Aithed Emire

A new edition

Hanna van Gorcum0482625

Bachelor thesisJune 2013

Celtic Languages and CultureUniversiteit Utrecht

Mentor: Ranke de Vries

Plagiaatverklaring

Hierbij verklaar ik dat ik bij het schrijven van dit B.A. eindwerkstuk geen plagiaat gepleegd heb.

Naam: Handtekening: Datum:

Hanna van Gorcum 27 June 2013

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Table of contents

1. Introduction . . . . . . . . 4

2. Outline of study . . . . . . . 5

3. Literary context . . . . . . . 6

4. Motifs . . . . . . . . . 7

4.1. Elopement (the Helen motif) . . . . . 7

4.1.1. The aithed-genre and other elopement-stories . . . 7

4.1.2. Emer’s character in the tradition . . . . 10

4.2. Bird-hunting . . . . . . . 11

4.3. Geographical insights . . . . . . 13

4.3.1. Lochlann . . . . . . . 13

4.3.2. The islands of the foreigners . . . . . 14

4.3.3 Dún Monaig . . . . . . . 15

5. Dating . . . . . . . . . 16

5.1. External dating criteria . . . . . . 16

5.2. Internal dating criteria, relating to contents . . . . 16

5.3. Internal dating criteria: linguistic analysis . . . . 17

5.3.1. Phonetic development . . . . . 17

5.3.2. Verbs . . . . . . . .18

5.3.3. Nouns & Pronouns . . . . . . 18

5.4. Conclusion . . . . . . . 19

6. Metrum . . . . . . . . 19

7. Text and translation . . . . . . . 20

7.1. Text . . . . . . . . 20

7.2. Translation . . . . . . . 21

8. Textual notes . . . . . . . . 23

9. Index of persons and placenames . . . . . 25

10. Bibliography . . . . . . . . 26

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1. Introduction

Aithed Emire le Tuir n-Glesta mac ríg Lochlann, the story of Cú Chulainn’s wife Emer’s

elopement with the Norwegian prince, Tuir Glesta, and Cú Chulainn’s retrieval of her, is known to us

in only one manuscript, namely RIA D iv 2 f. 78 v, written by the scribe Seán Mac Aedacáin.1 It

follows Version III of Tochmarc Emire, a much longer and more detailed story which stresses Emer’s

virtue, which takes up not quite ten pages. This Aithed takes up about one quarter of a page, filling up

most of the last page of Tochmarc Emire,2 allowing the next story to begin on a new page. The text is

very simple in structure; one paragraph of prose, covering the entire story, followed by a poem three

stanzas long.

Kuno Meyer, in 1884, edited and translated several texts from this manuscript, including the Aithed

Emire, though he leaves the concluding poem untranslated, “as they contain much dubious matter”.3 I

have translated the entire text, though some parts are still not quite clear.

One other version of this story existed in the MS Advocates’ Library XXXII, which has been lost

since 1841. Mackinnon in his Descriptive Catalogue4 provides us with a description of this

manuscript, based on transcripts, as well as a short synopsis of the story of Tuir Glesta and Emer. This

synopsis shows that the story in this manuscript corresponds with the story as found in the RIA

manuscript.

1 The original manuscript, with description, is found online on the ISOS website. 2 Six lines are left blank at the end of the page. 3 Meyer 1883: 182, 184-854 Mackinnon 1912: 218

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2. Outline of study

There is, at this time, no single set of criteria for the editing of medieval Irish texts. The traditional

Lachmannian method of reconstructing an earliest ‘original’ version is not applicable to the Aithed

Emire as there is but one version known to us. For the same reason, a Bédierist ‘best text’ approach,

where one version is used as a basis and complemented with better readings from other versions, is

also not possible. Meyer’s edition might be described as ‘semi-diplomatic’; a transcription from a

single manuscript source, wherein manuscript contractions have been written out in full (however,

though Meyer has done this, he barely marks them as having been contracted), some length marks

have been added, and a few words that deviate strongly from their usual spelling have been

normalised.5

In this work I give the Irish text as published by Meyer, but with the expanded manuscript

contractions marked in italics (based on a transcription provided to me by Ranke de Vries), and with

additional length marks where appropriate. I have translated the full text, including the poem; I will

discuss its metrum as well as linguistic elements from the entire text relevant to the dating of the text. I

will also attempt to give an interpretation, as well as a comprehensive analysis of the imagery in the

story, by discussing the motifs occuring in the text; the so called ‘Helen-motif’ of the eloping woman,

as well as the significance of birds and a sketch of the geographical layout.

To attain such a comprehensive analysis, I will compare this Aithed with translations of other texts

from medieval Irish literature that contain the same or similar motifs; stories about elopement, 6 stories

wherein birds play a significant part,7 stories concerning Emer. I will compare the motifs as they

appear in the Aithed to these other texts and analyse how they agree or deviate. Here the text itself will

prove an obstacle, since it is very short and contains little more than the barest outline of the story;

also there is but one known version, so, as said, a ‘critical edition’ of the text itself is very difficult as

there is no material to compare with; for this reason, among others, the text is also difficult to date

with precision. With this edition, I hope to provide a small contribution to the growing amount of

medieval Irish texts that are available, not only with a translation, but also an in-depth discussion.

The Aithed Emire is not a well-known text, and as such there is little to no secundary literature

about it. It is mentioned briefly in one work on the Vikings in Ireland (Larsen 2001: 104), though

others (Haliday 1884 and Crawford 1987) discuss one Turgesius (see 4.3.1.) and it is shortly discussed

5 This discussion of editorial practises is found in Murray 2009: 54-56 6 e.g. Longes Mac N-Uislenn, Tóruigheacht Dhiarmada agus Ghráinne7 e.g. Serglige Con Culainn

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in Thurneysen’s Irische Helden- und Königssagen.8 Findon’s extensive work on Emer as a character,

A Woman’s Words, does not mention it. The aithed as a genre is discussed by B. K. Martin (1975/76).

3. Literary context

The Aithed Emere, as a story concerning Cú Chulainn, belongs to the Ulster cycle, though it seems

to be a later addition. So far, scholars have dated it to the 12 th or 13th century,9 which would make it of

later composition than the bulk of the Ulster-tales; also it is mentioned nowhere in the saga-lists.10

The Aithed portrays Emer’s character in stark contrast to other tales concerning her; she is normally

displayed as an exceptionally virtuous woman. Tochmarc Emire sings Emer’s praise in great detail

and stresses her eloquence, virtue and chastity to prove she is a worthy wife for Cú Chulainn. 11

Following this praise is a description Emer gives of the many seemingly impossible tasks she expects

a potential suitor to accomplish, before she will even consider him. At the end, after Cú Chulainn has

won her, it is said that “they did not separate after that until they both died”12. In Serglige Con Culainn

(in the part where, confusingly, Cú Chulainn’s wife is Eithne Ingubai), she explicitly states that she,

unlike other women, loves only Cú Chulainn; her only flaw is a jealousy of Cú Chulainn’s lover

Fand.13 In the Aided ConCulainn, after her husband has died and is avenged, Emer kisses his corpse

and dies of grief herself.14

The Aithed, however, blatantly contradicts all earlier tradition; Emer elopes with a stranger, and is

dragged back home by the ear by Cú Chulainn while he recites a poem on how indifferent women in

general are concerning their fidelity. As Thurneysen says;

Sehr beliebt ist bei den inselkeltischen Erzählern das Helena-motiv, […] erst spät hat man

gewagt, das auf die durch ihre Treue ausgezeichnete Gattin CūChulainns […] zu

übertragen.15

“Much loved with the Insular Celtic storytellers is the Helen motif, […] only later has

[some]one dared to apply it to Cú Chulainn’s in loyalty excelling wife”

Emer was, for a very long time, depicted in all texts as far too virtuous to even be considered for the

role of an adulteress. But this later text paints a very different picture; far from the perfect female

paragon, in this Aithed, Emer is no better than any other woman.

8 Thurneysen 1921: 428-99 Thurneysen (1921: 428-9) places the manuscript at around 1300; the text, no earlier than the 12th century; Ní Mhaonaigh says it “may also be 12th-century in date” (Larsen 2001: 104) 10 Thurneysen 1921: 42911 Meyer 1883:7312 Meyer 1888: 306. That means the Aithed explicitly contradicts the Tochmarc. 13 Dillon 1953: x 14 Thurneysen 1921: 566 15 Thurneysen 1921: 429

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4. Motifs

The Aithed combines the characters of the well-known Irish hero Cú Chulainn and his equally well-

known wife with that of Tuir Glesta, a stranger. It utilises a few well-known motifs, such as the bird-

motif, but not always in accordance with the tradition.

The short text gives us few details which are more straws to grasp at, to make sense of the story,

than anything else; hence the following discussion will be more of a meandering through possibilities;

for drawing conclusions, there simply is not enough context to go on.

4.1. Elopement (the Helen motif)

The Helen motif, so named after Helen of Troy from Greek mythology, is the motif of a woman

running away from her husband or guardian in favour of another man. The elopement is followed by

an attempt at retrieving the woman, which may or may not be succesful, and often results in the death

of one or more of the parties involved. It was a not uncommon motif in Irish medieval literature; in

both Saga-Lists A and B the aitheda ‘elopements’ are one of the genres that a qualified poet was

expected to know.16 Of the aitheda listed, only three survive in complete or near-complete state; the

most famous of these is Tóruigheacht Dhiarmada agus Ghráinne, the Flight of Diarmuid and Gráinne

(see below), the others are Longes Mac N-Uislenn, the story of Noise and Deirdre, and Aided Conrói

maic Dáiri, wherein Cúroi abducts Bláthnait.17 As indicated by the titles, these stories do not belong to

the aithed-genre exclusively.18

4.1.1. The aithed-genre and other elopement-stories

16 Martin 1975/76: 138. Martin notes the existence of the Aithed Emire in his article, but does not include it in his analysis, as it is in neither of the Saga-lists. 17 A famous example from Welsh literature is Blodeuedd from the fourth branch of the Mabinogion; the woman Blodeuedd, made from flowers to be the wife of Lleu Llaw Gyffes, falls in love with Gronw. In stead of running away with him, they conspire to kill Lleu. They fail; Gronw is drowned and Blodeuedd transformed into an owl as punishment. (Jones 1975: 68-75) 18 Aided Conrói, for example, seemed to have been known by several different titles, including Aithed Blátnaite, ingine Puill maic Fidaig, re Conculainn, which “suggests differing points of view”. (Martin 1975/76: 139)

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Earlier scholars often treated aitheda as remnants of earlier Celtic mythology, though not

satisfactorily for all three stories; Gráinne was a symbol of lordship over the land or the Otherworld;

the elopement with and fight over Gráinne and Bláthnait can be seen to represent the changing of the

seasons, though not Deirdre; her elopement takes place in mid-winter. The women may be seen as

remnants of goddesses; however, unlike Emer, they all die in their stories.19 Still, if we were to

consider Emer as a goddess-figure, Aithed Emire would become a metaphor in which Emer represents

the land or wealth of Ulster, or perhaps all of Ireland, which will be whisked away by and lost to the

Vikings, personified by Tuir Glesta, unless the Irish, personified by Cú Chulainn, intervene. However,

as Joanne Findon points out; “Although Emer is presented as an ideal […] she is never essentialized as

a mythic archetype or confined to the restrictive roles of a goddess.” She further argues that a

character like Emer is too complex to be studied merely through the “lens of mythological models”20

A large part of the conflict in the three better-known aitheda mentioned above stems from a breach

of the bond that existed between the rivalling men; Noise and Diarmuid both run away with the

woman intended for their respective lords Conchobar and Fionn, whom she considers too old; while

Cúroi fought for the Ulstermen, who failed to reward him for this, and in response Cúroi abducted

Bláthnait.21 The elopement is a result of, or a reaction to an existing conflict. Tuir Glesta in the Aithed

Emire, however, has no connection to Cú Chulainn; he is a stranger, and there is no conflict until the

elopement occurs. While Conchobar and Finn might be said to be partly to blame for the elopement,

by choosing a wife so much younger than themselves, and the Ulstermen are responsible for

Bláthnait’s abduction because they failed to reward Cúroi, Cú Chulainn could not have foreseen or

prevented Emer’s elopement, and the blame for the ensuing tragedy lies entirely with the lovers Emer

and Tuir Glesta.

Emer’s motivation for eloping in the Aithed is merely that she “fell deeply (lit. ‘fervently’) in

love”22 with a passing stranger, and afterwards she meekly follows her husband back home. Compare

this to Gráinne from the Fenian, and Deirdre in the Ulster Cycle; 23 these are women who considered

their intended husbands unsuitable, found a better match for themselves and went to great lengths to

avoid capture. After her lover’s death, Deirdre killed herself rather than endure the company of the

man she ran away from.

A story similar to the Aithed is the Táin bó Flidais,24 wherein Flidais, wife to Ailill Finn, falls in

love with Fergus mac Roig and becomes his lover after he is exiled from Ulster. However, here, it is

19 Marin 1975/76: 140-41 20 Findon 1997: 137 21 As pointed out in Martin 1975/76: 149 22 This is unusual in and of itself. More often we see the element of grád écmaise, where a woman falls in love with a hero on account of his reputation. One example of this is Derbforgaill (cf. Ingridsdotter 2009: 19). 23 Dillon 1948:43-48 and 13-16 respectively 24 Thurneysen 1921: 317f. and 340f.

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the second man, Fergus, who kills the husband, Ailill; and afterwards, upon seeing her husband’s

corpse, Flidais’ love for Fergus cools.25

In Aided Echach maic Maireda, the wife of the king, Ébliu, forces her stepson Echu to elope with

her. They and their people attempt to settle, but are sent away with a supernatural horse that, when it is

not sent back to its owner, starts urinating, causing them to eventually all drown.26

In the Finn Cycle we find the Reicne Fothaid Canainne, wherein Fothaid tries to woo the wife of

his rival Ailill Flann Bec; when Ailill finds out, the two and their warrior-bands meet in battle, and

Fothaid is killed.27

Another similar story, specifically that of an eloped woman being retrieved, is that of Echtra

Láegaire mac Crimthainn; the wife of the fairy Fiachna mac Retach has eloped with another man,

Eochaid. Fiachna defeats Eochaid, but his wife goes to a fort held by the son of Eochaid’s brother

(which indicates that she does not want to return to Fiachna). Fiachna, unable to defeat the men in the

fort, then seeks the help of Láegaire to win back his wife for him.28

Apart from Emer and the three women mentioned above, we mostly see elopement by girls who are

not yet married or betrothed. For example, there are the daughters of Regamon in Táin bó Regamain,

who elope with, and later marry, the sons of Ailill and Medb,29 or Treblann in Tochmarc Treblainne,

who finds a husband in Fræch.30 After the elopement, the new husband makes arrangements with the

girl’s father, so that the marriage is approved of by, and beneficiary to both parties. The contrast here

seems to be that for unmarried young women, elopement can be a means of attaining a good husband

despite their parents’ initial disapproval, as is also attested in the law-tracts, 31 while for married

women elopement leads to death and disaster. For the first, elopement may be the key to resolving a

conflict (but not always); for the latter it is the start of a tragedy.

In Aithed Emire, part of this tragedy is the raids on the land after Emer elopes with Tuir Glesta;

they plunder “Mag Murthemni […] and Crich Conaill and the land of Subaltach mac Roig”. Since

Mag Muirthemne is Cú Chulainn’s own area32 and Subaltach mac Roig is Cú Chulainn’s human

father, plundering specifically these lands is adding insult to injury to Cú Chulainn’s pride.

25 Thurneysen 1921: 34926 de Vries 2012: 201-327 Meyer 1910: 7 28 O’Grady 1892: 290-91. Unlike Emer, Fiachna’s wife does not come home after her lover’s death; only after Láegaire and his men kills the men and nobles of the fort she has fled to, she is sent out of that fort while lamenting her lover. 29 Thurneysen 1921: 306-0930 Thurneysen 1921: 296-30031 Power 1976: 42-4332 Thurneysen 1921: 485

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In the second stanza of the poem Cú Chulainn recites as he takes Emer back home, it is made quite

clear what the opinion of the author on women in general is;

In t-eathar bis ar in linn, The vessel that is on the sea

is cuma leis cia teit ind ; it is equal to it who goes into it;

as mar sin d’ ethar na mnā, and like that vessel (are) the womenfolk,

cuma lē cia nos mela. (it is) equal to her who enjoys her.

This is more than just a scolding directed at Emer; it is a blatant misogynistic generalisation. It is harsh

and judgemental to a degree that is unusual in Irish literature.

The image that is given of Emer in the Aithed, then, is of a woman who had no real reason to elope,

yet did so; she ought to have known better but was unable to go against her fickle female nature. The

story seems to function mostly as a way for the author to make a point about the fickle nature of

women.

4.1.2. Emer’s character in the tradition

Interesting is the reversal of roles between the Aithed and Tochmarc Emire, which preceeds it in

the manuscript. In the Tochmarc Emer and Cú Chulainn promise one another to be faithful;33 yet while

Emer sits waiting at home, Cú Chulainn leaves for Scotland to train at arms, and in the process not

only sleeps with several women, but conceives a son on one of them.34 In Serglige Con Culainn, Cú

Chulainn has an affair with the otherworld woman Fand. In yet another story, Fled Bricrenn ocus

longes mac n-Duil Dermait, Cú Chulainn twice shares the bed of an otherworldy woman,35 and later

sleeps with a king’s daughter.36

Of course, medieval Irish sensibilities, as seen from the surviving law-tracts, gave men far more

freedom to have intercourse with, and even marry, multiple women;37 however, wedlock was still

preferable over extramarital escapades like Cú Chulainn had in this case. Although ‘chaste’ would

hardly be an appropriate description for his behaviour, there seem to be no moral repercussions.38 Yet

33 Meyer 1888: 23334 Meyer 1888: 300-01 35 Thurneysen 1921: 471 and p. 47336 Thurneysen 1921: 472 37 Kelly 1988: 70 38 In fact, in Aided Ænḟir Aife Emer attempts to dissuade Cú Chulainn from killing his extramarital son; Thurneysen 1921: 405

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in the Aithed, when Emer elopes, Cú Chulainn pursues her without delay and the consequences are

immediate and severe.

The infidelity of a married woman is, in the Irish law system, a justified reason for her husband to

divorce her.39 Yet with the dramatic flair that is so typical of the literature, Cú Chulainn kills Emer’s

lover and brings her back home, and that is the end of the story. To fit this into the rest of the Ulster

cycle, an audience would have to assume some form of reconciliation to have taken place between

Emer and her husband, or consider all other descriptions of Emer’s virtue as unfounded. The former of

these options is more easily imagined; after all, in the story of Cú Chulainn death, Emer only lives

long enough to see him avenged before dying of grief herself,40 as the female paragon we know from

Tochmarc Emire, and the other stories in which she occurs. One might wonder how much this one

negative portrayal would affect a contemporary reader’s view of Emer as a character.

4.2. Bird-hunting

Cú Chulainn is at the beginning of this Aithed said to be out hunting birds. This is not further

elaborated on, nor does it seem to be of further relevance to the story. However, Cú Chulainn is

connected to birds, particularly the hunting of birds, in various other stories, such as Compert Con

Culainn (henceforth CCC), Serglige Con Culainn (henceforth SCC) and Aided Derbforgaill; often

they have an Otherworldy connotation.

In the first version of CCC, the Ulstermen, including Conchobar and his daughter or sister

Deichtine, chase after a flock of birds, bound in pairs by silver chains. These birds lead them to a

house, where they spend the night with a man and a woman who is giving birth. The next day the

house and man and woman have disappeared. The newborn child soon dies, but becomes a tiny animal

that jumps into a cup Deichtine is drinking from, and she conceives a son. The fairy Lug appears to

her in a dream saying she is pregnant with his son. Deichtine is quickly married, but is ashamed of

going to a man’s bed despoiled, and induces a miscarriage. She immediately gets pregnant again, and

bears a boy who will grow up to be Cú Chulainn.41 In the second version of the story, Deichtine and

her handmaids had disappeared and it is they who are the birds that lead the Ulstermen to the house,

where it is Deichtine herself who gives birth.42

39 Eska 2010: 21 40 Aided ConCulainn, Thurneysen 1921: 566 41 Draak 1979: 34-36 42 Thurneysen 1921: 271-73

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In SCC, Cú Chulainn captures a flock of birds to please the Ulsterwomen, but there are too few of

them and only his own wife Eithne receives none; Cú Chulainn promises her the next birds he sees. A

pair of chained birds appears, and despite Eithne’s warnings he chases them. Eventually he falls asleep

and in a dream the birds approach him in their true, female shape. They whip him so that he is sick for

a year; then one of them approaches him on behalf of the other, who is Fand and wants to be his

lover.43

The text Aided Derbforgaill, which is an elaborate version of an episode at the end of Tochmarc

Emire, tells of Derbforgaill, daughter of the king of Lochlann, who has fallen in love with Cú

Chulainn and travels to him with a handmaid, in the shape of two swans connected with a golden

chain.44

In the Brislech mōr Maige Muirtheimne, the “demoness” Badb speaks to Cú Chulainn in the shape

of a bird to bring him news and soothe him; then her brother speaks to him to incite him, and later

Badb herself incites Cú Chulainn in the shape of his lover Niam, to go into the battle in which he will

die.45

The Dinnṡenchas Srūb Brain46 is the story of Cú Chulainn’s heroic feat of hunting and killing

unnatural, gigantic black birds. This is part of the story Aided Conrói maic Dáiri, wherein Cú

Chulainn has been shamed by Cúroi, and a flock of birds leads him to Cúroi’s residence, where they

do combat:

“he saw a great flock of black birds coming towards him over sea. He kills one of them

forthwith. After that he kills one of the flock in every land [he passes through] until he came to

Srub Broin in the west of Ireland.”47

It is obvious, then, that the many birds Cú Chulainn encounters have a profound influence on his

life, causing him to be born, to love, to die. They do not do so directly, but rather lead Cú Chulainn

towards important events, often away from his companions, as the means to an end. The birds are

often actively chased after. Importantly, many of these are not actual birds, but supernatural human

beings in bird-form, and most of them female. Even the black birds in Srūb Brain, though proper

birds, are supernatural, and lead him towards the story’s main event. Many are connected in pairs by

chains, to emphasise their Otherworldly origin. There are also sexual implications; Deichtine’s

connection to the birds in either version of CCC ultimately causes her pregnancy, and both Fand in

SCC and Derbforgaill approach Cú Chulainn in bird-form with the intention of becoming his lover.

43 Dillon 1975: ix-x 44 Ingridsdotter 2009: 83 45 Thurneysen 1921: 560-61 46 Thurneysen 1921: 492 47 Best 1903: 23

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Returning to the Aithed Emire, the lack of detail is once again frustrating, and as such I do not

presume to draw conclusions. Without knowing what a contemporary audience would understand

from these small bits of text, I dare only make tentative suggestions. Cú Chulainn’s bird-hunt might

imply an Otherworld adventure such as we see in SCC, with or without a woman involved, or it might

be ordinary birds he hunts as a pastime that we ought not read too much into. Since the birds are not

said to be connected by chains, an otherworldly connection can neither be confirmed nor ruled out.

Either way, unlike the birds in many other tales who lead the hero towards the main plot, the birds

in the Aithed, though they function as the catalyst in the story by causing Cú Chulainn to be away from

Dundalk, are a distraction to Cú Chulainn, leaving Emer alone at home to be spirited away by a

foreigner. In this way they place the Aithed in contrast with the tradition of the Ulster Cycle.

4.3. Geographical insights

4.3.1. Lochlann

Tuir Glesta is the son of the king of Lochlann, which is usually understood to mean “Scandinavia”

in general, or specifically Norway; it is also referred to as Find-Lochlann, which only means ‘Norway’

specifically.48 The occurances of Lochlann in the Annals for the most part unambiguously denote

Norway,49 however in the literature Lochlann is used much more broadly. In the Cath Maige Tuired,

help for an invasion of Ireland is sought from the king of the Otherworldly Fomoire from “(Scythia of)

Lochlann”50, while in Aided Derbforgaill, the female protagonist is the daughter of the king of

Lochlann, and she displays a clear connection to the Otherworld as she arrives in shapeshifted form.

As Ingridsdotter has argued, there is nothing specifically Scandinavian about Aided Derbforgaill and

the name Derbforgaill occurs more often in Irish sources, and is not Scandinavian in origin.51

In the Aithed Emire, however, there is no obvious Otherworldy connection. In fact, the name of the

stranger from Lochlann, Tuir Glesta, strongly resembles the name of the historical figure Tuirgeis or

Turgesius. This is the Irish form for the Old Norse ‘Thorgils’,52 who was a Viking ruling in Dublin in

the mid-9th century until he was captured and ordered to be drowned by the Irish king Maelseachlain.53

48 The DIL lists Lochlann as a later form of Lothlainn / Laithlinn, though Etchingham (2004: 24) doubts that they are absolute synonyms, though they do both seem to indicate Scandinavia. 49 Etchingham 2004: 18-1950 Stokes 1891: 7451 Ingridsdotter 2009: 18-19 52 Crawford 1987: 49 53 Haliday 1884: 31. The name Thorgils literally means “Servant of Thor”, the Norse deity. As is to be expected, names starting in ‘Thor-‘ were very frequent for both historical and literary Scandinavian characters (See for example ‘Njál’s Saga (ed. and tr. Robert Cook, Penguin Classics)). Turgesius is also mentioned in a later

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The name “Tuir Glesta” is, to my knowledge, found nowhere else. However it is not difficult to

imagine an author, in search of an antagonist for his story, borrowing and slightly altering the name of

a Viking from history, who suffers a similar fate, namely defeat and death at the hands of an Irishman;

especially since, even after Viking settlers started living side by side with the Irish, they were still

associated with the threats of plunderings and invasion, and the clergy in particular used this image as

a tool for morally keeping the Christian population in hand.54

The location of historical Lochlann is subject to some discussion. Ó Corráin (1998) has argued that

it is not Scandinavia, but Viking Scotland, and Ní Mhaonaigh accepts this as the location of Lochlann

in the Aithed Emire.55 Etchingham has shown, however, that Lochlann cannot (at least not

unambiguously) mean Scotland, as it is named as being the kingdom of Magnús Berfœttr, “who was

indisputably king of Norway”;56 also, it is distinguished in the annals from the Isle of Man and the

Hebrides, which made up part of Viking Scotland.

We see this distinction in the Aithed Emire as well; Tuir Glesta is described as “the son of the king

of (Find-)Lochlann” several times (again, specifically Find-Lochlann strongly indicates Norway), yet

the region he takes Emer to is specified as “the Isle of Man, the Hebrides, and Dún Monaig [in

Scotland, see 4.3.3. below]”. The text is so short and lacking in detail that one would not expect these

regions to be listed separately if they were meant to indicate the same region as Lochlann. The theory

that Lochlann indicates Viking Scotland is, at least for this Aithed, not a satisfactory explanation and,

as such, I will assume Lochlann to mean “Norway”.

4.3.2. The islands of the foreigners

When Cú Chulainn is said to follow Tuir Glesta and Emer to the Hebridian Islands ( insi Gall;

literally translated ‘the islands of the Foreigners’), we should keep in mind that for several centuries,

Scotland was indeed under heavy influence of the Vikings.57 This ‘Viking Scotland’ started as early as

the 9th century and consisted mostly of small states, many of them being Scottish islands – not only the

Hebrides but also Orkney and the Isle of Man – who were loyal to Norway and, later, Denmark.

Particularly the Hebridian Isles and Argyll (see below, 4.4.3) were allied to Norway until well into the

political treatise connected to Brian Ború, where he is depicted as a notorious, vicious Viking lord, presumably in order to increase Ború’s reputation. (Larsen 2001: 131) 54 Ní Mhaonaigh, “The Vikings in Medieval Irish Literature” in Larsen 2001: 100 55 in Larsen 2001: 104 56 Etchingham 2004: 17 57 Hubert 1934: 178-80

14

thirteenth century. Moreover, Gaill, though originally “Gauls”, came to primarily mean “Vikings”

after the 9th century.58

This means that as we read the text, it is important to realise the implications of Cú Chulainn

following Tuir Glesta and Emer to the places mentioned; for Cú Chulainn, they are enemy territory.

For Tuir Glesta, they provide a safe haven, as the people there would be loyal to his father, the king of

Norway. The text does not suggest any fighting, though, except single combat between Cú Chulainn

and his evidently fierce opponent Tuir Glesta;

ro focair comracc ar Tuir n-Glesta […] 7 ba brighmar in comrac do ferud eturruV and sin

“[he] challenged Tuir Glesta to combat […] and powerful was the battle that was fought

between them there”

Cú Chulainn killed him and took Emer back home. However, Cú Chulainn does lay waste to the fort

where they were residing;

do toglad in dūn la Coinculaind

“the fort was destroyed by Cú Chulainn”.

This leaves unanswered the question whether there was an armed force at the fort (which seems

likely), and if they were or were not killed by Cú Chulainn. We know from other stories about him,

and so undoubtedly would a contemporary audience, that Cú Chulainn would have had little difficulty

defeating an army such as would reside in a fort. The fact that it is not mentioned seems to suggest that

the difficulty of the feat was not as important as addressing the shame that Emer brought on Cú

Chulainn by eloping.

4.3.3. Dún Monaig

After raiding the land, Tuir Glesta takes Emer and the spoils

co Manuind 7 co hindsib Gall 7 co Dūn Monaig.

“to the Isle of Man and to the islands of the foreigners [the Hebrides] and to Dún Monaig.”

58 Thurneysen 1921: 381

15

It is not entirely clear what location Dún Monaig refers to. Kuno Meyer, in his edition, translates it to

Anglesey in Wales, which is an island not a dún (fort). Thurneysen suggests it to be located in Argyll,

Scotland.59

An argument for the latter would be that it is closer to the Hebrides, and the route thereto would be

much shorter. The Isle of Man lies due east from Dundalk; from there northwards are the Hebrides.

Argyll is a region covering the mid-West coast of Scotland, a short distance east of the Isle of Mull of

the Inner Hebrides. To travel from the Hebrides to Anglesey, Wales would mean travelling back to the

Isle of Man first and continuing south, making it a much longer journey and as such less plausible.

The plausibility of Dún Monaig being Argyll, Scotland is confirmed by the entry of Dun Monaidh

in the Onomasticon Goedelicum, reading; “D. Móna, in Argyle, the chief hill fortress of Dal Riada [in

Scotland]”. Therefore I will accept Thurneysen’s suggestion of Argyll, Scotland as the location of Dún

Monaig.

5. Dating

5.1. External dating criteria

The Catalogue of Irish Manuscripts in the Royal Irish Academy tentatively places the manuscript

containing the Aithed Emire in the 15th century, from the period of Early Modern Irish, but gives no

specific dating for the individual texts. Instead, for this story, it refers to Thurneysen, who suggests the

story was written around 1300, or at least no earlier than the 12 th century. As stated above, it is not

mentioned in the saga-lists, which could be an indication for it being from this later period.Ní

Mhaonaigh also suggests the 12th century for this story, but gives no argumentation or criteria.60 Meyer

gives no dating for any of the texts in his edition.

5.2. Internal dating criteria, relating to contents

The lost Advocates’ Library MS (see 1. above) supposedly contained some material from as early

as the 8th or 9th century. Mackinnon points out that this particular story could not have been compiled

59 Thurneysen 1921: 42960 See Ní Mhaonaigh’s article “The Vikings in Medieval Irish Literature” in Larsen 2001: 104

16

before the Hebrides became known as Insi Gall, “the islands of the foreigners”, though mention is

made of these Innsi-Gall in the annals as early as the 9th century.61 Mackinnon’s other point is still

valid; this story is unlikely to have been written before “[…] the feeling of anachronism arising from

bringing Cuchulainn and Norsemen together had passed away.”62 Vikings, and their influence in

Scotland, would have to have been generally known about for a few generations at the least.

5.3. Internal dating criteria: linguistic analysis

The text contains significant elements of Middle Irish developments, the most important of which I

will discuss below. The choice of words in the prose part at least is quite generic, with few rare or

obscure words, and the sentences are fairly short and simple, leaving us with very few verbal

constructions beyond those common in literature; mostly (absolute) preterite and perfect forms (luid,

fācbad, tāinic etc.).

5.3.1. Phonetic development

The text shows confusion of –nd for –nn;63 Cúchulaind / Coinculaind (x2); ferand for ferann;

Manuind for Manainn. However, cenn does not show this feature, and Lochlann is consistently spelled

with –nn where one might also have expected –nd.

Lenition is spelled out for –d– in farradh; for –g– in Trāgha Baile, Lāegh, brīghmar. As this is an

Early Modern Irish development, not Middle Irish, this could be a change made by a later scribe.64

The initial f– in facaid is a ‘hypercorrect’ non-radical consonant;65 opposed to this, the f– in ro

[f]reagair is not written in the manuscript, indicating confusion over where lenited –f ought to be

written.

There is some loss of the distinction between vowels in final, unstressed vowels;66 laithi for laithe67

(from lá); Manuind for Manainn (from Mana).

61 O’Donovan 1856: 48762 Mackinnon 1912: 218-1963 McManus: 6: §14 (1)64 McManus: 3: §6 65 McManus: 6: §14 (6)66 McManus: 5: §11-1267 also mentioned in the Dictionary of the Irish Language as being ‘Middle Irish spelling’

17

5.3.2. Verbs

The simplification of the compound verbal system, resulting in the use of the prototonic form in a

position where the deuterotonic would be expected,68 is relatively well attested in this text, though this

is a development that had already started in the Old Irish period. The prototonic stem fácb- of fo-acaib

(the form in this text is fācbad) often took the place of the deuterotonic form in the earlier stages of

Middle Irish.69 There are two occurrences of rucsat (from beirid) in deuterotonic position; further,

there are rāinic from ro-icc, tainic roime from do-icc, tāncamar from do-icc. Asbert from as-beir is,

however, a deuterotonic form; this persistance is not entirely surprising, as as-beir is a very common

word. Another possibility is that this is an earlier text that has been modernised, and asbert was left

unchanged because it was still recognisable.

Of the confusion of do as perfect particle instead of ro, there are two obvious examples; do desetar

from saidid, and do toglad from toglaid. There is also dochuaid, the perfect of téit, but téit already has

both do-chuaid and ro chuaid as a perfect in Old Irish. We also see two s-preterites endings in verbs

that, in Old Irish, did not use these; for the perfect ro [f]reagair from fris-gair, one would expect the

older t-preterite frisgart.70 Similarly, the perfect ro focair from fúacair is an s-preterite of the

simplified verb.71

íceann from íccaid, though given in the translation as a 1st singular past subjunctive, could be a

Middle Irish 3rd sg. present indicative.72

5.3.3. Nouns & Pronouns

The Middle Irish development of the decline of the neuter gender73 is not obvious in this text. Some

neuter nouns occur, but the declensions cannot be identified irrefutably as either a masculine or a

neuter gender, e.g. comracc / comrag (both accusative) / comrac (nominative), the verbal noun of con-

ric, behaves as an o-stem, neuter; in Middle Irish this changes to o-stem, masculine; 74 however, with

the forms given in the text, the exact declension it follows cannot be determined.

68 McManus: 16-17: §34 69 DIL 1983: 311 70 DIL 1983: 342 71 DIL 1983: 345 72 McManus: 22: § 42c 73 McManus: 8: §17ff. 74 Thurneysen 1946: 448

18

One noun that originally declined as a neuter stands out; forom, which, following do, is the dative

singular of foram (originally a nasal stem neuter); normally, a nasal stem neuter takes the ending –

(a)im for the dat.sg.; however, the final –m of forom is neutral. When it is instead declined as an o-

stem, masculine, foram would take a dative singular forum, which, through confusion of unstressed

vowels in final syllables (see 5.3.1. above) becomes forom.

The text still uses at least one infixed pronoun in the poem, nos mela from meilid. However it is the

independent pronoun é which is most interesting, since independent pronouns do not occur before the

11th century,75 meaning this text as it is written here could not have been written before that time.

5.4. Conclusion

This occurrence of the independent pronoun, combined with the accumulated Middle Irish features,

particularly the simplified compound verbs (excluding one persisting deuterotonic form), as well as

the external and content-related elements mentioned earlier, make Ní Mhaonaigh and Thurneysen’s

suggestion for the 12th century as an approximation for its date of composition seem plausible;

however, a later date cannot be excluded.

A definite date for the text cannot be given; older versions might have existed and been modernised

by the scribe to create this text; it could also be a more recent composition, using more archaic

elements (e.g. deuterotonic asbert or the inorganic f– in facaid) to give a sense of antiquity to the text,

not an unimaginable situation considering the text is about the ancient hero Cú Chulainn.

6. Metrum

The three stanzas of the poem “A Emir, nirsam runa” are irregular in metrum and rime. The first is

a 72 72 72 72, AABA, a rannaigecht ḟota recomarcach, also sometimes referred to as rannaigecht bec.76

The second stanza, 71 71 71 72, AABB, appears to be a deibide do-cheil a chubaid ‘long two-rimed

metre which conceals its rime’.77 The third and last appears to be a rannaigecht chummaisc ‘mixed

75 Strachan, 1904: 176 76 Murphy 1961: 53, no 16 77 Murphy 1961: 66, no 65

19

stanza’ (71 72 71 72)78 ending with a repetition of the words “A Emir”. The rime seems to be ABAB,

but B is imperfect; “na miled …. A Emir”.

This switch from rannaigecht to deibide back to rannaigecht suggests that this poem might have

been composed using stanzas from existing poems, perhaps slightly altered to fit the needs of this

particular story.

The poem contains a smattering of alliteration (e.g. rūna, / dorinnis; tāncamar turus; Dūn Monaig na

mīled; acsin íceann, a Emir).

7. Text and translation

K. Meyer provides us with a transcription of this text, with a few notes.79 I have added length marks

for vowels where appropriate (given as ā, ē, etc. The length marks given in Meyer’s edition are given

as á, é, etc.). Fully written manuscript contractions have been indicated with italic type, based on a

transcription provided to me by Ranke de Vries. Any other changes will be indicated in notes. Though

I did not use it as a basis, this translation is for the greater part consistent with Meyer’s, though more

complete as it includes the poem.

7.1. Text

[Aithed Emere le Tuir n-Glesta mac ríg Lochlann. ]80

Luid Cúchulaind laithi n-aen [ann] do forom ar ēnlaithib la taeb Trāgha Baile im cenn t-S[h]lēbe

Breg 7 Lāegh ina farradh ann 7 fācbad Eimer i n-Dūn Delgan. Conud ē sin in lā tāinic .i. mac rīg

Lochlann .i. Tuir Glesta 7 o tāinic dochuaid do Dūn Delgan, co facaid Emir é 7 tuc grād dīchra dō. 7

do-gluais leis cona81 comail coimidechta. 7 do crechad Mag Murthemne 7 Crīch Conaill 7 ferand

Subaltaig maic Roig 7 rucsat leo a82 crecha co cūan 7 do desetar a longa 7 rucsat a crecha co Manuind

7 co hIndsib Gall 7 co Dūn Monaig. Et rāinic fis in scēoil sin co Co[i]nculaind 7 tāinic roime co hairm

78 Murphy 1961: 53, no 17 79 Meyer 1883-85: 184-580 [footnote in Meyer’s edition: There is no heading in the MS.]81 [Meyer: coa MS.]82 [Meyer: i MS.]

20

i m-baī in ibrach83 7 luid fēin 7 Lāeg co Dūn Monaig 7 ro fōcair comracc ar Tuir n-Glesta 7 ro

[ḟ]reagair mac rīg Lochlann in comrag sin 7 ba brīghmar in comrac do ferud eturru84 and sin 7 ro

marbad mac rīg Find-Lochlann isin comracc sin 7 do toglad in dūn la Co[i]nculaind 7 tucad Emir ar

cūlu85 dori-disi amal asbert na rūnna sa :

A Emir, nīr sam-rūna,

dorinnis gnīm nār dūla :

imtecht ūaim le Tuir n-Glesta

is mēr in imat sūla.

In t-eathar bīs ar in linn,

is cuma leis cia tēit ind ;

as mar sin d’ ethar na mnā,

cuma lē cia nos mela.

Tāncamar turus dar lear

co Dūn Monaig na mīled

ocus ro marbsumar t’ ḟear

acsin íceann, a Emir. A Emir.

7.2. Translation

The elopement of Emer with Tuir Glesta, the son of the king of Norway

83 Here, Meyer reads inibrach.84 [Meyer: aturadh MS.]85 [Meyer: culud MS.]

21

Cú Chulainn went one day to hunt on flocks of birds by the side of Traig Baile I about the head of

Slíab BreagII and Lóeg (was) along with him and he left Emer in Dundalk III. So that that is the day he

came, i.e. the son of the king of Norway, i.e. Tuir Glesta and when he came, he went to Dundalk so

that Emer saw him and fell deeply in love with himIV. And she went with him, with her maid

accompanying (her). And Mag Murthemni was plundered and Crich ConaillV and the land of

Subaltach mac RoigVI and they carried their spoils with them to a harbor and they embarked on their

ships and they carried their spoils to the Isle of Man and to the Islands of the Foreigners VII and to Dún

Monaig. VIII And knowledge of this news reached Cú Chulainn, and he came to where there was a boat

of yew, IX and he himself and Lóeg went to Dún Monaig and he challenged Tuir Glesta to combat and

the son of the king of Norway answered that fight and powerful was the battle that was fought between

them there and the son of the king of Norway was killed in that combat and the fort was destroyed by

Cú Chulainn and Emer was brought back as he spoke these verses:

O Emer, it was not a mutual secret (?),X

you have done a deed which was not honourableXI

your journeyXII from me with Tuir Glesta,

it is a finger in many an eyeXIII

The vesselXIV that is on the sea

it is the same to it who goes into it;

and like that vessel (are) the womenfolk,

(it is) the same to her who enjoys her.

We came on a journey over sea

to Dún Monaig of the soldiers,

and weXV have killed your man

here is where I used to avenge (?), O Emer.XVI

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8. Textual notes

I. The strand at Dundalk (see Hogan, under ‘Tráig Baili’)

II. Slieve Breag, south of Dundalk, just north of Mellifont, near modern day Drogheda (see Hogan,

under ‘Sliab Breg’). Note here the contrast; while Cú Chulainn is away to the south, Tuir Glesta takes

Emer away overseas to the east and north.

III. Dun Delgan; Dundalk, Co. Louth.

IV. The literal meaning here is “has brought fervent/vehement love to him”

V. Crich Conaill probably refers to Conaille Muirthemne near Dundalk (see Hogan, under ‘Crích

Conaill’ and ‘Conaille Muirthemne’)

VI. The lands of CúChulainn’s human father (Thurneysen 1921: 429), to add insult to injury. Each of

the lands raided is either Cú Chulainn’s own or that of one close to him.

VII. Possibly the Hebrides, according to Thurneysen (1921: 393) (see 4.3.2.)

VIII. Dun Monaig; either Anglesey, Wales or Argyll, Scotland (see 4.3.3.)

IX. in ibrach, “the boat of yew”. The use of the word ibrach (primary meaning “house/vessel made of

yew”) is peculiar for several reasons. The Dictionary of the Irish Language gives ibrach in this text to

be the “Name of a boat”. The only other occurrence given this rather vague meaning seems to be in

“The Death of the Sons of Usnech” (Stokes and Windisch:125 line 84; 127 line 139), where the

“Iubrach” is Fergus’ boat or galley that he uses to collect Deirdre and the sons of Usnech for

Conchobar. Otherwise, the primary meaning of ibrach is ‘yew’ or ‘objects made of yew’.

The one thing that is certain from the text is that ibrach concerns a boat, since Tuir Glesta took

Emer overseas and Cú Chulainn uses it in his pursuit of them. If Fergus’ galley was widely known by

name, an average audience would have understood it to be that particular boat. Alternatively, ibrach

could have been a common name for a boat, here chosen to add a little poetry, perhaps.

Interpreting ibrach to mean a literal boat made of yew gives a few problems. Yew is a slow-

growing tree that produces knotty, bended wood by nature, only giving straight branches through

careful cultivation, making it quite valuable. Moreover, its wood warps when in contact with water; as

a boat or even a coracle, it would de-form and most likely leak. It is possible, of course, that the author

did not know of these properties, or meant to imply a journey to the Otherworld (see 4.3.1. for a

23

discussion of Lochlann and its connection to the Otherworld) by using a boat of an unlikely material.

Yew, as a tree, has ‘magical’ associations in medieval Irish culture; it is known as one of the “nobles

of the wood” (Kelly 1997: 380), having both positive (springy wood, longevity) and negative (toxicity)

properties (Houtvademecum: 220-21).

X. nirsamruna, as the manuscript reads, is problematic. If we read nírsam rúna, it would mean ‘I was

not a secret’, which may refer to Cú Chulainn’s reputation as a warrior, which in itself should have

been reason for Emer and Tuir Glesta not to elope; however, this would make it an odd first sentence

of an otherwise coherent stanza.

If we allow for errors, and read nírsat rúna, there are two options for translation; ‘they were not a

secret’, which makes little sense since the ‘they’ it would refer to is the singular ‘dishonourable deed’.

The other is to treat nírsat as an imperative (cf. DIL 541 column 212, ll. 53-54) ‘be not a secret’,

making it a rebuke to Emer for being secretive, i.e. having an affair.

Another possible reading allowing for error is nírsam rúnae, ‘I was not a mystery’, i.e. Cú

Chulainn’s reaction to the elopement was not unexpected.

One other option, which seems to me the most likely, is to read nír sam-rúna, ‘it [the elopement]

was not a mutual secret’ or ‘it was not a secret to all’, the prefix sam- meaning ‘joint, united, together’.

This could imply that the elopement was too publicly known about for Cú Chulainn’s liking,

increasing the shame brought on him, or it could mean that the elopement was not a secret that could

be kept; Cú Chulainn’s discovery of and reaction to it were inevitable.

XI. Also possibly gním n-árdúla, composed of ár ‘slaughter’ and dúil ‘desire’ (nasalised by the

accusative singular of u-stem gním); “a deed desirous of slaughter”.

XII. ‘journey’ here means ‘elopement’ and refers to the ‘dishonourable deed’ in the line above.

XIII. Possibly a proverb, to express the disappointment and disapproval of not just Cú Chulainn

himself, but others as well (e.g. the other Ulstermen), similar to the English ‘a thorn in one’s side’.

XIV. ethar “ferry-boat” indicates a vessel that may be used by anyone; thus comparing women to such

a vessel gives sting to the rebuke he gives Emer.

XV. pl. majestatis, CúChulainn is referring to himself alone.

XVI. acsin íceann ‘here is where I used to avenge’. This last line is somewhat difficult to interpret.

íceann seems to be a past subjunctive of íccaid ‘pays, atones, heals, avenges’; ‘here’ is Dún Monaig,

to where Cú Chulainn has travelled, to ‘avenge’ or ‘atone’, that is, killing Tuir Glesta to resolve the

situation of Emer’s elopement. Alternatively, we could read ac sin, íceann “see here [as the French

24

voici]”, and read íceann as a Middle Irish 3rd singular present indicative (see 5.3.2. above); “see here,

he pays/atones [with his life]”.

9. Index of persons and placenames

Cú Chulainn the great Irish hero

Emer Cú Chulainn’s wife

Lóeg Cú Chulainn’s charioteer

Tuir Glesta prince of Norway

Crich Conaill probably Conaille Muirthemne, near Dundalk

Dun Delga Dundalk, Co. Louth, Cú Chulainn’s home

Dun Monaig Anglesey, Scotland or Anglesey, Wales (see 4.3.3.)

(Find-)Lochlann Scandinavia; specifically Norway (see 4.3.1.)

Mag Murthemni the plain north of Dundalk

Slieve Breag south of Dundalk, near modern day Drogheda

(the land of) Subaltach mac Roig in some Ulster cycle tales, Subaltach was Cú Chulainn’s

human father

Traig Baile strand at Dundalk

25

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