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Urban Social Movements and the Production of Urban SpaceAuthor(s): Susana FinquelievichSource: Acta Sociologica, Vol. 24, No. 4, Physical Planning and Participation (1981), pp. 239-249Published by: Sage Publications, Ltd.

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ActaSociologica1981 24),4:239-249

UrbanSocialMovementsandtheProductionof UrbanSpace

Susana Finquelievich

This article is a brief resumeof a three years'researchwork on urbansocial movements. A theoretical frameworkfor the analysisof urbansocial movements is outlined and a methodology for their study is

developed. The case of Barcelonais drawn on to illustrate he conclu-sions, and to demonstrate hat urbanmovementscan be social, e.g. that

they can modifythe power relationshipsbetween social classes. In thecase of Barcelonathese movementsstartedwhen smallgroupsof neigh-bours claimedbetterconditions n theirurbanenvironmentandcollective

consumption,and havedeveloped during he last fifteenyearsto becomeone of the most important ocialforcesin the wholeregionof Catalonia,a force whichcannotbe ignoredbythe localauthorities.

Introduction

During the past few years the attention of sociologists and urban planners has

been drawn to problems brought into the open by various urban social move-

ments (Lefebvre 1972; Touraine 1974; Lojkine 1977; Castells 1972, 1978). These

movements emerged as a result of the conflicts caused by (a) the contradictions of

advanced capitalism (from which the deficits in public consumption result) and

(b) the role played by the state apparatus, which acts as an organizer (throughurban

policy)of the town users'

everydaylife. Urban social movements are the

answer given by the dominated classes to the urban crisis.

By 'urban crisis' I mean not only the deficits at a collective consumption level,but also the fact that the urban system no longer efficiently achieves the functions

which it has been created to perform. These new struggles are different from the

workers' organized confrontations, different also from the political movements

already known. Urban movements create popular organizations, which are

incompatible with 'traditional' organizations. They overflow the known schemas,

they deal with new conflicts, social bases and social forces. They are a new form

of questioning the present social system, and, even if they coincide in some

respectswith the workers' movements of trade-union

type,or with some actions

of the political organizations, they have their own and unique field of action,because they deal with urban matters, urban affairs.

239







These conflictshave acquiredan increasingmportancen developedas well as

in developingcountries. We have the recentexampleof the Quartierde Marolles

in Belgium, where the inhabitantspreventedthe destructionof their habitat. In

Italy,urbanstruggleshave flourishedover a great partof the industrialized reas.

In Copenhagen,neighbourshave activelydefendedtheirrightto a publicsquare,while in Swedenurban conflicts have been centered on ecological problems.In

Barcelona,possiblythe most activecity in Europein regard o urbanmovements,the inhabitantshave succeeded not only in changingthe morphologyof urban

space,but also in becominga powerfulpressure orceagainst he state apparatus

(Borja1975).In developing countries, the specific contradictionsof the urban problem

complex are more acute, and urban conflicts frequentlytake a more dramatic

turn in the face of strong repression.Nevertheless,they do actuallytake placefromArgentina o Mexico, and force local authorities o no longerignorethem,buteitherto repressor tryto integrate heminto the establishment.

Severalof these movements have been developed only on the level of econo-

mic demands. Others have questionedthe politicalsystem.Few have been reallysocial urban movements, by which we mean movements concerned with the

systems of social practicessituated between the politicaland economic levels,

capableof producing ransfomingeffects on the socialrelationshipsbetweenthe

classes;brieflyin the presentsocial system, practiceswhichoperateon the three

instancesthatwe take as references:the urbansystem,the politicalrelationshipsbetweensocial classes and the ideologicalrelationships etweenthe classes.

The Interventionof the state as a cause of social urban movements

As we havesaidabove, these movementsare basedon the conflictscausedby the

contradictions f advancedcapitalism.'In the presentphasecharacterized y the

dominationof one mode of productionand by the hegemonyof one block or

fractionof classes over others, the interventionof the state apparatuson the

system has become more evident. It appearsin all social and economic sectors

which are necessary or the developmentof the production ystem,but whichare

not profitableenough to generate investmentby private capital. One form of

state intervention n the urbansectorappears n the sphereof collectiveconsump-tionandpresents he followingcharacteristics:

(a) The state takes an activepartin the productionof suchgoods and servicesas

are of less value on the market because the profitthey generate s inferior o

the average profit, but which neverthelessare indispensable or the popula-tion (housing, public equipment, etc.) This state intervention s actuatedbythe defence of the interests of the dominantclasses,but also by the pressureof popularstruggles.This is the basisof the urbanproblemcomplex ocusedon thedeficitof goods andpublicservices.

(b) When the state fills in the gapsleft by the logicof capitalaccumulationn the

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field of individual or collective consumptionby the dominatedclasses, this

procedurebenefits the privatesector and liberates t fromprovidinga partof

the investmentgearedtowards he reproduction f the labour orce.

(c) The increasingrole played by the state in the consumptionprocessleads to

the state becomingthe managerof this process. This s thebasisof the 'urban

policy', through which the state assumes thefunctions of eitherrepression,

integration or regulation, depending on the case and cirumstances.

Politicization of urban problems

According o Manuel Castellset al (Castells,Cherki,Goddard& Mehl 1978), the

capitalistmode of production s now undergoinga transformation;he develop-

ment of some of its elements will lead to new social andpoliticalconflicts. Theseelements are:

1. The increased scale of the productionprocess and the resultingneed for a

concentration of large numbers of workers. This developmentdemands, in

turn, an increased attentionto the provisionof collectiveconsumptiongoods(housing, transport,services, etc.). This processis accentuatedby the work-ers' strugglesfor the reproductionof their labourforce. These two elementscontribute o theoccurrence f urban truggles.

2. The existence of consumerclaimsin everyday ife (createdby the socialization

of the consumptionprocess,by the increasingdemandsof the consumers,andby the consumers'subordination o the interests of capital) give rise to the

followingconsequences:

(a) conflictsarisingfrom the demands of the dominatedclasses for a satisfac-tion of their need for the reproduction f their abour orce.

(b) the need felt by the dominant classes for an increasedregulationof theurbansystem,whichresults n logicin urbanplanning.

3. The increasing tate intervention n the consumerprocesstransforms he state

into a managerof everydayurban ife.

4. The elementsmentionedabove contribute o the impositionof a modelof social

relationships,under he maskof urbanplanning.

Conceptual elements for a study of urbansocial movements

To speakabout social conflicts s to speakabout the clash of interestsbetween the

block of dominant classes holding power, on the one hand, and those who are

dominated, on the other, over matters of urban development, its logic and

consequences.According o Castells(Castells1977).

A socialmovement an be definedas the systemof practices hich esult rom hearticulationf a jointurban gents' ystem,andof other ocialpractices,o that heir

development oes objectivelyowards changeof the urban ystem,or towardssubstantialhangen the relations f force n thestruggle etween heclasses,hat s,in thepower f thestate.

241







The development of thestruggle

The third element we must consider in the study of the urban social movements isthe process of the development of the struggle, as this determines - at least

partially - its effects. The forms of struggle are influenced by the fact that an

urban movement may become a social movement, e.g., it may become the

expression of certain social groups directed against the domination of the block of

classes holding power and/or against their hegemonic fractions.

When analysing the development of the struggle we must consider the forms of

the organizations taking part in the process, the demands of the dominated

classes, the interests of the dominant classes, the forms of actions of both of

them, and the effects that are attained.

We define the organization as the key element of each movement as it includesthe apparatus that defines the desired goals and the means (or action lines) bywhich these goals can be obtained. These apparatuses either exist before the

conflict or are created for the sake of the conflict. They may or may not have a

spontaneous origin.We have also considered it necessary to elaborate a typology of such organiza-

tions, based on three types of instances: economic (collective consumer), politi-

cal, and ideological. We will also consider the territory or environment. By this

dimension we intend to distinguish between organizations which operate in a

specific territorial area and organizations which operate on non-territorial levels.

We can thus distinguish between six types of organizations. In practice, theymay work in various combinations depending on the strategic needs of each

struggle.4

Table 1. Typology of organizations.

Level(territory Publicconsumer Political Ideological rorenvironment) cultural

Territorial 1 2 3

(Neighbourhood) Pressuregroups Political Urbanorganizations,(Neighbours' organizations professional sso-associations) at local ciations, eminist

levels: movements, tc.localappara-tus of (cells)politicalparties(cells)

Non-territorial 4 5 6orenlarged Federationof Political Ideologicalterritorial associations parties movementsatgeneral

(regionor level

(defenceof

country) Pressuregroups localculture,atgeneral evel ecological,etc.)

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Onthebasisof Table 1 we can formulate ome distinctions:

(a) For a movement to be considered as urban it must includetype 1 organiza-tions.

(b) Type2 organizations redirectlyconnected o political truggles.

(c) For a movement to be considered a mass movement t does not have to

includeorganizationsof type 3 or 6, butit must includeorganizations f types1 and 2. If the organizationsare not rooted at local levels they will become

difficult o keepactive.

(d) For a movement to be considered as social it must includeorganizationsof

types2 and5, withoutwhich t would be limited o aconsumer-demandield.

(e) Organizationsof type 3 cannot be considered as social movements,even if

they are valuable auxiliarieswhen they are articulatedwith organizations f

types1,2 and 4.

(f) Organizationsof type 6 can be considered as social movementsalso when

their contents are not relatedto class struggles.In fact, the ideologicaland

politicalcontents of feminists and ecologicalmovementsare often relatedto

classproblems.

Our researchfield includedonly organizationsof types 1 and 4 (Neighbours'Associationsand Federationof Neighbours'Associations n Barcelona),but we

had to take into account that their action was frequentlycoupled with that oforganizationsof types 2, 3 and 6. Combining he six types of organizations,we

arriveat different evels of strength n the movements.

(a) If the organizationsof type 1 stay isolated and they are not articulated o

othertypesof organizations,heywilleasilybe integrated nd/orrepressed.

(b) The organizationsof types 1 and 2 combined create local pressuremove-

ments.

(c) The combinationof organizationsof types 1, 2 and 3 also creates local

pressuremovements.

(d) Reform movementsmay be born from the combinationof organizationsof

types1 and4.

(e) If the organizationsof type 3 stay isolated, they will easilybe integratedand

transformed nto participationistmovements, i.e. professionalassociations

whichdo not questionthe establishedorder.

(f) The combination of organizationsof types 1 and 5 favours the use of the

formerby the latter. Type 5 organizationsmayeven absorbtype 1 organiza-tionscompletely.

(g) The combination of organizationsof types 2 and 5 may generate social

movementsthat will not necessarilybe urban;the same will be true for the

combinationof organizations f types2-6, types5-6, andtypes3-6.

244







Until now, we have analysed the different types of organizations, relating them to

the dominated classes. From the perspective of the dominant classes, various

types of combinations may take place between the different levels (central or

local) of the state apparatus and/or through the economic organizations related to

the block of dominant classes holding power.Let us now turn to the demands of the dominated classes and the interests of the

dominant classes. We will define these demands and interests as the contradictory

expression of the goals of a movement, as indicated by the social forms which are

present in the movement.

By 'ways of struggle' we understand the means that are used to obtain the

satisfaction of the demands or interests, which they also reveal. The ways of

struggle maybe articulated differently. They have a strong influence on the

results of the struggle, and on the effects which are obtained.

Among the ways of struggle we consider as an important element the articula-

tion of each organization with other types of organizations (ideological move-

ments, political organs). These articulations are not only strategic alliances

between two social factions or strata; they have pertinent effects on the organiza-tion of the urban social movements themselves.

The effects

Finally - and as we think with Castells et al. that 'a social practice is defined bythe effect that it causes on the relationships of the social classes, from the conflict

that originates it and the process that constitutes it' - it is necessary to study the

effects of the urban struggles on the social structure. The following instances are

the most important: (a) the urban system as a structural unity of the process of

collective consumption, (b) the power relationship between the social forces

taking part in the urban struggles, and (c) the impact produced by these

confrontations on theideological processes

of thecity

dweller which confirm or

question the reproduction of the social structure. By analysing these effects we

can verify our main question; i.e. whether the urban movements are really social.

In other words, we understand as effects caused by an urban social movement the

impact produced by the process of struggle on the relationships between the

social classes, according to a triple dimension: the urban system, the political

relationship between the classes, and the ideological relationships between the

classes.

We will add another dimension: the transformation produced by urban move-

ments on the urban space, an analysis of which demands a deep sociological and

semiological study.We will demonstrate the usefulness of our theoretical discussion by applying it

to the concrete case of Barcelona.

245







The urban movements InBarcelona

The BarcelonaNeighours'Associationsare organizationshatworkon a territo-

rial base, defendingthe urbaninhabitants' nterestsagainstthe state apparatusand the interests of public and privatecapital.They are political organizations

(even if they do not have an establishedpoliticalorganizationalmodel), because

of their criticalattitude towardsthe state, their questioningof the city'surban

policyas a resultof a given socio-political-economicystem, and becauseof the

ideologicalawarenessworkthey accomplish,making he populationconsciousof

the problemsset by urbancapitalismand its articulationwiththe stateapparatus.

They are also an importantsocial force that has to be takeninto accountby the

localauthorities.

Thegeneral problems

thatgave

rise to these movements wereprofounddeteriorations n environmentalconditions, such as extensive alterations n a

neighbourhooddue to urbandevelopment, e.g. a projectfor a highwaycuttingacrossa neighbourhoodor cutting t off fromthe restof the urbanbody;physicalrestructurationf the old town centre andof the peripheralurbannucleuswhich

is now integrated into the general urban network; lack of public facilities;infrastructuralr transportation roblems;an urbanpolicywhich was harmful o

thecityinhabitants r didnotconsider heirneeds;purelypoliticalproblems.The social basisof the Associationswhichwe have studied consistsmainlyof

the popularclasses, i.e. a social stratum hat is excludedfromthe actionfieldof

the state'spower

and whose interestsare theopposite

of those of the classesin

power. In the case of Barcelona,the popularclassesinclude the sub-proletariat

(which seldom participates in urban movements), the industrialproletariat,white-collarworkers,mediumand low-level technicians,studentsand teachers.

In some neighbourhoodswe can add fractionsof the bourgeoisie:smalltraders

and industrialistsand members of the liberal professions.In short, we see a

polyclassist ocial base, with a proletariandominant.The local dominantvaries,of course, followingthe urban,social and spatialsegregationof each neighbour-hood.

In mostof the cases, the nucleusthat actsas the Association's eadership whatwe call a social

force)is on a

highersocio-professionalevel than the rest of the

neighbourhood'spopulation. It is composedof politicizedelements who either

belongto a partyor are independent.In most of the cases we have studied,it is

the social force and not the social base that is the real motorof the movement.

Even in the cases where the base has reacheda highdegreeof mobilization, he

wholeorganizationwill weaken if the social force is dispersed,or if it disappears.This phenomenon may be due to two reasons: a strong protagonismof the

vanguardnucleus, which does not delegate responsibilities;and the lack of

complete deologicalclarity n the base.

The means used by the Associationsin their processof mobilization oversa

widerange:

assembliesand informationampaigns;questioning

of themunicipalinstitution;presentationof different alternatives o urbanprojects,in whichthe

neighbourshave had a certaindegree of participation;presentationof requests

246







and signed petitions; demonstrations, sit-ins, occupations of houses and other

pressure measures; popular gatherings, parties, expositions etc. This last resource

is used to bring a problem to public knowledge and to stimulate discussions aboutit.

The Neighbours' Associations also collaborate with other types of organiza-

tions, particularly with political parties, with some urban institutions and pro-fessional colleges, mainly the Architects' College, with the feminist and sexual

liberation movements, in the direct struggle against oppression and repression

(mainly during Franco's government) and in a lower degree (according to the

composition of the different neighbourhoods) with the workers' movement.

These articulations are more casual than permanent and occur when the

strategies of the different organizations require the support of other movements.

Conclusions

The most important conclusion we have deduced from our work is that the urban

movements in Barcelona have caused significant changes in the power relation-

ships between different social classes, and have favoured the dominated stratum

at both urban, political and ideological levels. During our research, we have

ascertained the intimate interdependence of these three instances. Even if most

of the urban struggles are based on economic claims, which are the claims most

likely to be satisfied, we can also witness positive effects at a political level(theorganizations have been reaffirmed and recognized as a valid interlocutor by the

dominating classes) and at an ideological level, where they have accelerated the

urban inhabitant's awareness of the real origin of urban problems.In the cases where an urban social movement has been connected to political

action, this has contributed to the success of its requests both at urban and

political levels: (a) Urban, as the strength of a political party or its militants'

training is used to obtain a change in urban policy, and (b) Political, as the

associations carry more weight in the face of municipal institutions and public or

private capital, when backed by political organizations; also, the associations gaina certain organizational and strategic competence.

In addition, the movements which are based on economic demands are more

likely to be successful than those based on political claims. In fact, there is acorrelation and a mutual reinforcement between urban, political and ideologicallevels. In the strictly urbanfield, the movement has led to some transformation ofthe urban system, the extent of which depends on the movement's degree of

political engagement, its articulation to other organizations and to its previous

experiences in urban struggles. These spatial changes have been only minimallyinfluenced by the population's direct participation: instead the changes have beenformulated as plans by teams of technicians and experts working in collaborationwith the movement. The inhabitants'

participationhas on this level been limited

to the urban demands, to the choice of technicians, and to discussions about the

proposed projects.

247







In Barcelona, we find several types of spatial changes caused by urban

movements: the transformation of pre-existent physical structures (new use of

existing elements, or a change in their function); creation of new physical

structures, i.e. a new housing complex; presentation of alternative plans, which

can include the renovation of old areas in the town, alternatives to avoid a

quarter being isolated from the rest of the town by a roadway, etc.

At a political level, the two main effects have been (a) The Neighbours'Association offers an organizational base for the dominated social classes and

strata; they have also made the urban inhabitant conscious that he/she does not

stand alone against the problems generated by the urban crisis. (b) The Associa-

tions have won a certain power position in the local political field, although we

find that they have fallen into a legalistic trap after the 1979 local elections, won

by the Socialists. The Associations believe too naively in the transformations of

the political institutions and have neglected their power as independent associa-

tions, which would have kept them flexible to act outside the official institutions.

At an ideological level, finally, we can see that the Associations have suc-

ceeded in getting the population to question the present political system to a

satisfactory extent.

In conclusion, we believe that the social urban movements in Barcelona have

played an important part in the organization of the dominated classes, because:

-They

make evident the social contradictions in thecapitalist system, byreflecting the contradictions of the urban system.

- They show the incapacity of the state apparatus to solve these contradictions,

due to its role as defender of the dominant classes' interests.

- They constitute an organizational basis for the dominated social stratum, on

which they can make, if necessary, interclass alliances to solve common

problems.

Correspondence to: Susana Finquelievich, 29, rue des Gravilliers, 75003 Paris,

France.

Notes

1 In thisarticle,we referonlyto urban ocialmovements nwesternEuropean ountries.2 We use the Frenchword'enjeu' o expressthe conflictthatoriginates he urban truggle,

itscontents,andthegoalto beobtained.3 To define what we understandby 'dominantclasses' and 'dominatedclasses',we will

referto Castells,who says '...we call dominantclasses the classes andclassfractionsthat occupy a hegemonic position in the power rapports.This is, in the capacityof

organizing ocietyaccording o their own interests,as theyaredefinedby the placetheyoccupy in the productionsystem. We consider dominated he classesthat occupya

subordinate osition nthesamesystemof powerrelationships.'4 For the elaborationof this table, we have used Jose Olives'methodology,adapting t to

ourneeds, to sketchourconceptualools.

248







References

Borja,Jordi. 'Les mouvementssociaux urbainsen Espagne',Espaceset Societes,No. 19,

1975.Castells,Manuel.Laquestionurbaine,Masper6,Paris1972.

Castells,Manuel,LuttesUrbaines,Masper6,Paris1977.

Castells,Manuel,Cherki,Eddy, Goddard,Francois,Mehl, Dominique,Crisedu logementet mouvementsociauxurbains,Mouton,Paris1978.

Lefebvre,Henri. Lapenseemarxist t la ville,Casterman,Paris1972.

Lojkine,Jean.Lemarxisme, 'etat t la questionurbaine,P.U.F., Paris1977.

OlivesPuig,Jose. 11movimento ocialeurbano,LiguoriEd., Na'poles,1978.

Touraine,Alain. Pourlasociologie,Seuil,Paris1974.

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