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54% 12% 34% Etnische Samenstelling Groenewoud jan. 2009 Neder Totaa Totaa 49% 26% et Westerse Allochtonen Aantal personen uit Turkije Aantal personen uit 17% 17% 13% Westerse Alloc Starting point: A global im- pression of Woensel-west IDEO-cards: the founda- tion of the research; why? how? what? Outcome of the research; An overview of the collected data Research Report 07-09 / 24-09 DPE20 Next door Quartier

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Etnische Samenstelling Groenewoud jan. 2009


Totaal westerse allochtonen

Totaal niet westerse allochtonen






Niet Westerse Allochtonen

Aantal personen uit Turkije

Aantal personen uit Marokko





Westerse Allochtonen


Aantal mensen uit 26 andere eu landen

Starting point: A global im-pression of Woensel-west

IDEO-cards:the founda-tion of the research; why? how? what?

Outcome of the research; An overview of the collected data

Research Report 07-09 / 24-09DPE20 Next door Quartier

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s081013 Vivian van der Burgt s070091 Berend Hoogendoorn s071352 Jorg de Bont s070546 Jeroen Paijmans

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Table of Contents


1 Creating a starting Point

Similar Projects 2

Similar Neighbourhoods 4

Experts 6

Literature 7

Global Research Brussels 9

2 As preparation for Brussels 10


Anthropometric Analysis 11

Cognitive Maps 12

Empathy Tools 13

Behavioural Archaeology 14

3 Conclusion 16

Sources 18

Appendices 20

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In preparation for Brussels, a solid base needs to be created. This has to ensure that a good start can be made and that each time Brussels will be visit, the relatively short amount of time available, will be used properly.

This report discusses the very first research that functioned as an “orientation phase.” Getting fa-miliar with the problem and finding comparables to support the understanding.

Besides that a couple of researching skills are in-vestigated, to reveal their effectiveness and appli-cability in relation to Brussels.

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Creating a starting point

This chapter is a overview of the first week of the Next Door / Quartier project. The project revolves around the (in)famous Brabantwijk in Brussels. The Brabantwijk is a so called disadvantaged ur-ban area in which social cohesion between eth-nicities is very low. The goal of the project is to find a way how design can contribute to learning from each other across ethnic borders. During the first week the project group was re-quired to do research on a) similar projects, b) ex-perts relevant to the project, c) similar neighbor-hoods and d) reading provided literature.

Similar Projects

Researching similar projects is a good way of find-ing out what ‘common denominators’ are when dealing with disadvantaged urban areas. Two members of the project team were both involved in the project ‘My Cup of Tea’ which dealt with cof-fee and tea rituals across cultures.The process of research was analyzed for both projects in order to find a useful approach for this project.

My Cup of tea

Arabic Coffee Ritual For the ‘My Cup of Tea’ project the project group researched the Arabian coffee ritual. This was done by researching along with the per-sons of expertise, the Arabians. By visiting an Ara-bic shop in Woensel and talking about the recipe and how to prepare the coffee the group could start brewing Arabic coffee themselves. Subse-quently a visit was paid to Rotterdam to an Arabic coffee house where a host prepared and poured the coffee. Through talking with experts about the process, experiencing the authentic process and recreating the process ourselves a deeper under-standing about the origins and reasoning behind this coffee ritual was created.

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Dutch Coffee ritualThe other project group researched the Dutch cof-fee ritual. A former Dutch coffee supplier for the royal family was contacted and interviewed on typical Dutch aspects of the ritual. As a second step people in Dutch coffeehouses were observed and interviewed on how they interact during the ritual.Finally the owners of the shops were interviewed on how they experience the coffee ritual and what it’s ‘typical Dutch’ aspects might be.Through observing and inquiring an understand-ing about the workings and historical background of the ritual was created. Other projects done in the Netherlands and in Bel-gium were found, such as ‘Woensel West op het menu!’, ‘Bal Global’ and ‘’.

Woensel Zuid on the menu!

Eindhoven is one of the five biggest cities in the Netherlands and a home for people all over the world. 70 different nationalities can be found in Woensel.

To bring some social cohesion Kasper van de Pad-voordt took the initiative to create a cookbook from all the different cultures that live in Woensel. He wishes to gather recipes ranging from tradi-tional Dutch stew to South-African Bobotie.

Bal Global

Bal Global is a multicultural ball with live music and dance. The multicultural nature of the event is apparent during both the development and reali-zation of the project.

During the event the mix of music and dance is used to bind people with a universal, cross-cul-tural phenomenon, eliminating differences and focusing on similarities.

The projects that were researched all seemed to have in common that they used cross-cultural, universal habits or rituals to bind people.

Stuff like food, music, dance and play seem to be the main inspiration for people to create social co-hesion.

VERS in Woensel West

VERS is a group of seven students from the Design academy who has raised a workplace in the neigh-borhood Woensel West where their creativity can come alive.

To make the neighborhood pleasant to live and nicer the group organized some projects who had to deal with Woensel West. With paintings, pic-tures from the neighborhood and pictures from the history houses, who were ready for demoli-tion, were decorated and gave the neighborhood a nicer view.

They also involved the inhabitants by letting them making pictures from radical or positive points in their neighborhood.

VERS is an example of a design approach in a neighborhood to make it more pleasant to live in.

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The T-HUIS (T-House) lies in a colorful multicultural neighborhood nearby the Woenselse markt. You wouldn’t say it is a disadvantaged urban area but many houses are nominated for the demolition. It is a very poor neighborhood with their problems like criminality, drugs and prostitution.

The T-HUIS wants to give the children from the neighborhood a chance on a better future by keeping them from the streets and giving them education.

There are several topics that the T-HUIS is integrat-ing in projects. They have a sport project, where the children create a positive dynamic between each other, a language workshop where students will read to little children and where children will be stimulated by language activities, a music project where the children will learn different kind of music styles from different cultures and what kind of impact music has on a society, a reading project, and a technique project where children will be stimulated to use their creativity and skills.

The T-HUIS has also a design approach to improve the neighborhood. They have thought of ‘service design’. With a network of people and the right information and knowledge on the one hand, and the creative aspect where the outcome can lead to a methodology, positive result on the other hand the T-HUIS will come up with several ideas and concepts to improve the neighborhood.

Similar Neighborhoods

Investigating similar neighborhoods is a good way to search for recurring causes or typicality’s. The first neighborhood that was investigated was Borgerhout.


Borgerhout is a district with in de municipality of the city Antwerp. Borgerhout is situated on the east site of the city. The district is divided into two parts: Borgerhout intra-muros and Borgerhout ex-tra-muros, these names refer to the city reinforce-ments surrounding Antwerp in de 19th century. Intra-muros is more densely populated that Extra-muros, and the percentage of immigrants is much higher in Borgerhout intra-muros. Most of the im-migrants come from North-African countries like Morocco. Because of the amount of North-African inhabitants Intra-muros is also called Borgerocco.

Borgerhout used to be a small village outside of Antwerp. During the industrialization of Antwerp in the 19th century Borgerhout grew and flour-ished, the Turnhoutsebaan became the commer-cial centre with a lot of shops. The village merged into Antwerp. After the industrialization Borger-hout became a residential area with this Borger-hout experienced a big increase in population. The Second World War ended the prosperity of the district. The population decreased because many inhabitants migrated to the more rural areas of Antwerp. This resulted in abandoned houses which were eventually filled with migrants seek-ing fortune in the city. In 1983 Borgerhout official-ly became a part of Antwerp.

Because Borgerhout was build within the defense lines of the city of Antwerp, the inhabitants weren’t allowed to build wide lanes and boulevards. But instead the streets became narrow. This is be-cause narrow streets were thought to be easier to defend. The downside of this is that the quality of living was reduced. An building at the Krugerpark which was abandoned was demolished a couple of years ago, the demolition site was turned in to a square which opened up the area. During the re-alization of this square there was a lot of critique but nowadays this square is regarded to be one

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dential area in Amsterdam. In 1966 the construc-tion for this area began. The plan for this area was inspired by the ideas of Le Corbusier of a city with residential and working area separated, the residential area should have as little as traffic as possible. This was done by creating a lot of high apartment buildings.

This set-up for the area seemed to be disastrous. The area was designed for young professionals but 10 years after the start it became clear that the young professionals liked to life in houses, instead of apartments. The result of this was that the apartments were inhabited by immigrants. A lot of these immigrants came from Suriname which became independent.

This flow of immigrants caused a high unemploy-ment rate. This unemployment met that criminal-ity increased.

In 1994 a plane crashed into one of the apartment buildings causing 43 deaths, this is a black day in the history of the neighborhood.

In the 90’s the municipality of Amsterdam started with renewing the neighborhood by demolish-ing a large number of apartment buildings and replacing them with normal houses, the shop-ping centre was renewed, the number of public buildings increased and the coming of the ArenA football-stadion ment more activity in the area. These things made the place more pleasant and increased the quality of life.

The urban planning of a neighborhood can dic-tate the aesthetics, logistics and hence the social cohesion of an area. In both Antwerpen and Am-sterdam it is apparent that the urban planning has had a major effect in the detoriation of the area.

This is later also seen in the analysis of the prob-lems of the Brabantwijk.

of the best examples of how urban planning can increase the quality of life in borgerhout.

The biggest problem in Borgerhout is the Moroc-can youngsters; they believe that they can’t get any job because of discrimination, therefore the drop out of school, because they don’t see the use of studying when they can’t get a job. In-stead of going to school they spend their time on the streets. These youngsters want to show their status by wealth, but because they don’t have an income are easily tempted to fall into criminality. The older generation doesn’t seem to be much of a problem. Most of them are embarrassed by the actions of their children.

In 2002 the Moroccan youngsters started a riot against the police because of the murder of Mo-hammed Achrak. This riot started as a demon-stration against racism but after a confrontation with the police ended in a riot. In the book “Ant-werpen: twintig wijken, twintig werelden” Guy Moonen ( owner of a shop that got damaged in the riot ) said: “A lot of Moroccan people came to his shop to apologize for the actions of the young-sters, they were embarrassed but when I said that I didn’t blame them they hugged me, it is just how you handle people.

A new phenomenon in Borgerhout is the immigra-tion of young professionals, the so called “ Posi-tivo’s” who come to Borgerhout because of the cheap houses and easy connection to the inner-city.

From the analysis of Borgerhout it can be con-cluded that the urban planning has been a major cause to the detoriation of the area. This is also a major component in the Bijlmer.


Bijlmermeer (better known as Bijlmer) is an resi-

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The first expert that was consulted is Ilse Dev-liegher. She is an inhabitant of the Borghout neighborhood.

1. What is your experience concerning living in a multicultural neighborhood?

2. Do you feel safe or unsafe in the neigh-borhood and why?

3. Do you see any differences between cul-tures? If so, in what way?

4. Do you contact people from a differenct cultural background often? If so: how? If not: why not?

5. Are there any plans in Borgerhout to solve any of the problems? If so, what kind of plans?

6. In what way do you see any progression or regression in the neighborhood?

In the appendix the full interview can be viewed in Dutch. The main topic in the answers of the inter-view is about how to behave in order to function in that neighborhood.

Ilse says that she feels safe in the neighborhood because of the connections she has created with her neighbors over time. She acknowledges that there are certain areas in which it is not very safe to go as a girl, but says she is able to deal accord-

ingly with those areas when visiting.

She also says that the Jewish community in Borgerhout owns several streets there, in order to regulate the new inhabitants of those streets. Hence, when a house is vacant, the new resident is almost always from Jewish descent.

Ilse does not connect much with other cultures in the neighborhood; it is only with the neighbors she shares a bond. This is pretty much the same for the rest of the area.

The second expert is Floor Mathijssen. She worked on a project with refugees, and their integration into society.

1. You did a project concerning illegal refu-gees. What was the goal of this project?

2. How did the refugees feel in this differ-ent country? Did the stick to themselves? Did they often group with people from their own culture or did they mingle with others? What kind of atmos-phere was there between the refugees?

3. Did any of the of the refugees feel like they had a future in the Netherlands? Were they optimistic or not?

4. You mentioned that you did workshops with the refugees? What kind of workshops were those?

5. How did you try to improve the situation for the refugees?

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The full interview can be reviewed in the appendix in Dutch.

From the interview an insight was given in how Floor had set up her project and the reasoning behind.

Floor chose food, and the preparation of it as a starting point. Food was chosen because eating is a universal need, but its preparation is very much influenced by culture. By having people from dif-ferent cultures prepare food with each other, both a similarity is used, as well as a difference. This approach creates a bond as well as a possibility for discussion.


Literature from the long project description was chosen in order to start building a scientific/aca-demic foundation to start the project from.

Three pieces of literature were chosen:

O. Tomico, J. Frens & C.J. Overbeeke (2009): Co-reflection: user involvement for highly dynamic design processes. In: Proceedings of ACM CHI 2009 Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems 2009. Pp. 2695-2698.

Ludvigsen, M. (2005) Designing for Social Use in Public Places -- a Conceptual Framework of Social Interaction, Proceedings of DPPI 05, Designing Pleasuable Products and Interfaces Conference on 24--27 October, Eindhoven, The Netherlands.

L. Lefaivre, H. Döll, G. Hall, R. Döll. Ground-up city: play as a design tool.

The literature was read through in general, to cre-ate a bit of awareness on possible methods, ex-amples, hiccups and pitfalls in designing for this project.

The Co-reflection paper was used to view possi-bilities of user involvement in the design process.

Designing for Social Use is about how to connect people in an individualistic environment. It uses a library as example.

The library has become an individual place where you can automatic deliver your material and search for material in the library. To make the li-brary more social again there is designed an ‘I Floor’. This is a floor where you can share your opinion about material in the library and where you can find new material in the library.

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If you are designing a product for social use you need to know how the social structure and behav-ior is in the space:

1. Occasion: the construction of the space

2. Situation: How many people are present

3. Encounter: How is the sharing among the par-ticipants, discussion

The conceptual framework of interaction in social spaces is structured along a scale of engagement, in what extend are participants actively involved into the social interaction of the product. You have 4 frames:

1. Distributed attention: How many people are present

2. Shared focus: there develops a single focus among the participants

3. Dialogue: shared activity in which they are in-vesting themselves and their opinions

4. Collective action: closely related to dialogue, but a stronger shared subject.

Ground-up city is a book on the natural possibili-ties that cities have to improve social cohesion. The first interesting aspect of the book is that it was written by a theorist and an architecture firm both very keen on exploring the potential of play-grounds as a means to connect people together, to increase a sense of community and to improve the integration of immigrants into the city.

Van Eyck:

The legacy of Van Eyck pervades the book. The Dutch architect is famous for having designed the playgrounds that almost everyone who grew up in Amsterdam during the ‘50s, ‘60s and ‘70s have played in.

Of the 700 playgrounds realised by van Eyck be-tween 1947 and 1978, 90 still maintained their original layout in 2001, though sometimes equip-ment designed by others had been added. With the playgrounds, he had the opportunity to put the needs of the child and neighbourhood democ-racy at the centre of town-planning and urban re-newal.

Playgrounds are hardly ever taken seriously in ur-ban projects, at least not as much as car parking or street density for example. Besides, the em-phasis is usually on safety rather than spontane-ity and creativity.

the city is already full of playful opportunities:

- free running

- urban golf

- street football

- dance sessions in Tokyo/China


They asked children to give them a tour of their neighbourhood, to take pictures of anything in their area on which they had a positive or nega-tive opinion and to report on how and where they play. See Döll, Work / The World is My Playground.

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Research Brussels

Research was done on the problems of the Bra-bantwijk and it’s causes. The site of the ‘Samen-levingsopbouw Brussel’ features several articles about the Brabantwijk.

The article ‘SamenlevingsopbouwSchaarbeek| Brabantwijk (2001) Naar een leefbare Brabantw-ijk, Schaarbeek, Belgium.’ appoints several root causes as to the detoriation of the Brabantwijk.

In the late 1800’s and early 1900’s the Brabantw-ijk was a hotspot of activities; business, leisure, small worker houses and also big houses. This was thanks to the visual connection that the area had with the centre of Brussels, as well as the quick access to the North Station.

As of 1910 however, changes were made that rap-idly changed the face of the Brabantwijk. In 1910 the North Station was moved back 500 meters for construction of the North-South Connection. This resulted in a break between the center of Brussels and the Brabantwijk. Furthermore, the construc-tion of the ‘Lazaruslaan’ breaks the checkerboard pattern and splits the ‘Kruidentuin’ in half. The realization of the ‘Manhattanplan’ results in the moving of the entrance to Station North to the west-side of Brussels.

From 1990 onwards numerous houses near the ‘Rogierplein’ and station have been demolished without any replacing constructions. This creates both a visual discrepancy as well as a logistic nightmare for anyone living east of the Northern Station and has severely crippled the quality of living in the Brabantwijk.

The visual discrepancy and lack of connection to the center of Brussels has resulted in a shut-off environment that really stands out negatively compared to other areas in the city.

‘Brabantwijk’ Brussels

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As a preparation for Brussels’

Ideo Method cards

51 ways to inspire design:- Ask them to help- Look at what they do- Learn from the facts you gather- Try it yourself

What do you need to research? Sometimes you don’t have all the right methods to gather the right data for your design process. With these cards you can explore new approaches and de-velop your own to get better research and you get to know your target group you are designing for. Inspiration for practicing and aspiring design-ers. Keeps people at the the center of the design process

Learn: Anthropmetric Analysis Ask: Cognitive mapsTry: Empathy Tools Look: Behavioral Archeology

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Anthropometric Analysis

What: Anthropometric analysis is an analysis of the user group by focusing on measurable fea-tures.

Why: With this analysis knowledge can be gained of the situation in Woensel-west and compared with the city of Eindhoven. In this way some of the problems of the area can be discovered. Because this user group is a neighborhood this analysis becomes more of a demographical analysis. In this way the problems of Woensel-west can be seen in numbers and facts, creating a basic un-derstanding about the situation of area.

How: the number and facts that are used in this analysis comes from the official database of the City of Eindhoven. This database is used because these numbers are the most recent (from 2008 or 2009) and the most reliable because this is a

firsthand source with official numbers.

Woensel west.In the case of Woensel-west the anthropomet-ric analysis becomes more of a Demographical analysis. The official name of Woensel –west is Groenewoud. The total number of inhabitants of Groenewoud is: 4096

2200 inhabitants are Dutch; you’re counted as a Dutchmen when both of your parents are born in the Netherlands. For all the other nationalities you’re counted as that nationality when at least one of your parents is born in that country.

84 inhabitants are Polish, 222 inhabitants come from the 26 other EU countries, 61 inhabitants come from other western countries and 82 inhab-itants come from the former Dutch Indies or the Indonesian republic. This brings us at 479 immi-grants that come from western countries.

1417 inhabitants don’t come from western coun-tries. The largest of this group comes from Turkey, 698 inhabitants. 124 inhabitants come from Mo-rocco, 85 inhabitants come from Suriname, 90 inhabitants derive from the Dutch Antilles, 58 in-habitants come from China and 362 inhabitants come from other non-western countries.

The total of inhabitants that aren’t Dutch is: 1896.The percentage of inhabitants that isn’t Dutch is 46%, this percentage is high since the average percentage of immigrants in Eindhoven is 28%Of the total of 4096 inhabitants of Groenewoud, 2253 inhabitants are male and 1843 female.

Most of the inhabitants are between the ages 15-64, 3168 inhabitants, followed by the 647 chil-dren from the ages 0-14. The smallest group is that of 65 and older, 281 inhabitants.

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Groenewoud is known as one of the most unsafe areas of Eindhoven. In 2008 there were 44 ac-counts of housebreaking, 33 accounts of vandal-ism, 13 accounts of drugs and alcohol annoyance, 81 accounts of violence and 158 noise nuisances.

If you divide these “crimes” by the number of in-habitants you get a crime rate of 0,08. The crime rate of the whole city is 0,04. 215 of the 4096 in-habitants are unemployed. 5,2 % is unemployed. The average of the City of Eindhoven is 2,9%.

Average income in Groenewoud is 9900 euro a year ( including children, elderly people and un-employed people ); this means that Groenewoud is the fourth poorest area of Eindhoven.

Conclusion:Groenewoud is an area with a social and economi-cal problem. The unemployment and average in-come of the area combined with the criminality rate doesn’t make Groenewoud the best neighbor-hood of Eindhoven. The area is very diverse and shows a high variety of different ethnical groups. An interesting question could be why this area at-tracted all these groups from different countries. (See the appendices B for the detailed diagrams)

The data comes from, a website made by the municipality of Eindhoven. The data used was that of 2008.

Cognitive Maps

What?A cognitive map is a method where you ask par-ticipants to map an existing or virtual space and show how they navigate it.

Why?Also this method is chosen on the criteria that it is simple, quick, and relevant to the ‘bra-bantwijk’. With this method certain areas could be discovered where it is very busy and on what time, and certain area’s that some people want to avoid, certain pathways or spatial behavior.

How?With some maps of the ‘Woensel-west’ the group went to the area and approached some habitants in the neighborhood. They were asked to show their way from home to work, from home to the super-market, or the way they go when walking the dog.

Going to the info shop the group was send to a nearby activity center where different activi-ties are organized for the habitants and where parents where picking up their child from the childcare. The group approached three persons: A man who was sitting in his front garden with his dog, a mother who was picking up here chil-

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dren and a man who was volunteer in the activity center and already lived 40 years in Woensel-west.

Conclusion:The group noticed that asking which way the hab-itants go not showed which area’s or streets they avoid or where it is very busy in the area. Most of the time the habitants just took the easiest and shortest way to their destination. Also when the group asked which streets or area’s they avoid there was no certain place. But because of asking these questions, a conversation could be start with the habitants and other relevant information could be collect. For example a man was walk-ing his dog where the prostitution is still going on. The group responded to this given by asking what the man thinks of the prostitution and other problems in the neighborhood. So cognitive maps was in this case more a tool to win other relevant information about the neigh-borhood and the social cohesion.

Empathy Tools

What?Empathy tools is a method to empathize into the live of certain people to get understanding about how they live, feel, behave, do, talk etc. and to ex-perience it for yourself.

Why?Participate in a process or situation gives a good view on the society and the feeling/sphere about the neighborhood. It is simple and quick because there is not much to organize and the habitants don’t have to be involved yet. It is also very rel-evant to the ‘Brabantwijk’ because it is a way to learn fast about the neighborhood how the so-ciety is, what kind of sphere there is, and what

kind of people there live in the neighborhood and how they feel. Simple, quick and relevant to the Brabantwijk where the criteria for choosing this method.

How?To get understanding about the neighborhood and the habitants the group went to the cafete-ria ‘De Edison’ in the middle of the neighborhood ‘Woensel-west’. When the group got there they hit upon some habitants who were eating their snack. The group also ordered a snack and min-gled among the habitants.

Conclusion:Talking about how they felt about the neighbor-hood it was clear that they were dissatisfied and angry on the government. Another discovery was that the people were very direct in saying things and were very blunt. Noticing that Woensel-west is a little village/area in a big city where everybody knows each other and knows where everybody lives. Further the group got the feeling that the social cohesion was not a big problem in the area because everyone did normal to each other, but there was no mingling between different groups from different origins.

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Behavioral Archeology

What: Looking for evidence of the problems of Woensel-West. By searching the area for evidence of people’s activity.

Why: In this way it is possible to see things that can indicate the problems but without talking to people. The problems show themselves in an ab-stract way and you have to search for them. This evidence can tell something about the area or problem without the subjective view of an inter-view. The evidence can also be useful with visual-izing the problem.

How: this can be done by walking around the area and searching for this evidence. When this evi-dence is photographed it is possible to use these photos for the visualization of the problem.

Conclusion:In the photos it shows that there are still some problems in the area. This can be seen by things like barber wire around a children’s playground, another playground had opening times, a lot of the windows are covered, a bench that is locked to the wall, gardens with no signs of maintenance. But there were also groups of probably Turkish people sitting outside, Workers that were clean-ing the streets. And there was a sign of a project; on multiple places in the area we could find tiles with mosaic on them. These pieces of evidence show that there are still problems but also that people are working on im-provement of the area.

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For preparation to the ‘Brabantwijk’ the IDEO methods are chosen that are going to be used. First of all an anthropometric analysis will be done before going to Brussels. The next method that is going to be used is the behavioral archeology by observing the neighborhood and looking for evidence that shows how people behave.Another purpose is to create a relationship with the persons in the area from the beginning. This al-lows for research values or opinions about the neighborhood that otherwise would not be accessible. By visiting public places like cafeteria’s has shown to be a useful method to create such a relationship through time. The ideas from the methods behavioral archeology and empathy tools were more concrete and tangi-ble ideas than the other methods that were researched. Different research methods lead to different types of ideas. Ideas from looking tend to be more focused on spatial/real world problems, while the ideas from asking tend to be more on an abstract level. It is important to consider these methods on these different idea outcomes in order to keep control of the design process and its result.

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O. Tomico, J. Frens & C.J. Overbeeke (2009): Co-reflection: user involvement for highly dynamic

design processes. In: Proceedings of ACM CHI 2009 Conference on Human Factors in

Computing Systems 2009. Pp. 2695-2698

Ludvigsen, M. (2005) Designing for Social Use in Public Places -- a Conceptual Framework of

Social Interaction, Proceedings of DPPI 05, De-signing Pleasuable Products and Interfaces

Conference on 24--27 October, Eindhoven, The Netherlands

L. Lefaivre, H. Döll, G. Hall, R. Döll. Ground-up city: play as a design tool.

Samenlevingsopbouw Schaarbeek|Brabantwijk (2001) Naar een leefbare Brabantwijk, Schaarbeek, Belgium.


Sources Antwerpen

Antwerpen: twintig wijken, twintig werelden.

Auteur: Gazet van Antwerpen

Uitgeverij: Standaard Uitgeverij

Sources Bijlmer

Ludvigsen, M. (2005) Designing for Social Use in Public Places -- a Conceptual Framework of

Social Interaction, Proceedings of DPPI 05, De-signing Pleasuable Products and Interfaces

Conference on 24--27 October, Eindhoven, The Netherlands

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Interview with Ilse Devliegher

1 Hoe beleef je het wonen in een Multiculturele wijk?

Soms word je als meisje wel lastiggevallen door jongens maar als je een tijdje in borgerhout woont leer je er eigenlijk goed mee omgaan, ik weet welke types allochtonen ik kan weglechen door iets terug te zeggen en welke ik praktisch moet wegjagen door zeer onvriendelijk te zijn. Dat zijn ongeveer de enige problemen. De “on-veilige” wijken zijn bij ons meer de seefhoek (stu-ivenberg) en deurne, waar allochtone jongeren héél agressief kunnen zijn.

2 Voel je veilig of onveillig in de buurt, en waarom?

Ik voel mij zeer veilig in deze buurt omdat ik hier al lang woon en heel veel (marokkaanse) mensen ken via buren of vrienden, en dan buren of vrienden zelf, dus als er iets is loopt er altijd wel iemand die ik ken om te helpen.

3 Merk je iets van de verschillende culturen? en zo ja op welke manier?

De joden in de buurt hebben verschillende straten van borgerhout opgekocht zodat ze altijd geconcentreerd een eigen mini-wijk vormen. Als er een joods huis komt leeg te staan word dat ook niet openlijk gemeld maar gaan “wijkgenoten” op zoek naar familieleden of gewoon kennissen van joodse afkomst om zeker geen vermenging te krijgen.

Andere allochtone jongeren zijn ook niet zo’n contactzoekers maar veel socialer als buren.

4 Probeer je zelf vaak contact te maken met mensen van een andere cultuur? zo ja: hoe? zo nee: waarom niet?

Ik vind dat enkel nodig voor buren zodat die er zijn wanneer je ze nodig hebt maar voor de rest ben ik vrij associaal ik mijn omgeving en dat is zo bij alle mensen in borgerhout. Mensen in een grote stad als borgerhout zijn hier om anoniem te blijven, zij komen speciaal naar hier om afstand met anderen te kunnen bewaren. Dit is echter een fenomeen dat je niet direct in dorpen terugvindt.

5 Worden er in Borgerhout plannen getroffen op problemen op te lossen? zo ja welke?

Er zijn eigenlijk maar weinig problemen be-halve de dagelijkse criminaliteiten die je overal terugvindt, maar dit is te banaal om iets aan te doen. Verder zijn er wat problemen ik buitengewone onderwijsscholen omdat ik die klasse veel mensen te arm zijn om deftig voor hun kinderen te zorgen, met name hen eten te geven, naar school te sturen enz. Deze kinderen zitten al in de laagste onderwijsvorm en spijbelen dan nog omdat ze geen toekomst zien in hun leven door het grote klasseverschil, zij geven alles op en belanden in zware criminele zaken. Maar dit is iets dat de overheid pas aanpakt als het te laat is en dat doen ze door deze jongeren op te sluiten. Een leerkracht van een BUSOschool zegt ook dat er weinig aan te doen is, als zo een kind niet naar school wilt doet die dat niet en gaat naar de meir, wordt opgepakt wegens spijbelen en de volgende dag gebeurt het gewoon terug opnieuw.



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6 In hoeverre zie jij vooruitgang of achteruitgang van de wijk?

Ik zie eigenlijk weinig evolutie, iedereen gaat hier al jarenlang zijn gangetje zonder zich te veel aan te trekken van anderen, mensen verhuizen en er komen nieuwe in de plaats. Ook in de scouts is er stagnatie. Er zijn amper allochtone jongeren bijgekomen ook weggegaan. Enkel de belgische leden zijn de laatste 2 jaren enorm gestegen.

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