan and
arrested Mujib who was brought to West Pakistan to face a trial of
sedition. Following the military crackdown Awami League and certain
Bengali officers of Pakistan Army declared independence of Bangladesh.
Most of the leaders of Awami League including a number of MNAs and
MPAs crossed the border to take refuge in India where they declared
an independent Bangladesh government-in-exile. From March till the end
of November 1971, East Pakistan remained subjected to military operation
on the one hand, and clashes between Pakistani security forces and
Mukt Bhin, the Bangladeshi liberation army, on the other. In the
beginning of December war broke out between Pakistan and India as
India backedMuktBhin.The war ended in the surrender of Pakistan
armed forces on 16 December 1971 in Dhaka. Four days later under
popular pressure and dissent within the army, Yahya Khan and his close
associates in the military relinquished power and handed it over to PPPsZulfiqar Ali Bhutto on 20 December.
In his very first broadcast, Bhutto spoke about the creation of a
new Pakistan and a new era of reconciliation and consensus among
political forces. A few days before the breaking of the war, NAP was
banned by Yahya Khan on 26 November 1971.3 Bhutto removed this
ban. The leader of NAP, Wali Khan also promised to work for the
restoration of democracy. As Bhutto had inherited the system governed
by Yahya Khan, and as LFO was still intact, he served as the President
and Chief Martial Law Administrator both. Even Wali Khan had not
much objection in the beginning on Bhuttos serving as the martial law
administrator. He justified it on the ground that there was no constitution
in the country, therefore, even elected representatives were forced to
continue martial law.4But soon differences emerged between PPP and
NAP. On assuming power Bhutto had appointed governors in four
provinces. He chose all the four from his own party. This became
contentious as the NAP leadership thought that in the provinces of
Balochistan and NWFP, the office of governorship should be given to it
as along with JUI it had mustered majority. NAP was also of the view
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that representative ministries should be established in the provinces.Mufti Mahmood, Secretary General of JUI, thought that the establishment
of ministries would resolve the issue of governorship also.5The problem
in taking this course was that the LFO had laid down that the provincial
assemblies would meet after the constitution was adopted. In the absence
of the constitution, the session of the provincial assemblies could at best
determine