644703631 Handouts Pavia Matasovic

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Problems in the Reconstruction of

Proto-Celtic

Pavia Summer School in Indo-European

Linguistics

1/9/2011

Ranko Matasovi, University of Zagreb


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1. REFERENCES (AND FURTHER READING)

A) CelticM. J. Ball (ed.) The Celtic Languages, Routledge, London 1993.Graham R. Isaac, Studies in Celtic Sound Changes and their Chronology. Innsbrucker

Beitrge zur Sprachwissenschaft Band 127, Innsbruck: Institut fr Sprachen undLiteraturen der Universitt Innsbruck 2007.

V. P. Kalygin i A. A. Korolev Vvedenie v keltskuju filologiju (Nauka, Moskva 1989.)J. Lewis & H. Pedersen A Concise Comparative Celtic Grammar (Vandenhoeck &

Ruprecht, Gttingen 1961.R. Matasovi Etymological Dictionary of Proto-Celtic, Brill, Leiden 2009.Kim McCone, The Indo-European Origins of the Old Irish Nasal Presents, Subjunctives

and Futures, Innsbruck: Institut fr Sprachwissenschaft 1991.K. McCone Toward a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound

changes, Department of Old and Middle Irish, Maynooth 1996.S. Schumacher, Die keltischen Primrverben, IBS, Innsbruck 2004.

Nicholas Zair, The Reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals in Celtic, PhD-thesis, Oxford 2010

B) GoidelicP. de Bernardo Stempel, Nominale Wortbildung des lteren Irischen. Stammbildung

und Derivation, Tbingen 1999.Dictionary of the Irish Language, based mainly on Old and Middle Irish materials,

Dublin 1987.), web edition:www.dil.ieBritta Irslinger, Abstrakta mit Dentalsuffixen im Altirischen, Heidelberg: Winter 2002.Frederik Kortlandt, Italo-Celtic origins and prehistoric development of the Irish

language, Amsterdam New York 2007.Kim McCone, The Early Irish Verb (An Sagart, Maynooth 1990).Stair na Gaeilge (An Sagart, Maynooth 1994.)Karin Stber, The Historical Morphology of the n-Stems, Maynooth: Dept. of Old and

Middle Irish 1998Rudolf Thurneysen, A Grammar of Old Irish (DIAS, Dublin 1980).J. Vendryes Dictionnaire tymologique de lirlandais ancien, DIAS, Dublin 1949-

C) BrythonicEvans, D. Simon, A Grammar of Middle Welsh, DIAS, Dublin 1961.Falileyev, A. I. Etymological Glossary of Old Welsh, Niemeyer, Tbingen 2000.Geiriadur Prifysgol Cymru, Aberystwyth 1995.Isaac, G. The Verb in the Book of Aneirin, Niemeyer, Tbingen 1996.Jackson, K. Language and History in Early Britain, Edinburgh 1953.Jackson 1967: K. H. Jackson, A historical phonology of Breton, DIAS, Dublin 1967.
http://www.dil.ie/http://www.dil.ie/http://www.dil.ie/http://www.dil.ie/


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Jackson, K. "Some Questions in Dispute about Early Welsh Literature and Language",

Studia Celtica 8-9/1973-4: 1-31.Lewis, H. Die kymrische Sprache, IBS, Innsbruck 1989.H. Lewis, Handbuch des Mittelkornischen, IBS, Innsbruck 1990.Schrijver, P. Studies in British Celtic Historical Phonology, Rodopi, Amsterdam 1995.

D) Continental Celtic (incl. Celtiberian)

D. Ellis Evans, Gaulish personal names, Clarendon, Oxford 1967.Xavier Delamarre, Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise, 2e dition revue et augmente,

Paris: Editions Errance 2003.C. Jordn Clera, Introducin al Celtibrico, Monografas de filologa griega, Zaragoza

1998.P.-Y. Lambert, La langue gauloise, Paris 1994.M. Lejeune, Lepontica, Paris 1971.Meid 1993: W. Meid, Die erste Bottorita-Inschrift, IBS, Innsbruck 1993.W. Meid, Gaulish inscriptions, Archaeolingua, Budapest 1994.W. Meid, Celtiberian inscriptions, Archaeolingua, Budapest 1994.MLH IV: J. Untermann & D. S. Wodtko, Monumenta Linguarum Hispanicarum IV. Die

tartessischen, keltiberischen und lusitanischen Inschriften, Wiesbaden 1997.MLH V.1: D. S. Wodtko, Monumenta Linguarum Hispanicarum V.1. Wrterbuch der

keltiberischen Inschriften, Wiesbaden 2000.

P. Solinas, Il celtico in Italia, Studi etruschi60/1995: 311-408.

2. THE CELTIC LANGUAGES

There are presently two different models representing the relationships of Celticlanguages.

Proto-Celt.

P-Celt. Q-Celt.

Lepont. Gaul. Brythonic Goidelic Celtiberian

Model I: J. Koch, P. de Bernardo Stempel, K. H. Schmidt


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Proto-Celt.

Continent. Celt. Insular Celt.

Celtiber. Gaul. Lepont. Bryth. Goidel.

Model II: K. McCone, P. Schrijver, S. Schumacher

? Tartessian as a Celtic language: Koch, J. T. Tartessian: Celtic in the South-west at the Dawn ofHistory, Celtic Studies Publications 13. Aberystwyth, 2009.

J. Koch, "Gallo-Brithonic vs. Insular Celtic: the Interrelationships of the Celtic Languages Reconsidered",in:Bretagne et Pays Celtiques - Mlanges offerts la mmoire de L. Fleuriot, ed. Gw. Le Menn & J. Y.Le moing, Saint Brieuc, Rennes 1992: 471-495. R. Matasovi, Insular Celtic as a Language Area, in: H.L. C. Tristram (ed.) The Celtic Languages in Contact, Potsdam University Press, Potsdam 2008: 93-112.

3. THE EARLIEST ATTESTATIONS OF CELTIC LANGUAGES

Our earliest sources for Celtic languages are Greek authors, who mention sometoponyms and proper names. Aristotle (4th century BC) mentions the name of Ireland asIrn = OIr. riu. Ptolemy 2nd century AD, using earlier sources) lists some ethnonymsin Ireland, such as Oulontioi = Ulad, Auteino = aithni, Bounda = Bann(*Bowind < *gwws windeh2 white cow, Skr. govinda-). Snos(Shannon), Dabrna(Lee, OIr. Sabrann), Libnios (Laune, OIr. Lemain), Logia (Belfast Lough, OIr. Loch

Lag).

G. Toner, "Identifying Ptolemy's Irish Places and Tribes", in: D. N. Parsons & P. Sims-Williams (eds.)Ptolemy. Towards a linguistic atlas of the earliest Celtic place-names of Europe, CMCS Aberystwyth2000: 73-82.


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Celtic tribes in the British Isles in Ptolemy's time

The principal Celtic languages are:

1. Lepontic (?7th-5th centuries BC): short inscriptions in Etruscan (Lugano) alphabet,mostly funerary.

2. Celtiberian: inscriptions in the Iberian alphabet and in Roman alphabet, 3rd - 1stcentury BC); there are less than 100 inscriptions, and the longest are the three bronzesfrom Botorrita.

3. Gaulish: inscriptions in Greek alphabet (3rd century BC, around Marseille) and inRoman and Etruscan (Lugano) alphabets 2nd century BC - 5th century AD; found in NItaly (Todi, Vercelli) and France (Calender from Coligny, inscriptions fromChamalires, Larzac, Chteaubleau, Alise-St.-Reine).

4. Goidelic: Old Irish, attested since 4th Century AD (attestations of Manx and ScottischGaelic are much later)

Earliest texts found in Ireland are the Ogam inscriptions (4th -6th centuries AD).

Early OIr. documents in the Roman alphabet are mostly poetic and legal documents:


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-Amra Coluimb Chille (597)

-poems by Colmn mac Lenni (died 608.) and Senchn Torpeist.-Senchas Mr- Cambrai Homily- Aipgitir Chrbaid

Classical Old Irish is the language spoken from ca. 730 until ca. 830. The mostimportant documents are:Glosses (all found in monasteries on the Continent): Wrzburg, St. Gallen, TurinBethu BrigteThomas GospelFlire engusso

OIr. sagas are all preserved in later manuscripts: Togail bruidne Da Dergae, Tin bFrich, Scla mucce meic Dath, etc.

Oldest manuscripts found in Ireland with texts in OIr. and Middle Irish are Lebor nahUidre (late 11th. cent.) and Lebor Laignech (early 12th cent.).

5. Brythonic (or British) languages. The oldest Brythonic documents come from OldWelsh: Inscription from Towyn (7th century), Manuscript of St. Chad, 8-9th cent.,glosses (e.g. Glosses on Ovid's "Ars amatoria" and "De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii"of M. Capella), Computus fragment(in Cambridge MS Add. 4543) from the 10th cent.,

Llyfr Llan Daf(Book of Llandaf).

There are also a some restored OW texts from later manuscripts, including poems by

Aneirin and Taliesin (6th-7th cent.).

Middle Welsh manuscripts:

Black Book of Carmarthen (Pen. I, 12-13.st.),Book of Aneirinov (Card. I, around 1250),Book of Taliesin (Pen. II, around 1275),Red Book of Hergest(Jes. Coll. CXI, around 1375-1425).

The other Brythonic languages are attested from the 8th century (Breton) and from the10th century (Cornish).


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4. A SELECTION OF EARLY TEXTS

Gaulish inscription from Alise-Sainte-Reine (LG 100)

MARTIALIS DANNOTALI IEVRV UCUETE SOSIN CELICNON

"Martialis, son of Dannotalos, has devoted Ucuetis this building(?),

ETIC GOBEDBI DUGIIONTIIO UCUETIN IN ALISIIAand with smiths who honour Ucuetis in Alisia"


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Celtiberian Inscription from Luzaga

?With the people of Arecorata: document of the pact of friendship for the Lutiaciangens... The gens of the Belaiocians and the gens of Caricos issued this document (?)..This document of the pact of of friendship (is) in the house of Divoriks

Old Irish Ogam inscriptions (with references to Macalister's edition):

66 MAQI-DECCEDDAS AVI TURANIAS (Stone) of son of Decceds, of thedescendant of Turanios.70 CUNAGUSOS MAQI MUCOI ?VIRAGNI (Stone) of Cunagusos, of the son of thetribe of Viragnos119 DALAGNI MAQI DALI (Stone of) Dalagnos, son of Dalos


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An Ogam stone

From the Wrzburg glosses:Wb 9d4 Tollens ergo membra Christi, faciam membra meretricis .i.In gt a bullu arCristet in dign bullu mertrige diib? absit!"Will I steal the members from Christ and will I make members of a whore out ofthem?"

Wb 10a2-3 Et si qua mulier fidelis habet uirum infidelem, et hic consentit habitare cumilla, .i.maith les a gnsi non dimittat uirum .i. na scarad frisin fer ds in rcthar (MSinrctar) tria gnissi. "I.e. he likes her company - non dimittat uirum - i.e. she shouldnot separate from the man to see if he should be healed".

Wb 9d16ni cumuing imfogbaidetith na lanamnas manip tol lasin fer"It is not possible/permitted to abstain from sex unless it is the man's wish"


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The Wrzburg Glosses

Aneirin, "The Gododdin", 53-357:

Gwyr a gryssyassant buant gytneithoedyl vyrryon medwon uch med hidleitgosgord vynydawc enwawc en reitgwerth eu gwled o ved vu eu heneit"Men attacked, they were together,(their) lives were short, they were drunk by distilled mead,the army of Mynydawg, the famous, in battle,the price of their mead-feast was their life"


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The Book of Aneirin

5. THE LEXICON

1. Inherited: mthir = Lat. mater, athir = Lat. pater, brthir = Lat. frater, siur = Lat.soror, cride = Lat. cor, cordis, lm = Lat. palma, en = Lat. unus, deich = Lat.decem, r= Lat. rex, Skr. rj-, bricht = Skr.. brahman-, fith = Lat. vates).

2. Insular Celtic: cenn = W penn, gran, adaig. Perhaps substrate? OIr. andeir girlcf. Basque. andere "woman", OIr. boss "bost", cf. Basque bos "five", OIr. adarc

"horn", Basque adar "id.".3. Celtic-Germanic isoglosses: OIr. arn, W. haearn, ON. jarn, Germ. Eisen, Eng.iron).

4. Latin loanwords: Lat. vinum >> OIr. fn, Lat. aurum >> OIr. r, Lat. [navis] longa>> OIr. long, Lat. planta sprout >> OIr. cland kids, family, Lat. presbiter >> OIr.cruimther, Lat. liber >> OIr. lebor, Lat. monasterium >> OIr. muinter family, Lat.[osculum] pacis >> OIr. pc kiss).


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6.MAINCELTIC,OLDIRISHANDWELSHSOUNDCHANGES

6.1.FROMPROTO-INDO-EUROPEANTOPROTO-CELTIC

A)Dialectal IE changes:

1. *h1e > *e, *h2e > *a, *h3e > *o

2. *eh1> *, *eh2> *, *eh3> *

3. *CHC > *CaC, cf. PIE *ph2tr (Lat.pater, Skr.pit > PCelt. *fatr (OIr. athir).

4. *CstopHCstop > CstopCstop in non-initial syllables, cf. PIE *dhugh2tr daughter (Gr.thygtr, OCS dti) > PCelt. *duxtr (Gaul. duxtir). This development is somewhatuncertain in the light of Celtib. tuateros daughter (Gen. sg.).

5. TT > *-ss-, cf. PIE *krd-tu- > PCelt. *krissu- belt (Russ. res 'leather belt'), *wid-to- 'seen' > PCelt. *wisso- >OIr. fess 'was known'; the same development is found inItalic and in Germanic (cf. Lat. vsus < *wid-to-).

6. *CRHC > *CRaHC (> *CRC), cf. PIE *plh1no- full (Lith.plnas)> PCelt. *flno-(OIr. ln), PIE *g'rHno- grain (Lat.grnum) > PCelt. *grno- (OIr. grn). Laryngealswere probably preserved after *Ra until the operation of Dybos law (A7), and then lost,with the compensatory lengthening of *aH > *. The change *CRHC > *CRC occurredin Italic as well.

7. *VHC > VC in pretonic syllables (Dybos law), where V = a, i, u: PIE *wiHr- man(Skr.vrs, Lith. vras) > PCelt. *wiro- (OIr. fer). In all non-problematic examples ofDybos law the laryngeal was lost after *i, *u, and *a which is the result of thedevelopment of syllabic resonants before laryngeals (A6). It is assumed here that thelaryngeals had already been lost after *e and *o, which were lengthened (A2).

Dybos law was posterior to the change of CRHC > CRC (A6) because of thedevelopment of *sfraxto- eloquent, lively' (Wffraeth, MBret.fraez) < *sprh2g-t- (Gr.spharagomai 'crackle, hiss', ON spraka 'crackle'), *frati- fern (OIr. raith, Gaul. ratis,

Rati-) < *sprH-t- (Lith.paprtis, Croat.paprat), and *klad-o- dig, bury (OIr. cladaid,MW claddu) < *klh2d-- 'strike' (Lat.per-cell, OCS klati). I assume that the operationof Dybos law in Celtic was general (i. e. unrestricted by phonetic environment). The

apparent exceptions to the operation of Dybos law in Celtic are best treated asanalogical re-introductions of vowel length from the forms of the root where the lengthwas preserved regularly.

V. A. Dybo, Sokraenie dolgot v kelto-italijskix jazykax i ego znaenie dlja balto-slavjanskoj iindoevropejskoj akcentologii, Voprosy slavjanskogo jazykoznanija 5/1961: 9-34. Matasovi,forthc.

8. #RHC- > RaC. Although this change is not universally accepted, it is found in thedevelopment of the following etyma: *latyo- day (OIr. laithe < *lh1tyo- 'warm part ofthe year', OCS lto 'year, summer'), *natu- poem (MW nad, OIr. nath < *(s)nH-tu-, cf.OE snd 'headband'), *mati- good (< *mH-ti-, cf. Lat.mnis, mnus), etc. The samechange occurred in Italic and Balto-Slavic. The development of *#yHC- and *wHC- is


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uncertain, but the following PCelt. examples at least indicate that *H > *a in this

position: PCelt. *yalo- clearing (MW ial < *yH-lo-,cf. PSl. *jal waste, bare,unfruitful Russ. jlovyj, jlyj, Cz. jalov < *yeh2/3-lo-); PCelt. *waxto- bad (OIr. facht'malice', W gwaeth 'worse' < PIE *wHk-to-, if related to Lat. vacill 'stagger') for the

possibility that *H > *a in this position.

9. Merger of PIE palatalized velars and pure velars, cf. PIE *dek'm ten (Lat. decem,Gr. dka, Lith. deimt) > PCelt. *dekam (OIr. deich). This development is shared by allCentum branches of Indo-European.

B) Early PCelt. changes:

1. *gw > *b, cf. PIE *gwow- (Skr. gu-, Gr. bos) > PCelt. *bow- > cow (OIr. b),*gwiHwo- 'alive' (Lat. vvus, Skr.jvs) > PCelt. *biwo- > OIr. bo.

2. Deaspiration of aspirated stops, cf. PIE *bher-o- (Lat.fer, Gr.phr) > PCelt. *ber-o- carry (OIr. berid). This sound change was obviously posterior to *gw > *b (B1),

because PCelt. *gwh > *gw, cf. PIE *gwher- (Gr. thros 'summer', Lat. fornus 'oven') >PCelt. *gwer-o- heat up (MIr. geirid), PIE *sneygwheti 'snows' (Lat. ninguit) > PCelt.*sngweti > OIr. snigid.

W. Cowgill, "The Etymology of Irish guididand the Outcome of *gwh in Celtic" in: M. Mayrhoferet alii(Hg.)Lautgeschichte und Etymologie, Reichert, Wiesbaden 1980: 49-78.

3. CLCstop > CLiCstop (where L = r, l), cf. PIE *k'rd- (Lat. cor, cordis, Lith. irds) >

PCelt. *krid-yo- heart (OIr. cride). It is probable that the same development occurredbefore PIE *m (cf. *kwrmi- 'worm' (Slovene rm) > PCelt. *kwrimi- (OIr. cruim),*h1lmo- elm > PCelt. *limo- (W llwyf), and perhaps before *n. This change wasanterior to the general change of CRC > CaRC (B5) which was otherwise unrestricted

by phonetic environment.

4. *eRa > *aRa (Josephs rule), cf. PIE *terh1tro- auger (Gr. tretron) > PCelt.*taratro- (OIr. tarathar,W taradr). PIE *e did not become *a before *R: PIE *gwenh2(Gr.gyn, OCSena, Goth. qin) >> *gweneh2 > *g

wen > PCelt. *ben, OIr. ben), andthe vowel *e was restored analogically before *Ra in many instances, e.g. in thereduplicated syllables in the perfect (PCelt. *me-mad- > OIr. memaidbroke, 3sg. perf.of maidid breaks < PCelt. *mad-yo-). This change preceded the decomposition of

syllabic nasals (B5) because of the development of PCelt. *elan(t) doe, hind (OIr.eilit, ailit, MW elain) < *h1eln(t)ih2 (rather than *alan(t), cf. OCS lani 'young of thedeer', Gr. Hom. ells 'young of the deer', laphos 'deer', Arm. en 'deer'), but after thevocalization of laryngeals between consonants, because of the development of *taratro-< *terh1tro- above.

L. Joseph, The Treatment of *CRH- and the Origin of CaRa- in Celtic, riu 33/1982: 31-57.

5. CRC > CaRC, cf. PIE *h1dnt- 'tooth' (Lat. dns, Gr. odos) > PCelt. *danto- tooth(OIr. dt, W dant), PIE *mrwo- (besides *mrto-, *mrtwo- > Lat. mortuus, OCS mrtv)>PCelt. *marwo- dead (OIr. marb, W marw), PIE *bhrso- (OHG borst'point' > PCelt.


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*barso- > *barro- point, top (OIr. barr, MW barr). Note that syllabic liquids had

already developed to *ri, *li before stops and *m (B3).6. Loss of laryngeals in non-syllabic position. This change is later than the developmentof syllabic resonants (B5), because of, e.g., PIE *k'lHeto- > *kalHeto- (OE haeled'hero') > PCelt. *kaleto- hard (OIr. calad, W caled), PIE *wlH-o- 'rule' (Lat. ualeo bestrong Goth. waldan rule, ToB walo king) > PCelt. *walo- ruler, chief, PIE *smh2eli-(Lat. similis 'similar) > PCelt. *samali- similitude, PIE *snHi (Lat. sine 'without' ToAsne 'without') > PCelt. *sani- without (OIr. sain)

7. *p...kw > *kw...*kw, cf. PIE *penkwe (Gr.pnte, Lith.penk) > PCelt. *kwenkwe five(OIr. cic, MWpymp). This change predated the development of *kw > *x before stops(C1) if PCelt. *kwerxt- bush (W perth) is from PIE *perkw- oak. It is assumed herethat the similar assimilation in Italic (cf. Lat. quercus) is a parallel development (forarguments see below).

8. * > *, cf. PIE *Hrg'- king (Lat. rx, Skr. rja-) > PCelt. *rg- (OIr. r). Thischange must predate PCelt. *ey > * (C6) and PCelt. *p > *f > (C4), because of PIE*h1epi-ro- 'at, behind' (Gr. ep, Skr. pi) > PCelt. *efirom (> *eyrom > *rom, OIr. arafter, not **r).

9. * > * in final syllables, cf. PIE *k'wn dog (Gr. kn, Skr.v) > PCelt. *kw(n)(OIr. c, W ci).

11. *V:RC > *VRC (Osthoff-type shortening before resonants in closed syllables), cf.,e.g., PIE *h2weh1nto- wind (Lat. vntus) > *wnto- > *wnto- > PCelt. *winto- (OIr.

fet'whistling', W gwynt'wind'), perhaps also PIE *sih2m-do- > *sndo- > PCelt. *sindo-that (OIr. sind). This change was obviously posterior to * > * (B7).

C)Late PCelt. changes:

1. *C1C2 > *xC2 (where C2 stands for any stop and *s), cf. PIE *septm seven (Lat.septem, Gr. hept) > PCelt. *sextam (OIr. secht). This change is posterior to TT > *ss,and also to CRCstop > CRiCstop (B3) because of PIE *prp-tu- (Gr. prpei 'appears') >PCelt. *frixtu- form (OIr. richt, W rhith), *h2mlg'to- (Gr. amlg 'milk') > PCelt.*mlixto- milk (OIr. mlicht).

2. *pL > *bL (where L stands for any liquid), cf. PIE *pi-prh3-se- (Gr.pprtai 'is sold'> PCelt. *pibrase- will bestow, will give > *fibrase- (OIr. ebraid), PIE *dwey-plo-double (Goth. tweifls, Lat. duplus) > PCelt. *dwblo- (OIr. dabul).

3. *pN > *wN (where N is any nasal), presumably only after back vowels, cf. PIE*supno- "sleep" (Gr. hpnos, OCS sn) > PCelt. *suwno- > *sowno- sleep (OIr.san, W hun).

4. *p > *f, cf. PIE *ph2tr > PCelt. *fatr father (OIr. athir). It is possible that *f(phonetically probably [] is still preserved in Lepontic PN Uvamokozis < *upamo-ghostis (Prestino).


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5. * > , cf. PIE *deh3no- 'gift' (Lat. dnum) > *dno- > PCelt. *dno- gift (OIr. dn);

this change is obviously later than the change of * > in final syllables (B8). Clearexamples of this change in Celtiberian are lacking, but there are no counter-examples,and the earlier change of *- > *- is attested in Celtiberian (N. sg.Melmu < *melmn).

6. *ey > *, cf. PIE *(H)reyd- (OE rdan) > PCelt. *rd-o- ride (OIr. ridid). Thischange was obviously later than * > * (B8). There is some uncertainty whether thischange also occurred in Celtiberian, cf. Celtib. PN Teiuoreikis (Nom. sg.) < *dwo-rg-.

7. *ew > *ow, cf. PIE *newyo- > PCelt. *nowiyo- new (OIr. nae, W newydd).

8. *uw > *ow/_C, cf. PIE *supno- > PCelt. *suwno- > *sowno- sleep (OIr. san). Thischange probably did not apply before *-i- in the next syllable, because of *dru-wid- >OIr. drudruid (rather than **dro). It is unclear whether this change applied in Proto-Celtic, or just in Goidelic and Brittonic (data from Gaulish and Celtiberian are lacking).

D) Some other probable PCelt. changes:

1. The liquid assimilations *rp > *rf > *rr (PIE *serp- > PCelt. *serr) and *lp > *lf >*ll (PIE *kulp- > PCelt. *kul(f)o-), *-rs- > *-rr- (PIE *bhrso- "top" > PCelt. *barro->OIr. barr), *rst > *rt (PIE *trs-tu- thirst (Germ.Durst) > OIr. tart). It is possible that atleast some of the assimilations were parallel innovations of individual languages afterthe break-up of Proto-Celtic.

2. The assimilation of *mw > *ww, cf. *kom-wro- > PCelt. *kowwro- true (W

cywir).

3. The lengthening of the vowel before the cluster *xsL, cf. *tok'-slo- axe (OCS tesla'axe',OHG dehsala) > *txslo- > PCelt. *txslo- (OIr. tl); it is possible that PCelt. *xwas lost and that the preceding vowel was subject to compensatory lengthening.

4. The liquid metathesis (*ar, *al > *ra, *la) between labials and a cluster of twodentals: PIE *mlsto- (Russ. molst' 'suckle') > PCelt. *mlasto- taste (OIr. mlas, Wblas), PIE *gwrsto- 'great' (Lat. grossus) > PCelt. *brasso- great (OIr. bras, W bras),PIE *h1wrsto- (Skr. vara- 'rain') > PCelt. *wrasto- shower (OIr.frass), PIE *wlsno- >*walsno- > PCelt. *wlanno- blood red (OIr.flann), etc.

5. The loss of laryngeals after *ey (and *oy?) before consonants (*VyHC > *VyC), cf.PCelt. *bto- food (W bwyd) < PIE *gweyh3to-, PCelt. *dno- fast (OIr. dan) *(C)RaCdentalC, cf. PIE (?) *prh3-sneh2gift, share > PCelt. *frasn(OIr. rann); however, PCelt. *frasn, just like Lat. pars, can be derived from a rootwithout laryngeal (generalized after the present stem *pr-neh3- / *pr-nh3- (> PCelt. *far-na-), and explained by liquid metathesis.

2. #RCvoicedC > #RaCvoicedC (Schrijvers rule, cf. Lat. magnus 'big' < *mg'nos); however,all of the alleged examples involve the root *meg'h2- great (cf. PCelt. *maglo-,*magyo-, and *magos). None of those etymologies is beyond reproach.

3. *h2rCstop- > *arCstop- and *h3rC

stop- > *arCstop- (but *h1rCstop- > *riCstop-, cf. *rig-o-

go (OIr. fut. regaid) < *h1rgh-o-, Gr. rkhomai). However, examples of this change are

few in number and quite controversial. PCelt. *orgy testicle (OIr. uirge) can bederived from *h1org'

hi- rather than *h1rg'hi- or *h3rg'

hi- assumed by some linguists;PCelt. *arto- bear (OIr. art, W arth) is from PIE *h2rtk'o-, but it probably wentthrough the stage *h2rko- (and *#rC- > *#arC- may be assumed just like *#rsC >*#arsC). PCelt. *arganto- silver (OIr. argid, W argant) is a problem, since thereconstruction *h2rg'nto- seems somewhat more probable than *h2erg'nto-. However,the word for silver may have had an ablauting paradigm in PIE (Gr. rgyros can be

both from *h2erg'- and *h2rg'-, and Skt. rjuna- shining is clearly from *h2erg'-). It isalso possible that the Celtic word for silver is a Latin loanword, just like the word for

"gold" (OIr. r, W awr< Lat. aurum).

4. Insular Celtic apocope of word-final *-i; this is often assumed to account for thedifference between the absolute and conjunct endings in OIr. and OW, cf. OIr. absoluteberid "carries" vs. conjunct beir "id."; the former is then assumed to be from PCelt.*bereti with some particle, e.g. the copula *est(i), while the latter is derived from*bereti without any suffixed particle. Thus, *bereti > Proto-Insular Celtic *beret > OIr.berid. However, the rule of early apocope of *-i fails to account for PCelt. *feruti 'lastyear' (PIE Loc. sg. *per-ut-i > Gr. prysi) > OIr. inn-uraid (with palatalized -d), the

Nom./acc. sg. of the neuter i-stems in OIr. (muir'sea' < PCelt. *mori < PIE *mori, Lat.mare) and for PCelt. *sani 'without' (Lat. sine, ToA sne) > OIr. sain, W hn.

6. 2. PROTO-CELTIC PHONEMIC SYSTEM:

I. Vowels

short longi u

e o (a)


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diphthongs: ey ay oy aw

Stops:

- t k kw (PIE. *p> 0, PIE *k' > k)

b d g gw (ie. *bh, *dh > b, d, ie. *gw > b, ie. *gwh > gw)

Resonants:

m n l r

Fricatives and affricaties:

s ts [x] (ts < ie.*st, *ts, [x] < PIE *k /_t, Gaul. duxtir< ie. *dhugh2tr)

Glides:

w y

6. 3. MAIN SOUND CHANGES FROM PROTO-CELTIC TO OLD IRISH

(1) PIE *gwh > (PCelt. *gw) >OIr. g: ie. *gwhon- slay > OIr. gonid (Skr. hanti, Croat.goniti), PIE *sneygwheti snows> OIr. snigid (Lat. ninguit).

(2) PIE *kw > q (Ogam) > OIr. c. PIE *kwetwores (Lat. quattuor) > OIr. cethir (Wpedwar).

(3) PIE *m i *n > (PCelt. *am, *an) > *em, *en word medially: PIE *kmtom 100(Lat. centum) > OIr. *kenton > ct (W cant).

(4) Palatalizations before front vowels (e, i). PCelt. *bereti > OIr. beirid carries/berid/, *budin > OIr. buiden troop /buden/, etc. Back vowels before consonantscould have blocked palatalization: *kaneti sings > OIr. canaid /kanid/. In some casesonly *i palatalized the consonant, but not *e: *gabiti gets > gaibid /gavid/, but*sonertis > sonairt strong /sonert/.

David Greene, The Growth of Palatalization in Irish, Transactions of the Philological Society 1973:127-136.


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(5) Lenition: PIE *meh2ter mother > OIr. mthir (Gaul. D pl. matrebo). Strong

resonants become "weak",cf.OIr. ainm /an/ name< ie. *h3nomen (Lat. nmen).Weak n and l in unaccented syllables became strong if that syllable began with n, l,and r; thus, G sg. ofriu "Ireland" is renn (rather than *ren), but G sg. ofMumu(/muu/) "Munster" is Muman; this is "Mac Neill's law.

(6) PIE *y was dropped: ie. *treyes 3 (Skr. tryas, Lat. trs) > OIr. tr.

(7) PIE *w- > f-: PIE *wihro- man > OIr. fer (Lat. vir). *w is lost word-medially (PIE*deywo- > OIr. da god), except in some clusters, when it remains as b /v/ cf. PIE*widheweh2 > OIr. fedb widow (lat. vidua).

(8) Raising (Hebung): e, o become i, u, respectively, before syllables with i, u: PIE*moghus servant > OIr. mug, Lat. (navis) longa > OIr. long ship, but G sg. lungae< *longiys.

(9) Lowering (Senkung): i, u become e, o, respectively, before syllables with a, o: PIE*wiHro- > *wiro- > OIr. fer, PIE *bhrto- carried > PCelt. *brito- > OIr. :breth wascarried.

(10) Apocope: all short vowels in absolute auslaut were dropped: V > 0 / _#, cf. OIr.muir sea < *mori (Lat. mare).

(11) Final long vowels were shortened *wihrons men, Apl. (Lat. virs) > PCelt.*wirs > OIr. firu.

(12) Syncope: in words with more than two syllables, every second syllable (countingfrom the end) was sdropped: Ogam G sg. NETTASLOGI > OIr. Nad-slaig (propername).

(13) *e before palatalized *g becomes a, cf. *egi ice > OIr. aig (G sg. ego).

Relative chronology:

Lat. molina > *mulina > *mulena > muilenn

Ogam CATUBUTTAS > *catubotas > *catubot > *catbot = OIr. CathbadOgam VELITAS poet, G sg. > *vilitas > *viletas > *vilet > OIr. filed.

Archaic Irish sound changes:

( < PIE *ey) and (< PIE *ew, *ow) > a and a, respectively; Ogam TOTAVALI >OIr. G sg. Tathail, CERAN(I) > OIr. G sg. Carin; Arch. OIr. fdot "they lead" >Class. OIr. fadat.


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remains before palatalized consonants, cf. OIr. tit he goes (< *stg-ti) vs. tagu I

go < *stg.

6. 4. MAIN SOUND CHANGES FROM PROTO-CELTIC TO MIDDLE WELSH

A) CONSONANTS:

(1) *kw > p: OIr. cethir"4" < *kwetwores (Lat. quattuor), Wpedwar

(2) *ts > s: OIr. ser"star" < *tser- (Lat. stella), W ser-enn.

(3) *w > gw: OIr. fer "man" < *wiHro- (Lat. vir), W gwr, pl. gwyr, Celt. *windo-"white" > W gwyn (OIr.find).

(4) *y > / i_: OIr. nae < *newiyos "new" (Skr. navya-), W newydd

(5) *ks > x: PIE *swek's "6" (Lat. sex) > W chwech.

(6) *Vkt > *Vxt > Vyth: PIE *(H)ok'teoh1 "8" (Lat. oct) > W. wyth

(7) *rk > rx, *rt > r: *markos "horse" (Gaul. marcosior"I would ride") > W. march;

PIE *perk

w

us "oak" (Lat. quercus) > Celt. *k

w

er(k

w

)tu- (OIr. cert) > W.perth "bush".(8) lenition:

b, d, g, m > v, , (> 0 7th cent.): Celt. *medus "mead" (OIr. mid) > W. medd, Celt.*slowgo- "troop" (OIr. slag) > W. llu, Celt. *abon "river'"> W afon (OIr. aub, Gul.

Abona).

No lenition in consonant clusters: Celt. *kambo- "crooked" (OIr. cam, Gaul. Cambo-) >W. cam 'transgression, crime'.

s > h: *s > h: OIr. sen "old" < *senos (Lat. senex), W. hen; Celt. *siskwo- "dry" > W

hysb (OIr. sesc, Bret. hesp); unlenited s was generalized in some words, cf. W. seith "7"< Celt. *sexten (OIr. secht)

*sr >ffr(as in Lat.): *sruto- 'stream' >ffrwd(OIr. sruth),ffroen "nostril" < *srokn(OIr. srn 'nose').

r > rh, l > lh; rh i lh (written rh, ll), were generalized in W Anlaut, cf. *rno- "secret" >W. rhun (OIr. rn).


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Celt. *t, *k > d, g: Celt. *kwkwo- "everyone" > W. pawb (OIr. cch), Celt. *gnto-

"known, common" > W. gnawd(OIr. gnth), Celt. *katu- "battle" > W. cad(OIr. cath,Gaul. Catu-), Celt. "dekan 10" > W deg (OIr. deich, Gaul. dekant-en).

(9) Celt. *y is preserved (Celt. *yewanko- "young" > W ieuanc, cf. OIr. ac), but itbecomes ddafter *i in unstressed syllables: *newiyos "new" > W newydd(OIr. nae).

B) VOWELS:

(1) Celt. * > W. aw (stressed): Celt. *lno- "full" > W. llawn (stir. ln, Bret. leun), > o(unstressed), cf. W. marchawc "horseman", pl. marchogion.

(2) Celt. * > W. wy: Celt. *btu- "food" > W. bwyd(OIr. bad, MBret. boed). We findthe same reflex of in Lat. loanwords, cf. Lat. rte "net" > W rhwyd.

(3) Celt. * > W u: Celt. *rdo- "red" > W. rhudd (OIr. rad, Bret. ruz < PIE*h1rewdho-, cf. Lat. rber).The same reflex is found for Lat in loanwords, cf. Lat.

frma 'form' > W.ffurf.

(4) (PIE. *uH >) Celt. * > W. i: Celt. *rno- "secret" > W. rhin (OIr. rn).

(5) PCelt. * (< PIE iH) > W i: Celt. *sros "long" (OIr. sr< PIE *seh1ro-, cf. lat.srus"late") > W. hir, Lat. vnum > W. gwin "wine". Thus, there is no phonologicalopposition of long and short vowels in W.

(6) Short *e >y /_ nasal + stop, cf. Celt. *senton 'path' (stir. st) > MW. hynt, *kwenkwe'5' (OIr. cic) > Wpymp ( >pump).

(7) *a > ae /_KT (K is any velar, T any dental): Lat. lacte- "milk" > W. llaeth; *e > ei/_KT, cf. PIE. *septm '7' > Celt. *sextan (OIr. secht) > W. seith, *o > wy /_KT, cf. PIE*h3ek'toh1 "8" > Celt. *oxt (OIr. ocht) > W. wyth.

(8) Celt. (and PIE.) *ay , *oy >oe, cf. W coeg "empty, blind" < PCelt. *kaykos (OIr.

cech).

(9) In compounds, linking vowels were lost through syncope: *Epo-rdos '"horse-swift,swift as a horse" > W. ebrwydd"swift".

(10) A protheticy- developed before *sC- cf. OW stebill 'rooms' (Lat. stabella 'stables')> W.ystefyll.

(11) Umlaut: 1. -affection: y > e (*birr "short (f.) > berr"short", *birro- m. > byrrm.), w > o(*trumb "heavy" f. > trom f., *trumbo- > trwm m.).


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2. -affection: a > ei (*mapo- "son" > mab, pl. *map > meib), ae > ei (*magino- >*mayno- > maen "stone" pl. *mayn > mein), e > y (*seno- "old" > hen 'old', comp.*seny > hyn "older"), o > y (Lat.porta >porth 'door' pl.pyrth < *port), w > y (*yurko-"goat" > iwrch,pl. *urk >yrch).

(12) Apocope of the final syllables: PCelt. *brtr 'brother' > W brawd (note thatapocope in Welsh was more extensive than in OIr., where certain finals were preservedin closed long syllables, cf. OIr. brthir'brother').

6. 5. CONSONANT MUTATIONS

All Insular Celtic languages have consonant mutations, systematic changes of wordinitial consonants caused by particular lexemes, grammatical forms, or syntacticconstructions. For example, in Middle Welsh, all feminine nouns in the singular causethe lenition of the following words within the NP, cf. W gwraig fawr 'big woman', butgwr mawr'big man' (the basic form of the adjective 'big' is mawr).

There are three basic types of consonant mutations: aspiration/lenition, nasalization andgemination. They exist in both branches of Insular Celtic, but they do not work in theidentical way in Goidelic and Brythonic; for example, the lenition (aspiration in

Goidelic) changes the voiceless stops into voiced stops in Welsh, but into voicelessfricatives in Old Irish, which means that these were parallel processes, not projectableinto "Common Insular Celtic". Initially, these were purely phonetic processes, which

became morphologized after the apocope of final syllables in both Goidelic andBrythonic. Lenition/aspiration was caused by all words and forms ending in a vowel,e.g. the Nom. sg. of the feminine article *sind: *sind kastr > *sind gastr > MW ygaer'the town', OIr. ind chathir. Nasalization was caused by all words and forms endingin a nasal consonant, e.g. the numeral *sextam '7': *sextam kw > MW. seith gi, OIr.secht c /s'ext gu:/. The gemination was caused by words and forms ending in *-s, e.g.the numeral *trs '3': *trs kastr > *trs xastr > MW tri chaer'three towns (in Old Irishthe traces of aspiration can be seen only on words beginning with vowels, which get a

prefixed h-, e.g. a hathir'her father < *esys atr).

In some cases, causes of consonant mutations are not historically justified, or areunknown. For example, PNs cause lenition in MW, cf.Arawn vrenhin Annwvyn 'Arawn,the king of Annwvyn' (the dictionary form is brenhin 'king'). Possibly the old vocativesg. in *-e was generalized here instead of the nominative in *-s.


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7. CELTIC CONJUGATION

7. 1. GENERAL CHARACTERIZATION

The verbal system in OIr. is characterized by a series of binary oppositions between:-simple and compound verbs-strong and weak verbs-absolute and conjunct forms-active and passive voice-prototonic and deuterotonic forms of compound verbs-simple and deponent conjugations

The morphological formula of a verbal form includes the following elements:

V = Pref. + (Red.)R + Suff. + E

The stem is formed by the root and its suffixes. There are five verbal stems in OIr.:

-the present stem-the subjunctive stem-the future stem-the active preterite stem-the passive preterite stem

A verbal complex can also include conjunct particles, preverbs, object markers andemphatic dectic suffixes.

The verb in the absolute initial position is in the so-called absolute form. If anythingprecedes it in the clause, the conjunct form must be used. There are separate verbendings distinguishing absolute and conjunct forms.

Elements than can precede the verb in a clause are called conjunt particles (CP). Theseare the negations, question words and several subordinating conjunctions.

Absolute conjugation = V+Eabs.Conjunct conjugation = CP + V + Econj.

Absolute form: berid in fer in claideb the man is carrying the sword.Conjunct form: n beir in fer in claideb the man does not carry the sword.

Traces of the opposition of absolute and conjunct forms are preserved in OW, cf. OWabsoluteprinit 'buys' *prineti, retit 'runs' < *reteti (OIr. rethid), also the proverb trengitgolud ni threingk molud'riches passes away, fame does not pass away'.

Compound verbs (those containing preverbs) had only conjunct endings, butdistinguished between prototonic forms (used after particles) and deuterotonic forms(used clause initially), cf. OIr. as-beir 'he says' (deuterotonic) vs. n epir 'he does notsay' (prototonic).


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7. 2. VERBAL ENDINGS

Present endingspresent OIr. absolute OIr. conjunct MW1 sg. -u (-imm) -u, (-u-) -af , OW -am


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The origin of the opposition between absolute and conjunct endings is still disputed.

The traditional (and minority) view derives them from the PIE primary (present) andsecondary (aorist) endings, respectively. Other theories derive both the absolute and theconjunct endings from PIE present endings, but explain the difference either by

positing an agglutinated final particle to account for the primary endings (Cowgill,Sims-Williams), or by claiming that the final *-i was not apocopated in the absoluteendings because the clause-initial absolute forms attracted clitics, so that *-i was not inthe Auslaut of the phonetic word (McCone). Neither of these theories account for thefunctional difference between absolute and conjunct endings.

K. McCone, "The Absolute and Conjunct Verbal inflection in Old Irish", in: Grammatische Kategorien,Funktion und Geschichte, Akten der VII. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, ed. B.

Schlerath, Harrasowitz, Wiesbaden 1985: 261-270. K. Mc Cone, Further to Absolute and Conjunct,Eriu 33/1982 i W. Cowgill, On the Origin of the Absolute and Conjunct Verbal Inflexion of Old Irish,in: Grammatische Kategorien. Funktion und Geschichte, hg. von B. Schlerath, Reichert, Wiesbaden1985: 10-119. P. Sims-Williams, "The double system of verbal inflexion in Old Irish", Transactions ofthe Philological Society 1984, R. Matasovi, "The 1st person singular in Old Irish and in Old ChurchSlavic, and the origin of the Insular Celtic verbal endings", MS.

Endings of the subjunctiveOIr. abs OIr. conj MW

1 sg. -a -0 -wyf2 sg. -e -e -ych

3 sg. -id -a -wy (-o)1 pl. -m(a)i -am -om2 pl. -the -id -och3 pl. -(a)it -at -wynt (-ont)

The subjunctive endings are added to the subjunctive stem to form present subjunctiveand to the future stem (in Old Irish only) to form the future tense. The subjunctive stemwas built by adding *-s- to the root. This formant is preserved in W as -h- (e.g. 3 sg.subj. carho 'he would love'); in OIr. it was lost between vowels (caraid'he would love'< *karaseti), but preserved after consonants (geiss 'he would pray' < *gwed-s-ti, cf. the

present guidid). In origin, it is a desiderative formant, cognate with the suffixes used toform the future tense in Lithuanian (lksiu 'I will leave') and Greek (leps 'I will leave' *-mam > *-mm > -nn. OIr. 2 sg. -thamight be related to Skr. 2. sg. -ths (impf. a-bhara-ths you were carried). OIr. 3. sg.

-ad might represent the PIE 3 sg. middle *-to (Gr. -to). The 2 sg. ipf. ending may bepreserved in Gaul. redresta"que tu montes" (Cajarc; LG 65).

P. Schrijver, "The Chronology of the Loss of Post-posttonic Vowels Between Identical Consonants andthe Origin of the Celtic First Person Sg. Imperfect",Mnchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft53/1992:179-196.

The endings of the preterite (singular)OIr. (only abs.) MW

1 sg. -0 (-i-)2 sg. -0 -t3 sg. - (palatalization) -0 (i-umlaut)

These are mostly from the PIE perfect endings: 1 sg. *-h2e, 2. sg. *-th2e (Ved. perf.vet-tha you know = Gr. oda), 3 sg. *-e (gr. ode he knows). Gaulish has 3sg.ending -e (dede 'he made') and mysterious -u (ieouru < *pe-porh3-u), -tu (karni-tu 'hemade', 3pl. karni-tus). The Insular Celtic preterite is in origin a merger of the PIE

perfect (e.g. OIr. cechain 'he sang' < *ke-kan-e, cf. Lat. cecinit) and sigmatic aorist (e.g.OIr. -carsam, MW carassam 'we loved'). The sigmatic aorist is attested in Gaul. legasithe posited.

C. Watkins,Indo-European Origins of the Celtic Verb, I, The Sigmatic Aorist, DIAS, Dublin 1962.

Endings of the passiveOIr. abs OIr. conj. MW

3 sg. -thir, -ar -ther -(i)r (pres.) -t (pret.)3 pl. -tair -tar -(i)r (pres.) -t (pret.)

OW distinguishes between abs. -tor(cephitor'is got') and conj. -ir(rincir'needs').


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Deponent endings (OIr. only) abs conj1 sg. -ur -ur2 sg. -ther -ther3 sg. -thir (-idir) -thar (-edar)1 pl. -mmir -mmar2 pl. -the -id3 pl. -tir -tar

The deponent 2. sg. imperative ending is -the: labrithe speak! (to labrithir speak).Gaul. has marcosior 'I would ride', velor 'I want' (Marcellus of Bordeaux), andCeltiberian has nebintor he is not struck(?). Like the passive endings, the deponentendings correspond to the present middle endings in Hittite (ari 'he is sitting') and theLatin passive endings (amtur'he is (being) loved'). The correspondences are not exact,however, and the actual history of the deponent endings is quite complex.

Warren Cowgill, On the Prehistory of Celtic passive and Deponent Inflection, riu 34/1983: 73-111.

Imperative endings:OIr. only abs. MW

2 sg. -0 -03 sg. -ad

The 2sg. imperative form is the bare verbal (present) stem, parallel to the imperativesin other IE languages (Lat. lege, Gr. lge, etc.). In OIr. plural, the conjunct presentendings serve as imperative endings. In Gaulish, we have ipv. 2sg. gabi 'take'.

7.3.OLDIRISHVERBALSTEMS

The following table shows the possible combinations of verbal stems and endings:

endingsstems present subjunctive imperfect imperative deponent passive

present indic. present imperative dep. present passive

preent

subjunctive presentsubjunctive

pastsubjunctive

dep.subj.present

passive subj.present

future future conditional dep. future passive future

preterite s-preterite dep. preteritepass. preterite passive

preterite


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7.4. PRESENT STEM CLASSES IN OLD IRISH

Athematic present stems were largely replaced by thematic ones in OIr. There are someexceptions: the copula is < PIE *h1esti (Lat. est, Skr. asti), snaid swims < *sneh2ti(Lat. no, nre, ved. snti), etc. Infixed present stems *-n- (Lat iungit, ved. yunaktiyokes) are mostly preserved, e.g. *kwri-ne-h2-tibuys > OIr. crenaid, Skr. krnti).The present stems in *new-/nu- were lost, except for ro:cluinethar hears

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