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SELLING STRATEGIES ANDSOCIAL RELATIONS AMONGMOBILE MAYA HANDICRAFTSVENDORSWalter E. Little

ABSTRACTMobile retailers (peddlers) liz(/( sell handicrafts to !O!lris/s i/rt' commolllyfound in man.\' tourism locations throUgJlOUl the world. In this article, Idiscuss the vending practices and social relatiolls of primarily femafeambulantes (mobile Maya iWlldicrajls vendors) within economic and polif-ica/ contexts of Antigua, Guatemala. I argue that continlled participationin the tOllrism market i5 not so/ely dependent al l sales, hilt on the socialrelations that ambulantes maintain with each other and on the politicalcontexts in which they sen Finally, I contend, aside from the chanceto make a significant amount of money, the social networks and socialrelmions practiced by female amhulantes can have a positive effect ontheir fives.

Social Dimensions in the Economic P r o c e s ~ , Volume 21, pages 61-95.Copyright () 2002 by EI!.evier Science Ltd.All rights of reproduclion in any form reserved.ISDN: 0-7623-08990

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\VALTER E. UTfLE

INTRODUCTIOlIiPeddling merch:mdise on thc- streets and in the Ccntral Plaza of Antigua,Cuatem'lla, the oldest. and according to most types of vendors. the m o ~ t traditional \'vay that t[{licu (h;md-woven textiles) is suld to tourists (Lillie, 20(1).For jnuri,;ts. ::.tudents of Spanish, husinesl> persons, and a l l t h r o p o l o g i ~ t s visitingAntigua -- a popular international tourism destmation hecause of its Spanishcolonicll-period architecture - the colorfully dressed, merchandise-laden Mayavendors who wander through Antigua's cobhlestone streets a-r-e common sights.While peddling is mentioned in anthropological (e.g. Annis, 1987; Hendrickson,I()C):'i) [llld touristic (Brosnahan, 1994; Idell, 194(); Jenness & Kroeber, 1975;Knopf Guides, 19(5) description) Ihat rder to Antigua. ethnographic researchon mohilt: h a n d i c r a t t ~ vendors there lacking,'

Asidc from filling in this ethnographic gap, this article is primarily concernedwith the str[ltcgics that mobile w11dors use to stay in business within anc.xtremcJy competitive economic and hostile political context. J\inhile handicrafts vendors in Antigua present a problem for two theoretical pn.:mises ineconomic anthropology. F i r ~ t , they contradict theories that vendors are mohilebecause of low huyer density in reliltion to sellers (nutlined in Plattner, 1989a),and second, they show that while good social relations (a fa Mintz, 1961, 1971)among v e n d o r ~ , middle p e r ~ o l l s , p r o d u c e r ~ and consumers translates into goodeconomic practices, these social relations are also emhedded in, and relaLed tospecific political contexts that effect thnse cconomic practices. T h i ~ is preciselyone of the points that Stoller ( 19(6) makes, but his emphasis is on u n d e r ~ t a n d i n g the politlCS of transnationalisrn in local contexts_ By contrast, 1 aim to showhow thl: transnational context of tourism shapes the dialectic of economic andpolitical practices.

Over the la,,( dc-calk, urban street vending has grown throughout tlle world,especially in llllderdevelopcd regions of Africa, Asia, and Latin Amelica. Highlyvi"ihle, qrect vendors in Latin America and elsewhere are often perceived hyg o v e r n l l l e n l ~ and fixed firm hllsines_,es as disrupting the city by blocking streets,~ p r c a d i l l g di'icasc. attacking autllOrities, and taking sale.) from legitimate (taxpayingl retailers (Hromtcy, ~ O O O ~ Dannhaeuser, 1989; McGee & Yeung, I ()77;Stuller, 1\)96). Bauer (1963), Cross i1000. 1998), Cutsinger (200m, and Timothyand Wall (1997) argue that street venJillg is a positive economic and sociopolitical ,kveinpment in c o u n t r i e ~ beleaguered by hi!-,h unemployment andind"lcetivc hUre

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"V ALTER L UTTLEinrurmal lTl.:chanislTls.' For mohile \'1aya handicrafts vendors, however, thedistinction hetweell informal and formal economy generally inelevant andlargely meaningless to them as they reprodlH.:e their social lives and provideCor tbr..:ir livelihood.

They ;U\?-, though, vulncrahle to the whims of local political administratiomand polkc lon.:cs. For example, the Guatern3lan city of Panajachel allowsamhulatory vending, but vendors must pay for a stamp ($0.15) ( l U.S. dollarL;qual." (l Quetzales), wtlich gives Ih':lll the right to sell that day. In Antigua,by c o n t l " i l ~ t , [he city lIIunicipality does not oftici

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;,VAL rER E. UTILE(hesc are \A.'hat ultimately allow aml)!ilmltes to sell and to stay in Antigua, OU (only how Il1lli.:11 mooey t h ~ y l11al\e,

ROUTES AND SCHEDULES

LI\.:h uay at BOOB and ,It 5 pm. f'vlar(;l anu F . 1 ~ a (see Fig. I) go to (he Arco IrisSpani:.;h Schoo]' with h a ~ ' k e t s c'lnd small bundles filled with [(pica mmt of -whichtill'}' plln:h'l\cd frolll pHlvceuures (middle persons") and that they and extendedhlillily m e m h e r ~ wc;)ve Of fahricate, Most of the items, such as key chains,( ' l t a n g ~ p u r s c ~ , dolls, and hair accessories, are sinn!), light-weight, andinexpcnsive, ranging from one to three dollars_ TheV also carry tapetes (throwcloths). centro,I' de mesos (tahle runnerS), servilfert/s (napkins, pJace mats), ahlllj!!'!, and a r ~ . 1 1 I or two,

When IhL' Spallish s t l l d e n 1 . ~ leave the scholll to eat lunch, Mar1

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WALTER E. LITTLEtounsts will come or at l e a ~ t some independent tourists will wander into thechurch compound, They !nay wait up to a !lalr an hour hefore leaving thechlll'ch. Frorn San Francisco they makc a loop, walking west 10 the CentralPIMa and then hack east to the luxury hotel, Casa Santo Domingo, in hopc ofencountering a bus load of tourists newly arriving or returning from anexcursion. At .5 p,m., they return to the Arco Iris Spanish School in order totry 10 Ill.-1ario, walk to the Central Plazafrom their room on Seventh A venida Norte, taking Fifth A vcnida mos t of theWelY tWC

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711 \VAL l'ER E. UTILEgroup.\ of kin Of friends will follow the same routes and arrive at the samep l a l : l ? ~ ' , eS\;lhlishing a regubr mute.

As has heen discussed in the ecollomic litemlure of peddling, vendors are!nohilL: hccause lhere arc not enough c \ l s t O J l l e r ~ within a minimum fJtl(!e forthelll to .'>ell in tixed location (Dnonhaeu.';er, 19B9: PI;;l!tner, 1989

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\VAL TER E. LITTLECastaneda (1996, pp. 218-223) captures the urgency of mnlmftlflte sales in

a description of a tour hu!' arrival to Piste, ivlexico, a town near Chiehen ItzaVelldnrs jockey for position to get to tourists. They try to appeal to the vi:.:.ualaesthetic values of tollnsh, and they try to engage tourists verhally. They haveto do all this within a minute or two, the time it takes tourists to gel from thehus to the r e ~ t ; J \ l r a n L To complicate I l \ a t t e r ~ even more, tour g u i d e ~ discouragetheir chnrge.'i from pun:hasing items from street vendors,

Am!III/IIf/I('S in Antigua face similar problems. In Guatemala, guides strikedeals with shop ()wners, whD pay them c o m t r 1 i ~ s i o n s of 10 to 10% of the touristsI)Urchases. They also ask t o u r i s t ~ to tip them for showing them these handicmftsoUlh:ts. \lIhollgh guides explain 10 tOllrists that the prodllcts arc superior inquality to those sold on the street Of in the Mayu-organized and operatedmarketplace", must products come lnlll1 the same producers. Because fv1ayavendOl's also knO\.v how to make the items they sell and live in the same t O W ~ I S as fahricators, they have hetter access to higher quality items. one amhu!olJleexplained, 'We have few expenses, We pay no rent, not taxes, no salaries toemployees, and no cotl1mis)ions to g u i d e ~ . We ta n sell for h : ~ s than any store,but guides won't let tourists huy from LIS. They say we are thieves and ourproducts are cheap. They just want to get their commission."

THE SOCIAL RELATIONS OF AMBUIANTP,SUnlike the amhillatory vendors that C a ~ t a f i e d a (1996) describes, who are mainlytrom the !uwn of Pistc, the amhr!lan/e.I who sell in Antigua come from IHdifferent c i t i ( ; ~ and towns located throughout the central highlands of Guatemala,,mel spe

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71 WALTER E. LrITLEd h n o ! i n ~ l l i s t i c grouping that Cllls across community boundaries. Those who arecalled (J(nvina(j

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\VALTFR E. LITILEtradilion,tI {meaning not touristic) m promoted friendship-type relationshillswith these sTllall scale vendors who most often live in towns near Antigua, like,S,mta Marfa de Jesus, San Antonio Aguas Calientes, and Santa Catarina

Selling Stralegies wul Social Reltlfjons Amrmg Mobile Maya Hal1dil'f({fis V{'ndor,\ 77Barahona, and visited Antigua frequently. No matter if the vendors received nnitem on credit or consignment- when it did not sell, they returned it to theproveedor. One proveedor from a large finn explained that he r e s e l 1 ~ theseitems for l e s ~ money to vendors in H o n d u r a ~ , Mexico, and TIl Salvador, cateringto Central American and Mexican tuurists.Finally, vendors work with both types of prol'eedores in order to developnew designs and products, place special orders, and provide them vilthinformation about their tourist-consumers. Vendors are in close contact withc o n s u m e r ~ , p r m ' e e d o r e ~ ' pay attention to their suggestions. Most s u g g e s t i o n ~ arc pnlclical, such as changing the siz;es of baby hats, making the sleeves ofshirts fuller, and making seams stronger. Some suggestions relate to changesin colors that vendors predict will he more appealing to tourists. A few vendorswork directly with pruveedores to develop new styles of b ~ l g s and clothing.When proveedores have worked with a vendor for a numher of years, they mayinvite each other to a wedding or baptism occurring in their respective families,expanding their economic relation.,:> into more general social relations.

TOllti.l'Is and Vendor Selling Strategie,\'For obvioliS reasons, vendors want to have a good rapport with t o u r i . ~ t s . Theyare concemed aheml how lonrists perceive them, language harriers, andapprorriate selling techniques. They think that some tourists

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WALTER E. LITTLEIn a similar vein, vall dell Rerghe (1994, p. 6/)) explains that an/hI/lames in

San Crist{)hnl '"accost tr)urists repeatedly and persistently, blocking their passageon (I narrow ~ i J e w a l k , pestering them during meals, intermpting c o n v e r s a t i o n ~ , interfering with picture ulking, and so on." For sure, t h i ~ type of persistencei . ~ present among sOllie amhu{anln in Antigua, htlt it is frowned on by mostof them.

I rarely heard complaints from tourists ahout vendors, ambuhmtl' orstationary. There wert": many occasions when tourists, who had heen watchingme interact with vendors in the Central Plal,a, asked me to help them talkto vendors and questioned me about 1\.1aya customs [n a survev of 243tOllrists that Shalla Walton (a Fulbright scholar), Sergio Garcia (3 U;13temalangovernment trained guide), and I conducted in Antigua over the coursc of sixmonths in ]')97, ')0% ot thl: tourists thought that street v e n d o r ~ make AntigLtapicturesqlle. Among this ~ a r n e group, 3iV!(, felt that they had heen harassed hy, ~ t r e e t vendors. Given the option of removing the vendors from Antigua, 8':11of those slirveyed disagreed, or somewhat agreed that Antiglla would be hetterwith no v e n d ( ) r ~ , hut n\l one agrecd that it wuuld be better. Most of the touristsin lile survey were nn! charter tourists, who did not have the time 10 answerthe questionnaire ami werl: told by their guides not to talk10 strangers or interactwith omh/t/Wl/('I. Had the survey included more of these tourists, the resultsmay have heen different,

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80 WALTER E. LITTLEconsidcl vendor,> from San Antonio Palop6 " e n e m i e ~ , " r observed v e n d o r ~ fromthese two towns :-,ilting together and talking in Kaqchikel. I--ew conversationsbetween vendors from Snnla Marfa ue Jesm" San Antonio Aguas Calientes, andSanta Catarina Bamhona oCCLlrred with vendors from SoloL), San AntonioPaIOp('I, lmd Sant leaving the next morning. They told methat they did nut think that they were allowed to go because the vendors fromSanta Catalina had told them there was no room. I assLfed thcm that [hercwould he space.On the morning of departure, five vendors from Santa Catarina Palop6 andthree vendors from San AntoniO Palop6 assembled in my doorway. The StlnAntonio vendors stood quietly, not moving to get into the truck. One of theSanta Catarina vendors said loudly in reference to the San Antonio women, "Iwon't go, hecause they are bad, they are pigs. I won't trav::1 with my enemies"("Yin man vib'e fa, nl /WI, e itzel, e aq. Man yib'iyin UI, kik'in lUI enemigas").In the end, 'they all got into the truc\..., but the two women from Santa Catarina,who sat in the cab with me complained a good portion of the tfip about all thethings that arc wrong with people from San Antonio. Vendors from San Antoniodid not complain about those from Santa Catarina.

The reasons for the animosity that Santa Catarina Pabp6 mnhll/wlfes feeltoward their neighbors from San Antonio may relate to San Antonio Palop6being the wealthier tllld larger town. Aside from competition for cllstomers inthe handicrafts market, Santa Catarina residents, historically, depended on SanAntonio for land, produce trucking services, and local transportation in the LakeAtitfll1 region. It received more tourists and was a stronger, better organized

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W A[TER E. LIlTLF.cenler or

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8-1 WALTER E. UTILErelations between r \ ! 1 a y a ~ and L a d i n o ~ that favor Ladinos in general are welloocllmented hy alllhropologists,11 and in recent years, analyzed and describedby r-"laya scholars themselves. S This section focuses on the locaHy practicedsncio-politicClI relations het\.veen mobile vendors and Ladinos, not on thestructural inequillities that are included in the previously scholarly works. Theserdillions include cnn!licts with authority figures, such as the police, and thesocilll and economic interactions with Antiguenos (usually non-Mayas fromAntigua).

Vendors, in general, hut ambll/allles, in particular, talk ahout the mayor ormemhers of the police forces in Antigua, which im:lude a tourism police force,the :'-Jational Police, and sheriffs, negatively. I listened to cOLlntless d e ~ c r i p t i o n s that 1 conJirmed through personal observations about policemen sei7ingmerchandise ; and , ~ t r c c i ,tail sdh:rs u r ~ III". suhjcci of reslrictium imposeuhy Tllird World city g [ ) ~ ~ r n l 1 l e n l > and arc t:.ven o c c a ~ I O I l a l l y harassed by those government,H a w ~ c r . , ;: dusivc.

Accnrding tn Castmleda (1996, p. 2(5)," T h ~ ' K ' C i l ~ r ( m < l 1 '(klinqncnT' IIrlcSUlIO wtlltl,/tmll' I itinerant ~ r l i , ; a n ) is p a [ a ~ l l i c : the;>;: a I 1 b ~ n ~ ~ < l l l v ~ r l Ille p l d ~ C ,,1' Iht lallri:;l gil7.C inlo ,I p o , ' ~ i b k sile tO[ commodity cxchmlge. SimilarI" ,i(il-walk c1rug: d ~ < l k r o , th".y M':"PC 'Hl area llnproteCled by rhe ~ m v e i l l a n c " . of police andwimklls in OrdtT 10 JPpwach p a s ~ i n g lOnr;,[S wilh "free, of wOOlkn or SIOlle jig1lrllrI l i g l l r l l l < : ~ J t h ~ 1 J r { ~ 'alnloH f n ~ e ' Of 'Oilly one dollar. ..

Ilt:re tile ';'delinqucnt' arteS(/!lO fUn/mlallll-''' ruins the object of the tourist'sgan by their p r c ~ c n c e and disrupts the function of the tourist site by makingit an impromptu marketplace.

[n Antigua, municipal government officials and police reacted similarly tov ~ ! l d o r s . I tried scheduling interviews with various municipal officials, hut thosepersons canceled or missed every appointment. Th e first time that I entered thecity huilding I was identified as "e f amigo de 10,\' indios," made to wait, andthcn the public relations official talked to me about how cahle television wouldruin Guatemala. Suhsequent trips were even less fruitful. Most of the time my

Sdlinl; Simiegie,\ und Sociul Relations Among Mohih' Ma\'a H a l 1 d i c ~ ( j f I J Vendorsencounters with the mayor and the cadaster were haphazard and brief, whichnever gave me the chance to conduct an actual interview. FroD these encountersI learned that they felt that Antigua would be a better place without themnblllantes. Like Castaneda's example, city official thought that the vendorsspoiled the ambience and view for tourists and Capitalinos who visited Antigua.It was a historic landmark and the ambllfantes did not belong there. They"bothered tourists" and left their trash on the streets. I> City officials also felt,as in Dannhacuscr's example, vendors made the city unsafe and kept touriststrom entering legitimate businesses.

I was never allnwed to look at municipal documents and \\OltS never providedwith an answer about VYhether there were laws ~ e g a r d i n g street vending inAntigua, In a hrief discussion with a United Nations Huma1 Rights attorney,who wanted to remain anonymous and refused to let me take notes, I learnedthat vendors have had problems with the municipality of A:ltigua going backseveral mayors.

In March 1997, the mayor's office released a "Comtllliuuio," shortly afterpolice seiLcd amlmfallle merchandise It states that "in no moment haspermission been given in order that the ambulatory sn',es, of food andhandicrafts, bc allowed to return to the Portal de las Prmaderas .. ,"17 Th ecommunique cites that a municipal order No, 1695 was "published in theOfficial Diary on September 16, 1995, regulating and prohibiting all ambulatorysales" in Antigua, I was never able to get copies of the ordcr, nor were a coupleof other "gringos" working in Antigua. I asked my activist oriented I/I/lbuhmtefriends from San Antonio Aguas Calientes, if they had tried to get a copy ofthis document. They had, but were denied access to it. Some of them explainedthat they thought that it probably did not exist.

The way vendors interpreted the communique was that it meant theyabsolutely could not sell under the Portal without risking atTest and that mostother areas of Antigua would he under surveillance too. In the weeks thatfollowed, many amhl/lantes left the city for a couple nf weeks, especially thosefrom towns like 50101:1, Santa Catarina Palop6, San Antonio Palop6, and othertowns around the Lake Atitlan area. Vendors from San Antonin Aguas Calientesand San Catarina Barahona kept coming. They claimed that it WllS their rightto be in Antigua, but every couple of days for the next few weeks I IC

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WALTER E. UTILEt \ n t i ~ L l t t . By mid-June, however, there were 110 noticeable i n c r e a s e ~ in touristsalld s t u d e n t ~ , and Antigua's sheriffs hegan [0 physically remove vendors fromthe streets, seizing mercJHlrLdise and fining aml)1l1antes. I sat watching in theCentral Pl;va tme of those days, as the sheriffs gr

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\VALTER E. LrlTLEenough food to subsist, selling t[pica gives IVIdya families access to cash. InpartjeuJur, most of the low skill jobs Open to Mayas are available only to men

fkcoming an WI/butt/life nne wa)' that women, in particular, can get accesstl) casll. It all occupation that is relatively ~ a s y to enter for women and menwho pOSsess the skill to manufacture handicrafts. Women slart their businesshy bringing slllall amounts of hand-woven material-- old clothing, table mnners,wall h

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1)0 \V,\ LTER E. UTTLE,11)91,;, K e , ~ m e y , . 1;ehe' (\995). and Zapeta (19991.16. Wh,.-,Jl I related t h i ~ COllllllent to amhulante,;. they were infuriated hy it. "Wc cleanup the trash that the Ladinos leave" ("Rbi Ilqtlc/ra.lcil'l!jlris{lj ri q't/vi.I' cil! nikayu' rimn'.wi"').17. This refer . to west side of the Plaza Central. which has I:een the locatioll for

businesses since the 1541 founding llf the city.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTSThe research upon y.'-hich this article is hased was funded by the Wenner-GrenFoundation, Fulbright HE, an d FI ,AS (U.S. Department of Education). A versionof it was presented to th e Department of Policy Studies at Roosevelt Universityin Chicago, where audience commentary helped me focus my arguments. Ithank Barry Isaac for sharing advice an d some of his researd on Afrit:an tradersand gender, an d the editors of REA, Norher[ D::mnhaeuser and Cynthia Werner,for their comments. I am particularly grateful for th e close attention this articlewas given by John Watanabe, Edward Bruner, M[lhif Saul, and Alejandro Lugo.

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