1nc AV SS vs Mass Transit Tam

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CPCP Text: The Fifty States should cooperate and coordinate to acquire all necessary resources to invest in

urban mass transit towards low-income residents in the United States.

Federal government cant solve mass transit

Schweitzer 12[Lisa Schweitzer, Associate Professor at the USC Sol Price School of Public Policy, 2/16/12, Doig on the TEA party and a war on transit in Salon.com, UrbanEthics and Theory, http://lisaschweitzer.com/2012/02/16/doig-on-the-tea-party-and-a-war-on-transit-in-salon-com/] aw

Who lives where in the US is not unrelated to wealth and power, certainly, but I doubt that the issues about how to providepublic transit fall into that discussion. Mostly, culture war arguments are lazy. Both sides use culture war arguments towhine and accuse rather than getting off their butts and constructing principled arguments. For example, I have yet to hearone compelling reason why the Federal government is a better funder of sidewalks and bike lanes than states or cities, other

than the typical arguments that those things are good for us! Of course they are. Why cant you fund them at the city, orin the case of transit, the state level?

States solve mass-transit best

Poole 96 - President of the Reason Foundation. An engineering graduate of MIT, he has advised the U.S. and California departmentsof transportation, the White House, and the President's Commission on Privatization. He is the author of numerous policy studies onsuch topics as airport privatization, air traffic control corporations, congestion pricing, and private tollroads. He was a member of theCaltrans Privatization Advisory Steering Committee in 1989-90 and the California Commission on Transportation Investment in1995-96. (Robert, 1996, DEFEDERALIZING TRANSPORTATION FUNDING,http://reason.org/files/4883e8bd01480c4d96ce788feb1f2e05.pdf)JCP

As for operating subsidies, CBO found that more than 75 percent of U.S. transit ridership is on systems that rely on federaloperating subsidies for only 8 percent or less of their revenue. Modest productivity gains could easily compensate for theloss of federal subsidies in those large-city cases. On the other hand, the smallest 200 cities receiving federal transit aid (all

but three with populations under one million) carry only 7 percent of transit ridership but account for 27 percent of federaloperating subsidies. CBO notes that while cities in this group would have the most to lose from a withdrawal of federal aid,they would potentially have much to gain also: their transit services are now among the least efficient, and pressure toreduce costs could only improve them. Cities could cut costs dramatically via competitive contracting of transit services.Wendell Cox has reviewed the worldwide experience with competitive contracting of transit service (in which firms bid forthe right to operate specific groups of routes on the basis of the least amount of subsidy needed). He finds significantreductions in cost per vehicle mile, ranging from 19 percent in Copenhagen to 25 percent in Australian cities (Adelaide,Brisbane, Perth), 33 percent in San Diego, and 42 percent in London. He notes that competitive contracting has begunexpanding from bus to rail, with subway service now outsourced in Stockholm and rail system contracting now planned inAdelaide and Perth. Cox has calculated that the loss of all federal formula funding ($1.9 billion in 1994) could be made upvia transit system operating efficiencies averaging 11.3 percent well within the range of what has been achieved viacompetitive contracting of bus service in the United States and overseas. Competitive contracting and other productivityimprovements would be much easier to accomplish after the end of federal grants, because transit agencies would no longer

have to comply with the labor restrictions of section 13(c), which major transit agencies have urged be removed as a costlyfederal mandate. Of all transportation modes, urban transit is clearly the most obviously local and the furthestremoved from being a federal matter. When this fact is combined with an appreciation of the harm done by federaltransit aid, the case for shifting this function to the local level is overwhelming.

DA
http://reason.org/files/4883e8bd01480c4d96ce788feb1f2e05.pdf)JCPhttp://reason.org/files/4883e8bd01480c4d96ce788feb1f2e05.pdf)JCP


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The race is close, but Obama will win.

Nate Silver, statistician, sabermetrician, psephologist, and writer, 8/3/12, Aug. 3: A Good Week for Obama in Forecast,http://fivethirtyeight.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/08/03/aug-3-a-good-week-for-obama-in-forecast/

The past week of polling and economic data was relatively newsworthy by our forecast models standards, and most of the news wasgood for President Obama. On Tuesday, Mr. Obama was helped in the forecast by a report showing an increase in personal incomeone of the economic variables that the forecast model uses, and a reasonably good predictor of voter preferences in past elec tions. OnWednesday, he polled strongly in a number of swing states. And on Friday, Mr. Obama got a respectablealthough by no means

wonderfulemployment report, which estimated that 163,000 jobs were created in July. The forecast model uses the jobs numberdirectly in its forecast. It also incorporates the [and] S&P 500 index, which was up sharply on Fridaypartly on the jobs news andpartly because investors were in a better mood about the situation in Europe. Mr. Obamas probability of winning the ElectoralCollege increased slightly on the economic news, to 71.1 percent from 70.2 percent. Mr. Obamas lead in the popular vote is quitenarrow: the forecast projects him to win 50.7 percent of the vote, against 48.3 percent for Mitt Romney. (Interestingly, this is the exactmargin by which George W. Bush defeated John Kerry in 2004.) Mr. Obama has some chance of winning the Electoral Collegedespite losing the popular votebut the reverse outcome is less likely.

Mass transit does not have a lot of public support --- this makes it easy to attack politically.

Jones, 5/4/2012 (Robcontent and social media manager at Build Direct, Editor-in-chief of the Build Direct blogs, Public Transitand Green Urban Planning: Sexy Buses?, p. http://blog.builddirect.com/greenbuilding/public-transit-and-green-urban-planning-sexy-buses/)

Buses just arent sexy . Public transit, public perception The current reputation of public transit as opposed to private carownership in many cities in North America has an impact on public perception, and therefore it also has an impact on howbudgets are structured around the funding of expanded public transit. It has an impact on how the spending of tax money isperceived by the public, with many complaining that they shouldnt have to fund a service they themselves dont use.Among other things, this is perhaps a product of not thinking about what their commutes in their cars would be like if noone used public transit. All of this in turn has an impact on the level of political will it takes to think in the long term abouthow populations should best access urban and suburbans areas, while reducing traffic congestion, creating a more efficientuse of land, lowering emissions, and improving air quality. These are long-term investments, that often mean short term

budgeting issues. Often, current perceptions about how to manage mass transit simply lead to cuts in services to low

ridership areas in order to save money. Transit cuts: cutting the throat of future revenue When services are being cut tosave money, the expectations of those services in general are lowered to the point where gaining ridership back aspopulations swell over time becomes more and more difficult; no one will spend money on a service that they cant (orperceive that they cant) rely on. When a bus runs every hour, it might as well not run at all. You can only cut so much

before diminishing returns makes any spending a waste of money. To me, when it comes to public transit, youve got to gobig or go home. As such, its clear that strict standards of service need to be put in place and kept there in all NorthAmerican cities, and right now. No more of this cutting services because of supposed low ridership. That wont save moneyin the long term. It will kill future revenues of a growing number of potential public transit users; remember, populationsare projected to double in cities by 2050. By worsening the reputation of public transit in cities for potential commuters,transit cuts actually cut the throat of an expanding market in city infrastructure investment. Cities, states, provinces, nations,need to build on this potential, not kill it. Cul tural attitudes affect budgets But, I dont believe that all of this has to do withmoney, primarily. I think it has to do with where our cultural heads are at, sitting as we are on the transition from onecentury and another. I think clever ad campaigns for sexy buses and trains, making transit hubs into culturally andcommercially appealing locations, and expanding amenities on commuter trains are all good ideas, and worthy investments

to help to design cities around the needs of people who live there. But, I think the main hurdle is still about cultural

perceptions on how useful and beneficial taking the bus, the subway, the streetcar can be in modern urban and suburban

life in a new century. As it is, I think that taking public transit is still thought of as second-rate to car ownership . The idea

of a car-less lifestyle is still looked upon as being unrealistic (in some areas, it is!), to downright bohemian. Thisbears outwhen priorities are set for infrastructure budgeting .

Voters will decide the election based on the economy --- no other issue outweighs.

New York Times, 3/13/2012 (Muddled Economic Picture Muddles the Political One, Too, p. http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/14/us/politics/economy-plays-biggest-role-in-obama-re-election-chances.html?_r=1)

The final major economic turning point of President Obamas first term seems to have arrived. The question is which waythe economy will turn. Job growth has picked up nicely in the last few months, raising the prospect that the Americaneconomy is finally in the early stages of a recovery that will gather strength over time. But with gas prices rising, the
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/14/us/politics/economy-plays-biggest-role-in-obama-re-election-chances.html?_r=1http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/14/us/politics/economy-plays-biggest-role-in-obama-re-election-chances.html?_r=1http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/14/us/politics/economy-plays-biggest-role-in-obama-re-election-chances.html?_r=1http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/14/us/politics/economy-plays-biggest-role-in-obama-re-election-chances.html?_r=1


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government cutting workers and consumers still deep in debt, some forecasters predict that economic growth and with it,

job growthwill slow in coming months. Politically, the difference between the two situations is vast. In one, Mr.

Obama will be able to campaign on a claim, as he has recently begun to do, that the country is back on track. Inanother, he will be left to explain that recoveries from financial crises take years, and to argue that Republicans want toreturn to the Bush-era policies that created the crisisas he tried to argue, unsuccessfully, in the 2010 midterm election.His approval rating has slipped again in some polls recently, with higher gas prices possibly playing a role. As a result, the

economic numbers over the next couple of months, including an unemployment report on April 6, will havebigger

political implications than the typical batch of data. The Federal Reserve acknowledged the uncertainty in its scheduled

statement on Tuesday, suggesting the economy had improved somewhat but still predicting only moderate economicgrowth. Economists say the economys near-term direction depends relatively little on Mr. Obamas economic policies.The standoff over Irans nuclear program, the European debt crisis and other events will most likely affect the economy

more. But many American voters are still likely to make their decision based on the economy. Historically, nothing

not campaign advertisements, social issues or even warshas influenced voters more heavily than the direction of the

economy in an election year. If you could know one thing and you had to predict which party was going to win thenext presidential election, Lynn Vavreck, a political scientist at the University ofCalifornia, Los Angeles, said, youcouldnt do better than knowing the change in economic growth.

Romney will rollback EPA protections --- results in CO2 emissions and air pollution.

Star Ledge 12 (June 03, 2012, Scary times for environment -- especially if Mitt Romney winshttp://blog.nj.com/njv_editorial_page/2012/06/scary_times_for_environment_--.html)

The grim report on jobs Friday greatly improves the odds that Republicans will win in November, putting Mitt Romney inthe White House and bolstering GOP positions in the House and Senate. If that happens, they promise to roll back theprogress made under President Obama and Environmental Protection Agency administrator Lisa Jackson. Romney wants

to strip the EPA of its power to regulate carbon emissions . Jackson relied on that power to enact rules that will double

automobile efficiency standards by 2025 and toughen truck standards, too. Transportation is the largest single source

of air pollution . So cutting emissions in half will make a profound change, especially in a car-centric state such as New

Jersey. It also will reduce oil imports sharply, lessening our dangerous dependence on unstable regimes in the Mideast.Jacksons tough limits on coal-fired power plants rely partly on carbon controls, as well. So those gains would beendangered. Again, the air in New Jersey will get dirtier. Because, while our own coal plants have exotic pollution controlequipment, those to the west and south do not. Many lack even the most basic filters, known as scrubbers, and rely only ontall smoke stacks to push the toxins higher into the atmosphere. The catch for New Jersey is this: Their toxins float into ourair. Roughly one-third of our air pollution is imported, according to the state Department of Environmental Protection.

Romney also has promised to pull back on subsidies for green energy, and to preserve the tax breaks and subsidies forprofitable oil and gas companies. With all this, it is no wonder the fossil fuel industries are pouring money into hiscampaign. But thats not all. Romney has promised a broad campaign to cut regulations on water and land, as well. Hesuggests that any new regulations would have to be approved by Congress, a frightening prospect if the extremists in theGOP strengthen their grip. President Obamas record on the environment is mixed. Even during his first two years, beforeRepublicans took control of the House, he was unable to bring coal-state Democrats along to pass climate-changelegislation. And in a few key areas, he has restrained Jackson from even using her regulatory powers, based on existinglegislation, including the Clean Air Act. Another problem is that most new threats are not covered by the old laws. Sen.Frank Lautenberg (D-N.J.) has tried to strengthen the weak laws on toxic substances, for example, but has so far failed. IfRepublicans win in November, any chance of passage will be snuffed out.

Unchecked global warming causes extinction.

Tickell2008 (Oliver, Climate Researcher, The Guardian, On a Planet 4C Hotter, All We Can Prepare for is Extinction, 8-11http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2008/aug/11/climatechange)

We need to get prepared for four degrees of global warming, Bob Watson told the Guardian last week. At first sight thislooks like wise counsel from the climate science adviser to Defra. But the idea that we could adapt to a 4C rise is absurdand dangerous. Global warming on this scale would be a catastrophe that would mean, in the immortal words that ChiefSeattle probably never spoke, "the end of living and the beginning of survival" for humankind. Or perhaps the beginning of

our extinction . The collapse of the polar ice caps would become inevitable, bringing long-term sea level rises of 70-80

metres. All the world's coastal plains would be lost, complete with ports, cities, transport and industrial infrastructure, andmuch of the world's most productive farmland. The world's geography would be transformed much as it was at the end ofthe last ice age, when sea levels rose by about 120 metres to create the Channel, the North Sea and Cardigan Bay out of dry


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land. Weather would become extreme and unpredictable, with more frequent and severe droughts, floods and hurricanes.

The Earth's carrying capacity would be hugely reduced. Billions would undoubtedly die. Watson's call was supported by

the government's former chief scientific adviser, Sir David King, who warned that "if we get to a four-degree rise it is quitepossible that we would begin to see a runaway increase". This is a remarkable understatement. The climate system isalready experiencing significant feedbacks, notably the summer melting of the Arctic sea ice. The more the ice melts, themore sunshine is absorbed by the sea, and the more the Arctic warms. And as the Arctic warms, the release of billions oftonnes of methanea greenhouse gas 70 times stronger than carbon dioxide over 20 yearscaptured under meltingpermafrost is already under way. To see how far this process could go, look 55.5m years to the Palaeocene-Eocene

Thermal Maximum, when a global temperature increase of 6C coincided with the release of about 5,000 gigatonnes ofcarbon into the atmosphere, both as CO2 and as methane from bogs and seabed sediments. Lush subtropical forests grew inpolar regions, and sea levels rose to 100m higher than today. It appears that an initial warming pulse triggered otherwarming processes. Many scientists warn that this historical event may be analogous to the present: the warming caused by

human emissions could propel us towards a similar hothouse Earth.

AND TURN-- Romneys tax policies replicate the harms of the 1ac

PeterFenn, emocratic political strategist and head of Fenn Communications, one of the nation's leading political and public affairs

media firms, adjunct professor at George Washington University's Graduate School of Political Management, 6/20/12, US News,Study Shows Mitt Romney-Paul Ryan Budget Is Real Class Warfare, http://www.usnews.com/opinion/blogs/Peter-Fenn/2012/06/20/study-shows-mitt-romney-paul-ryan-budget-is-real-class-warfare

Mitt Romney and his Republican colleagues were intent on putting forth what they thought would be a nice series of tax cuts andpopular, new, simple, reduced tax brackets. Oops. This is not actually reducing the burden on middle class families, it is increasing it.A new Joint Economic Committee Study exposes this sham of a plan. Making President George W. Bush's tax cuts permanent andfurtherreducing the top rate to 25 percent is truly class warfare, Robin Hood in reverse, stick it to the middle class. The fact is that toclose the so-called loopholes and get rid of the credits, many of which help the middle class, we are seeing a further redistribution ofwealth to the wealthy. [See a collection of political cartoons on the budget and deficit.] The Romney-Ryan plan would increase taxeson wage earners who make between $50,000 to $100,000 by $1,300. It would increase taxes on those who make between $100,000 to$200,000 by $2,600. Another great idea for taking us back to the Bush-era, on steroids. If you make between $500,000 and $1million, you get another nice check for $35,000go buy a new car or a big diamond ring. And if you happen to make over a milliondollars, the average redistribution of wealth comes to an unbelievable $285,000.

DA

A. Fiscal discipline nowpolitical pressure will lead to debt compromise

Washington Post 7/18Washington Post 7/18/12, http://www.columbiatribune.com/news/2012/jul/18/coalition-aims-to-head-off-debt-disaster/

WASHINGTONA coalition ofbusiness leaders, budget experts and former politicians launched a $25 million campaignyesterday tobuild political support for a far-reaching plan to raise taxes, cut popular retirement programs and tame the nationaldebt. With anxiety rising over a major budget mess looming in January, the campaigndubbed "Fix the Debt"is founded onthe notion that the moment is finally at hand whenpolicymakers will be forced to compromise on an ambitious debt-reductionstrategy. After nearly three years of bipartisan negotiations, the broad outlines of that strategy are clear, the group's leaders saidduring a news conference at the National Press Club: Raise more money through a simplified tax code and spend less on SocialSecurity, Medicare and Medicaid, the primary drivers of future borrowing. "Everyone knows in their hearts and their minds what

has to be done," said Democratic former Pennsylvania Gov. Ed Rendell, who is chairing the group with former New HampshireSen. Judd Gregg, a Republican. The goal of the campaign is to "create a safe environment where it's not only good policy, butgood politics as well." The campaign was founded by former Clinton White House Chief of Staff Erskine Bowles and former Republican Sen. Alan Simpson ofWyoming. The two men led an independent fiscal commission that in 2010 produced a $4 trillion debt-reduction framework that has won praise from politiciansacross the political spectrum. But the Bowles-Simpson plan never won the explicit backing of President Barack Obama or GOP leaders and therefore never gainedreal traction in Congress. The campaign plans to launch a social media drive to persuade lawmakers to approve a plan similar to the Bowles-Simpson framework byJuly 4, 2013replacing $600 billion in abrupt tax hikes and sharp spending cuts that are otherwise set to take effect in January.

Infrastructure is costly and inefficient

The Economist, 2/12/2012, Americas Subterranean Malaise,


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http://www.economist.com/blogs/gulliver/2012/02/infrastructure?fsrc=scn%2Ftw%2Fte%2Fbl%2Famericanssubterraneanmalaise

SALONs Will Doig had a nice piece last week riffing off a common theme: why does it take so long and cost so much forAmerica to complete infrastructure projects when China seems to complete them in mere months for a fraction of the cost? OnDec. 31, the Chinese capital opened a new subway line and greatly expanded two others. This year it plans to open four more. Atotal of eight new lines are under construction. The city started expanding the system in the run-up to the 2008 Olympics, and haskept pushing forward ever since. In 2001 it had 33 miles of track. Today it has 231.Meanwhile, when you hear the completiondates for big U.S. transit projects you often have to calculate your age to figure out if youll still be alive. Los Angeless Westsidesubway extension is set to be finished in 2036. Just five years ago, New Yorks Second Avenue Subway was supposed to be doneby 2020, a goal that seems laughable now. The sub-headline of Mr Doigs story promises suggestions for dealing with thisproblem, but the actual article focuses more on explaining why infrastructure projects take so much longer in America than they doin China. Bureaucracy, lack of money, politics and potential interference with existing infrastructure are the most convincingexplanations he offers, although mismanagement and Americas deeperconcern for things like private property rights and workingconditions surely play a role, too. The Atlantics David Lepeska has some related thoughts on why New Yorks Second Avenuesubway line, which wont be completed for years, is costing $1.7 billion per kilometre. He notes that such high-priced transport isnot endemic in America: Washington, DCs SilverLine is considerably cheaper per kilometre (partly because much of it is beingbuilt above ground) and light-rail projects in Minneapolis and Denver were comparative bargains. Slates Matt Yglesias,meanwhile, argues that Mr Doig and others who compare New Yorks subway costs with Chinas are missing the point. The realissue Americans should be pondering is why our big infrastructure projects are so much slower and more costly than comparableprojects in Europe or Japan, he writes. After all, even expensive projects in big, old, rich cities like London and Amsterdamcome in far cheaper than a New York subway project. This is indeed the right question to be asking, but the answers dont comeeasily. American politicians often blame labour unions, but these are generally stronger in Europe than in the US. Benjamin

Kabak, a blogger whom Mr Lepeska recommends, offers some theories. Alon Levy, a blogger whom weve linked to before, has aparticularly interesting idea: he thinks the business culture and organisational structure of New Yorks Metropolitan TransitAuthority could be part of the problem. Mr Levy says the MTAs in-house team managing infrastructure projects is probably toosmall and the agency could be too reliant on outside consultants.
http://www.economist.com/blogs/gulliver/2012/02/infrastructure?fsrc=scn%2Ftw%2Fte%2Fbl%2Famericanssubterraneanmalaisehttp://www.economist.com/blogs/gulliver/2012/02/infrastructure?fsrc=scn%2Ftw%2Fte%2Fbl%2Famericanssubterraneanmalaisehttp://www.economist.com/blogs/gulliver/2012/02/infrastructure?fsrc=scn%2Ftw%2Fte%2Fbl%2Famericanssubterraneanmalaisehttp://www.economist.com/blogs/gulliver/2012/02/infrastructure?fsrc=scn%2Ftw%2Fte%2Fbl%2Famericanssubterraneanmalaise


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C. Loss of fiscal discipline causes a downgrade

MarkGongloff, Wall Street Journal, 08/2/11, [Moodys Affirms US AAA Rating,http://blogs.wsj.com/marketbeat/2011/08/02/moodys-affirms-us-aaa-rating/] VN

Moodys just came out and said, great job, USA, you get to keep your AAA rating. For now. This follows Fitch, which earlier saidmore or less that they were still reviewing the US rating, a process that could take through August. They didnt promise theyd

keep a AAA rating at the end of the process, but called the debt deal a step in the right direction. Now the big shoe dangling isS&P, which is really on the hook, having sounded the loudest warning about a downgrade. The size of the debt deal doesnt seemto hit the $4 trillion mark S&P has said would be necessary to keep a AAA rating. My prediction? Theyll issue a similarplaceholder statement soonish. Meanwhile, lets hear what Moodys has to say: Moodys Investors Service has confirmed theAaa government bond rating of the United States following the raising of the statutory debt limit on August 2. The rating outlookis now negative. Moodys placed the rating on review for possible downgrade on July 13 due to the small but rising probabili ty ofa default on the governments debt obligations because of a failure to increase the debt limit. The initial increase of the debt limitby $900 billion and the commitment to raise it by a further $1.2-1.5 trillion by yearend have virtually eliminated the risk of such adefault, prompting the confirmation of the rating at Aaa. In confirming the Aaa rating, Moodys also recognized that todaysagreement is a first step toward achieving the long-term fiscal consolidation needed to maintain the US government debt metricswithin Aaa parameters over the long run. The legislation calls for $917 billion in specific spending cuts over the next decade andestablished a congressional committee charged with making recommendations for achieving a further $1.5 trillion in deficitreduction over the same time period. In the absence of the committee reaching an agreement, automatic spending cuts of $1.2trillion would become effective. In assigning a negative outlook to the rating, Moodys indicated, however, that there would be arisk ofdowngrade if (1) there is a weakening in fiscal discipline in the coming year; (2) further fiscal consolidation measures arenot adopted in 2013; (3) the economic outlook deteriorates significantly; or (4) there is an appreciable rise in the US governmentsfunding costs over and above what is currently expected.

D. Further downgrades would create a debt spiral, killing the economy

Rowley 12Charles Rowley, Professor Emeritus of Economics at George Mason University, 10/15/12, Renewed threats to U.Scredit rating, Charles Rowleys blog, http://charlesrowley.wordpress.com/2012/06/15/renewed-threats-to-u-s-credit-rating/

If Moodys downgrades and if S & P further downgrades U.S. credit ratings, this would move the United States out of theexclusive club of AAA-rated nations, and throw into question the privileged status of U.S. Treasury securities as a safehaven for global investors. Any significant flight from Treasuries would raise Treasury bond rates, with cripplingconsequences for the economy. A 1-percentage point increase in rates would raise Treasury debt payments by $1 trillionover the next decade, wiping out the benefits of all the budget cuts enacted by Congress last year. The dynamics of such aprocess may prove to be devastating, moving the U.S. federal government onto a path of sovereign downgrades that

accelerates an already worsening fiscal situation. Greece here we come.

US economy key to the world economyWang 11 (Joy Wang, Columnist Shanghai Daily, Shanghai daily, 2011)

But there are still many uncertainties, such as debt crises in the European Union, political riots in North Africa and the earthquake inJapan. The situation in the United States was also crucial for recovery, participants said. "The US has passed the most difficult timeswith better employment and better finance," said Lawrence Summers, a professor at Harvard University and former director of the USNational Economic Council. "Now the world has the framework of the G20, which works pretty well, especially in dealing with thecrisis. The emerging markets, or to some extent emerged markets, will have a profound influence on the rise of Asia." Li Lihui,president of the Bank of China, said the world's economy had recouped territory lost in the global financial crisis, and there were signsof the growing power of emerging markets. But the global economic order remained the same as before the crisis - dominated by theUS. "What the US will do is crucial for the rest of the world," Li said. Quantitative easing policies in the US, due to end in June, led

to floods of speculative money flowing into emerging markets. Ronald McKinnon, an economics professor at Stanford University,said it partly explained why inflation was so high in China.

Global economic decline causes major war and extinctionAuslin & Lachman 9 (Michael Auslin and Desmond Lachman, Michael Auslin is a resident scholar and Desmond Lachman is aresident fellow at AEI, American Enterprise Institute, 3/6/9, The Global Economy Unravels)

What do these trends mean in the short and medium termThe result may be a series of small explosions that coalesce into a bigbang. What do these trends mean in the short and medium term? The Great Depression showed how social and global chaos followedhard on economic collapse. The mere fact that parliaments across the globe, from America to Japan, are unable to make responsible,economically sound recovery plans suggests that they do not know what to do and are simply hoping for the least disruption. Equally


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worrisome is the adoption of more statist economic programs around the globe, and the concurrent decline of trust in free-marketsystems. The threat of instability is a pressing concern. China, until last year the world's fastest growing economy, just reported that20 million migrant laborers lost their jobs. Even in the flush times of recent years, China faced upward of 70,000 labor uprisings ayear. A sustained downturn poses grave and possibly immediate threats to Chinese internal stability. The regime in Beijing may befaced with a choice of repressing its own people or diverting their energies outward, leading to conflict with China's neighbors.Russia, an oil state completely dependent on energy sales, has had to put down riots in its Far East as well as in downtown Moscow.VladimirPutin's rule has been predicated on squeezing civil liberties while providing economic largesse. If that devil's bargain fallsapart, then wide-scale repression inside Russia, along with a continuing threatening posture toward Russia's neighbors, is likely. Evenapparently stable societies face increasing risk and the threat of internal or possibly external conflict. As Japan's exports haveplummeted by nearly 50%, one-third of the country's prefectures have passed emergency economic stabilization plans. Hundreds ofthousands of temporary employees hired during the first part of this decade are being laid off. Spain's unemployment rate is expectedto climb to nearly 20% by the end of 2010; Spanish unions are already protesting the lack of jobs, and the specter of violence, asoccurred in the 1980s, is haunting the country. Meanwhile, in Greece, workers have already taken to the streets. Europe as a wholewill face dangerously increasing tensions between native citizens and immigrants, largely from poorer Muslim nations, who haveincreased the labor pool in the past several decades. Spain has absorbed five million immigrants since 1999, while nearly 9% ofGermany's residents have foreign citizenship, including almost 2 million Turks. The xenophobic labor strikes in the U.K. do not bodewell for the rest of Europe. A prolonged global downturn, let alone a collapse, would dramatically raise tensions inside thesecountries. Couple that with possible protectionist legislation in the United States, unresolved ethnic and territorial disputes in allregions of the globe and a loss of confidence that world leaders actually know what they are doing. The result may be a series of smallexplosions that coalesce into a big bang.

Global economic collapse causes food crisis, economic hardships, and increases povertyKlare 9 [Michael T. Author and Professor of Peace and World-Security Studies at Hampshire College, March 19,http://www.huffingtonpost.com/michael-t-klare/the-second-shockwave_b_176358.html]

While the economic contraction is apparently slowing in the advanced industrial countries and may reach bottom in the not-too-distant future, it's only beginning to gain momentum in the developing world, which was spared the earliest effects ofthe global meltdown. Because the crisis was largely precipitated by a collapse of the housing market in the United States andthe resulting disintegration of financial products derived from the "securitization" of questionable mortgages, most developingnations were unaffected by the early stages of the meltdown, for the simple reason that they possessed few such assets. Butnow, as the wealthier nations cease investing in the developing world or acquiring its exports, the crisis is hitting them with avengeance. On top of this, conditions are deteriorating at a time when severe drought is affecting many key food-producingregions and poor farmers lack the wherewithal to buy seeds, fertilizers, and fuel. The likely result: A looming food crisis inmany areas hit hardest by the global economic meltdown. Until now, concern overthe human impact of the global crisishas largely been focused -- understandably so -- on unemployment and economic hardship in the United States, Europe, and

former Soviet Union. Many stories have appeared on the devastating impact of plant closings, bankruptcies, and homeforeclosures on families and communities in these parts of the world. Much less coverage has been devoted to the meltdown'simpact on people in the developing world. As the crisis spreads to the poorer countries, however, it's likely that people inthese areas will experience hardships every bit as severe as those in the wealthier countries -- and, in many cases, far worse.The greatest worry is that most ofthe gains achieved in eradicating poverty over the last decade or so will be wiped out,

forcing tens or hundreds of millions of people from the working class and the lower rungs of the middle class back intothe penury from which they escaped. Equally worrisome is the risk of food scarcity in these areas, resulting in widespreadmalnutrition, hunger, and starvation. All this is sure to produce vast human misery, sickness, and death, but could also result insocial and political unrest of various sorts, including riot, rebellion, and ethnic strife. The president, Congress, or themainstream media are not, for the most part, discussing these perils. As before, public interest remains focused on the ways inwhich the crisis is affecting the United States and the other major industrial powers. But the World Bank, the Food andAgriculture Organization, and U.S. intelligence officials, in three recent reports, are paying increased attention to the prospectof a second economic shockwave, this time affecting the developing world.Sinking Back Into Penury In late February, the

World Bank staff prepared a background paperfor the Group of 20 (G-20) finance ministers meeting held near London onMarch 13 and 14. Entitled "Swimming Against the Tide: How Developing Countries Are Coping with the Global Crisis," itprovides a preliminary assessment of the meltdown's impact on low-income countries (LICs). The picture, though still hazy, isone of deepening gloom. Most LICs were shielded from the initial impact of the sudden blockage in private capital flowsbecause they have such limited access to such markets. "But while slower to emerge," the report notes, "the impact of the crisison LICs has been no less significant as the effects have spread through other channels." For example, "many LIC governmentsrely on disproportionately on revenue from commodity exports, the prices of which have declined sharply along with globaldemand." Likewise, foreign direct investment is falling, particularly in the natural resource sectors. On top of this, remittancesfrom immigrants in the wealthier countries to their families back home have dropped, erasing an important source of income topoor communities. Add all this up, and it's likely that " the slowdown in growth will likely deepen the deprivation of theexisting poor." In many LICs, moreover, "large numbers of people are clustered just above the poverty line and are
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therefore particularly vulnerable to economic volatility and temporary slowdowns." As the intensity of the crisis grows,more and more of these people will lose their jobs or their other sources of income (such as those all-importantremittances) and so be pushed from above the poverty line to beneath it. The resulting outcome: "The economic crisis isprojected to increase poverty by around 46 million people in 2009."

K

Race oppression is used by capital to ideologically justify economic exploitationthe eradication of

racism requires a totalizing critique of capitalism.

Young 2006 (Robert, Red Critique, Winter/Spring, Putting Materialism back into Race Theory,http://www.redcritique.org/WinterSpring2006/puttingmaterialismbackintoracetheory.htm)

This essay advances a materialist theory of race. In my view, race oppression dialectically intersects with the exploitative logic of

advanced capitalism, a regime which deploys race in the interest of surplus accumulation. Thus, race operates at the

(economic) base and therefore produces cultural and ideological effects at the superstructure; in turn, these effectsin very

historically specific wayinteract with and ideologically justify the operations at the economic base [1].In a sense then, race

encodes the totality of contemporary capitalist social relations, which is why race cuts across a range of seemingly

disparate social sites in contemporary US society. For instance, one can mark race difference and its discriminatory effects in suchdiverse sites as health care, housing/real estate, education, law, job market, and many other social sites . However, unlike

many commentators who engage race matters, I do not isolate these social sites and view race as a local problem, which would

lead to reformist measures along the lines ofeither legal reform or a cultural-ideological battle to win the hearts and minds of

people and thus keep the existing socio-economic arrangements intact; instead, I foreground the relationality of these sites

within the exchange mechanism of multinational capitalism. Consequently, I believe, the eradication of race oppression also

requires a totalizing political project: the transformation of existing capitalisma system which produces difference (the

racial/gender division of labor) and accompanying ideological narratives that justify the resulting social inequality. Hence,

my project articulates a transformative theory of racea theory that reclaims revolutionary class politics in the interests

of contributing toward a post-racist society. In other words, the transformation from actually existing capitalism into socialism

constitutes the condition of possibility for a post-racist societya society free from racial and all other forms of oppression. By freedom, I donot simply mean a legal or cultural articulation of individual rights as proposed by bourgeois race theorists. Instead, I theorize freedom as a material effect of

emancipated economic forms. I foreground my (materialist) understanding of race as a way to contest contemporary accounts of race, which erase any

determinate connection to economics. For instance, humanism and poststructuralism represent two dominant views on race in the contemporary

academy. Even though they articulate very different theoretical positions, they produce similar ideological effects: the suppression of economics. They colludein redirecting attention away from the logic of capitalist exploitation and point us to the cultural questions of sameness

(humanism) or difference (poststructuralism). In developing my project, I critique the ideological assumptions of some exemplary instances of humanist andpoststructuralist accounts of race, especially those accounts that also attempt to displace Marxism, and, in doing so, I foreground the historically determinate link

between race and exploitation. It is this link that forms the core of what I am calling a transformative theory of race. The transformation of race from a

sign of exploitation to one of democratic multiculturalism, ultimately, requires the transformation of capitalism.

Government will only use failing strategiesthey use little to get more and prevent revoltsthey cage

the people

E. Magal Morales Gonzlez, Portland State University, Spring 2006[The creation of poverty, hunger and disease in NativeAmerica and what to do about it]mw

This essay is intended to take our blinders off when discussing poverty. Most conversations about poverty sound the same: it hasalways existed, is inevitable, we cannot fix it anytime soon, there are too many obstacles, people in power are opposed, and on,and on. The way we talk about poverty seems to justify its existence. We need to regain lost perspective and remember that there is noreason why people should go hungry in an abundant planet, and that poverty is not a chance byproduct but an inherent part of theglobal capitalist system. Governments purposefully manufacture poverty, and then claim to want to resolve it, but use strategies thatare known to be ineffective and insufficient. Proof of this is that supposed anti-poverty policies are never drafted with a plan forpeople to thrive, but just barely miss starvation and destitution. The capitalist premise of use violence to give as little as you can andget as much as you can turns into use policy to give the poor as little as you can, but just enough to prevent them from revoltingagainst you; give them just enough to survive and thus continue to function as slaves in your global wealth accumulation scheme. Itfollows that, in order to end poverty, it is foolish to look toward the agents who cause and perpetuate it for assistance. Public policy isat best a slow and often inflexible tool of change; at worst it is empty demagogy, dangerous for its ability to divert our attention from
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where it is in our interest to put it. I want to introduce the possibility that policy need not be drafted or enacted only by the so-calledlegitimate powers, and that in fact we will find real solutions to the problems of global capitalism by looking elsewhere.

Our alternative is to reject the state capitalism endorsed by the 1AC.

Status quo reformist strategy will inevitably fail - the government is inherently racist, their policies are

structured to shield further discriminationempirics prove

Woan 2011[Tansy. BA, State University of New York at Binghamton. THE VALUE OF RESISTANCE IN A PERMANENTLY WHITE, CIVIL SOCIETY.Proquest. Accessed: 8/3//12=]Given the existence of the racial state, Omi and Winant critique reformist strategies as falling short of achieving normative goals ofeliminating racism since the reforms merely get re-equilibriated. A look at the history of racial victories in the United States further supports this

critique. Racial victories for one minority were often made possible only with the entrapment of another racial minority. For

example, while many celebrate the racial victory of the 1954 Brown v. Board decision, many fail to see this happened the same year as OperationWetback, which shifted the racial discrimination to a different population, removing close to one million illegal immigrants, mostlyMexicans, from the United States.11 Moreover, soon after the ratification of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments granting citizenshipand suffrage to Blacks, Congress chose to deny citizenship to Chinese immigrants.12 In 1941, shortly after the establishment of theCommittee on Fair Employment Practices permitted Blacks into defense industries, Japanese Americans were taken from their

homes and sent off to internment camps .13 Peite Lien argues that all of these coincidences support critiques of reformist strategies

that merely target individual policies , since without challenging the racial state as a whole, even the elimination of these

individual policies will fail to eliminate racism , as they will simply replicate themselves or shift elsewhere and target racialminorities in different ways.14 C. Separatist Movements This helps to explain why political activists began adopting other more revolutionary strategies. Contraryto Martin Luther King Jr. and many of his followers during the Civil Rights Movement, the Black Power Movement emerged and began advocating formore separatist strategies that rejected making reformist appeals to the United States federal government. In his speech TheBallot or the Bullet,

Malcolm X argued: When you take your case to Washington, D.C., youre taking it to the criminal whos responsible ; its like

running from the wolf to the fox.Theyre all in cahoots together. They all work political chicanery and make you look like a chump before theeyes of the world. Here you are walking around in America, getting ready to be drafted and sent abroad , like a tin soldier, and when youget over there, people ask you what you are fighting for, and you have to stick your tongue in your cheek. No, take Uncle Sam tocourt, take him before the world.15 Critics ofreformist strategies, such as Malcolm X, understood the United Statesas being inherently racial and

thus incapable of reform. They use thecoincidences listed above as evidence to support this claim. They view the United States federal

government as a racial state that will merely continue to define race in new and more modernized ways, ensuring the

permanence of racism with the passage of new policies supporting these definitions . This is why they believe reformists are wrong

to attack individual policies, rather than the racial state itself.16 For example, the legal enforcement of a racially discriminatory housing covenant mayhave been justified due to a racist belief that members of the minority race restricted from acquiring title within that neighborhood is inferior to the Caucasian race.

More specifically, one might support said covenant because one believes the inferiority of that minority race and the potential they mightbecome your neighbor will result in a decrease in the fair market value of your property. After vigorous ongoing protests from civil rightsactivists, thatparticular law enforcing those covenants might get repealed. However, the reason15 The Ballot or the Bullet, Speech Delivered by MalcolmX in Cleveland, April 3, 1964. See Malcolm X Speaks: Selected Speeches and Statements, Edited by George Breitman (New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1965), 35. 16Attacking the racial state itself would mean a complete rejection of the state, a refusal to engage in it under any circumstances. Some may take this further to entail a

planned coup to overthrow the government. for the repeal of that law might arise not from an ethical epiphany, but ratheran economic rationale in which thehomeowner is shown his property value will remain unaffected, or perhaps even increase. Thus, thatparticular act may get repealed,but the policymakers responsible for its original draft will still be in power, and will maintain the same beliefs that motivated that

piece of legislation in the first place. Because there has been no ethical realization of the injustice in their conduct, the chances remain high

that they will construct new, apparentlydifferent but equally discriminatory policies that will force activists to join forces once again and continue thesame fight. This is why it is not the individual policies, but the government itself thatis the preeminent site of racial conflict.17 Omi and Winants proposal of

theracialstate views the government as inherentlyracial, meaning it does not simply intervene in racial conflicts, but itis the locus of racial conflict .18 In addition to structuring conceptions of race, the government in the United States is in and of itself

racially structured .19 State policies govern racial politics, heavily influencing the public on how race should be viewed . The

ways in which it does so changes over time, often taking on a more invisible nature. For example, Omi and Winant describe the racial state as treating race indifferent ways throughout different periods of time, first as a biologically based essence, and then as an ideology, etc. These policies arefollowed by racial remedies offered by government institutions, in response to political pressures and in accordance to these differenttreatments of race, varying in degree depending on the magnitude of the threats those pressures pose to the order of society.20


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Case

Low housing prices nowfluctuations inevitable but new construction destabilizes the prices

Glaeser 5/29 [Edward. Bloomberg View columnist prof. of econ at Harvard. Low, Stable Housing Prices: Whats Not to Like? Bloomberg

http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2012-05-29/low-stable-housing-prices-what-s-not-to-like-.html/accessed: 7/30/12=]Although a new surge in housing prices might improve the macroeconomy, there is plenty to like in low and stable housingprices, and thats what we should now expect in a world free from bubbly delusions of constant price appreciation. The two-month increase in the Case-Shiller 20-city index between January and March 2012 still leaves us only 0.2 percent above the post-2006 market bottom. Inreal terms, the 20-city index is about where it was in March 2000. The 10-city index, which goes back to the 1980s, is about the same today, in real terms,

as it was at the end of the Ronald Reagan presidency. Lets hope that U.S. homebuyers will never again believe the lie that housing is afail-safe investment strategy. On average, the Case-Shiller cities have housing values that are 90 percent of their values in May2009, when the market hit its first bottom. After that, prices began rising, abetted by the homebuyer tax credit . But when thecredit expired in May 2010, prices fell again until February of this year, with the exception of a one-month uptick in April 2011. The homebuyertax credit may explain the extra gyration in this downturn that was missing from the price drop of the early 1990s. Fifteen of20 Case-Shiller cities have prices today that are 83 percent to 97 percent of their May 2009 prices. Two cities , San Francisco and Washington,have done unusually well, with housing prices that are essentially unchanged from 2009. Three cities -- Atlanta, Chicago and LasVegas -- have been poor performers, declining an additional 20 percent in real terms since then. Atlanta and Las Vegas were epicenters of overbuilding,

and Las Vegass unemployment rate remains at 12.1 percent. By contrast, the unemployment rate in the Washington area is 5.5 percent,

thanks in part to an era of big government. If we turn to the longer-term picture, there is far more disparity betweenmetropolitan areas, but the differences in price patterns are relatively easy to understand using the simple concepts of supply and demand. From 1992to 2012, real housing prices shot up by more than 40 percent in Boston and Denver, and by about 30 percent in New York and Portland. Over that period,real prices fell by 26 percent in Atlanta, 30 percent in Detroit and 34 percent in Las Vegas. Long-term price growth appeared primarily in places with askilled population and a shortage of new housing. Among metropolitan areas with more than 1 million people in 2000, Boston and Denver were two of the

10 most-educated, with more than one-third of adults with college degrees. They also have a dizzying array of land-use restrictions thatrestrict supply. Portland, Oregon, is also known for its barriers to building. Detroit and Las Vegas are among the least-skilled large metropolitan areas;only 16 percent of adults in Las Vegas had college degrees in 2000. Las Vegas was the easiest bubble to call, because there are few barriers to building inunincorporated Las Vegas and outside the urban core. The Atlanta areas education base comes close to rivaling Bostons, yet housing prices in the two

areas have moved in opposite directions over the last 20 years. Homebuyers Benefit The most natural explanation for this divergence is adifferent attitude toward new construction. Atlantas prices are low because the city has built and even overbuilt, and, as aresult, the areas population has grown by 30 percent over the past 10 years.By contrast, the Boston areas population, held back by alack of construction, has increased by less than 4 percent. The contrast between Atlanta and B oston explains why Im not unhappy with the prospect oflow and stable housing prices. Homeowners, like myself, have lost from the drop in prices, But homebuyers have benefited an equal and offsetting

amount. Cheap homes make it easier for young families to buy. Given that our public policies tend to be rigged against the young, who will

have to pay the cost for our current deficit and extraordinary spending on Medicare, I cant begrudge them the benefit of low er housing prices.

Increase in public transportation investment causes gentrification

Nusca 2010 [Andrew. Editor of Smart Planet, associate editor for ZDNet, October 22. New public transit encouragesgentrification, lowers ridership, study says Smart Planet. http://www.smartplanet.com/blog/smart-takes/new-public-transit-encourages-gentrification-lowers-ridership-study-says/11832/accessed:7/28/12=]

If you were to extend the reach of public transportation to an underserved neighborhood, you would expect ridership toincrease and rents to drop, right? Wrong, according to a new study. A new report from the Dukakis Centerfor Urban and Regional Policy at

Northeastern University says that the result may be the complete oppositethat is, attract a population of wealthier residents who prefer

private cars to public buses and trains. The report, which can be found here (.pdf), found that new public transit investments can, in some

cases, lead to gentrification. That means renters and low-income residentsyou know, the folks you think would ride public

transportation get priced out of the neighborhood and , once again, away from easy access to the very system thats thought to

serve them the most. Studying 12 metropolitan areas in the United States in which one or more new commuter rail stations was opened in the courseof a decade, the researchers examined changes in population growth, housing units, racial and ethnic composition, householdincome, housing costs, migration, public transit use and motor car ownership. Heres what they found: For 64 percent of theneighborhoods around the new rail stations in the study(thats 27 of 42 total),population grew more quickly than the rest of themetro area. 55 percent of those neighborhoods showed a dramatic increase in housing production. 62 percent of those neighborhoods showed a faster

increase in owner-occupied units than the rest of the metro area. 50 percent of those neighborhoods showed an increase in the proportionof non-Hispanic white households relative to the rest of the metro area. (The other half showed no change or a decrease.) 62 percent of thoseneighborhoods showed an increase in median household income; 60 percent showed a boost in the proportion of households with incomes of more than$100,000. Perhaps most tellingly, 74 percent of the neighborhoods showed rents that increased faster than the rest of the metro area. A full 88 percent had

a relative boost in median housing values, too. In 40 percent of the new transit neighborhoods, public transit use declined relative to

the rest of the metro area. In 71 percent of the neighborhoods, ownership of a vehicle increased; in 57 percent, ownership of two or more cars
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increased. Despite all this, core transit riders are predominantly people of color or with low incomes. Transit-served

metropolitan regions are currently home to over half of all African-Americans, 60 percent of all Hispanics and 70 percent of allimmigrants in the United States, according to the study. The researchers recommendation? Planners and policymakers ought to consider theunintended consequences of neighborhood gentrification when expanding or improving public transit, since investmentmay not cause the change desired. Transit planners frequently speak of the need for transit-oriented development to support ridership, but whattransit stations need is transit-oriented neighbors who will regularly use the system, lead author Stephanie Pollack said in astatement.

A difference of classes and crowd out perpetuates racist ideologiesthe Whites will inevitably dominateother races

San Juan 2003 [E. Fulbright Lecturer, University of LeuvenMarxism and the Race/Class Problematic: A Re -Articulationhttp://clogic.eserver.org/2003/sanjuan.html/accessed: 7/30/12=]

William Julius Wilson indicated some of these changes in the role of "race" in class-divided U.S. society, though he drewmistaken conclusions. He applied stratification theory on the mapping of black-white contacts in U.S. society configured inthree major stages: first, the plantation economy with its racial-caste oppression; second, class conflict and racialoppression in the period of the end of Reconstruction up to the New Deal era; and third, the progressive transition from raceinequalities to class inequalities after World War II, especially in the 1960s and 1970s. Given a hierarchical model of statusroles, Wilson intended to find out how "access to the means of production" (by which he means employment) can beobtained by education. His concern is with opportunities for mobility provided by a segmented labor market whichgenerates a high-wage sector (salaried white-collar positions in government and corporation) and the underclass. "Race"disappears because all barriers for blacks are gone with affirmative action, more education, and so on. "Race" is no longerthe cause of discrimination and segregation of the labor market; rather, it is class, meaning education or symbolic capital,lifestyle, consumption power, and so on. Gunnar Myrdal's American Creed has finally abolished racism only to re-inaugurate "classism," the rebarbative term of postmodern skeptics, without which the classic American moral dilemma--the opposition between "high national and Christian precepts" and sordid practices of apartheid and other institutionalforms of racialized class injustice in everyday life--would be vacuous. 28. Unfortunately, the current debate between aclass-based Affirmative Action instead of one based on race assumes that class as status (attached chiefly to income oroccupational location) is the normative obstacle to eliminating racism (see Gutmann 2000). In short, racism translates into aquestion of social mobility and the individualist "bootstrap" ethos of competition (also known as neosocial Darwinism) inthe "free market," the privileged locus of alienation and reification (Lukacs 1971). From the perspective of liberalmulticulturalism, "class" becomes an aspect of identity, like race and gender susceptible of stylistic alteration. One is thenreminded by Ellen Meiksins Wood: "Is it possible to imagine class differences without exploitation and domination? The'difference' that constitutes class as an 'identity' is, by definition, a relationship of inequality and power, in a way that sexualor cultural 'difference' need not be" (1995, 258). 29. It seems obvious that racism cannot be dissolved by instances of status

mobility when sociohistorical circumstances change gradually or are transformed by unforeseen interventions. Theblackbourgeoisie continues to be harassed and stigmatized by liberal or multiculturalist practices of racism, not because theydrive Porsches or conspicuously flaunt all the indices of wealth. Class exploitation cannot replace or stand for racismbecause it is the condition of possibility for it. It is what enables the racializing of selected markers, whether physiologicalor cultural, to maintain, deepen and reinforce alienation, mystifying reality by modes of commodification, fetishism, andreification characterizing the routine of quotidian life. Race and class are dialectically conjoined in the reproduction ofcapitalist relations of exploitation and domination.

Their representation of race shields the link between societal foundations and ideologies we must

transition to an open education

Lipsitz 2007 [George. Studies social movements, urban culture, and inequality. Department of Black Studies @ University ofCalifornia Santa Barbara. The Racialization of Space and the Spatiaiization of Race Ebsco. Accessed: 7/30/12=]

Having a better understanding of differential space, of the roles played by exclusion, exchange value, and use value indetermining the racial meanings of places, can help landscape architects and otherprofessionals whose work shapes the builtenvironment to ameliorate the racialization of space and the spatialization of race. It is not yet possible, however, to formulate a validgeneral theory about race and space across different kinds of societies and historical eras. Land-use regulations, racial categories, and culturally-based

investments in landscape vary widely across centuries, countries, and continents.' The relationship of race to the Enlightenmentas its alwaysdisavowed yet universally produced productmakes it necessary to struggle in separate sites to unearth and identify the occludedand disavowed historical genealogies and ideologies of racialized space particular to specific locations. Understanding the links

between race and. place in the United States starts with an examination of concrete racial and spatial practices. Theoretical writings of Antonio Gramscishow that great value can be secured from thinking about large concepts in relation to specific and concrete historical and sociological situations (Hall1986, 5-27). Louis Althusser (1971) demonstrates how this kind of thinking can bring new insights to general theory. Althusser depicts the general Marxist

theory ofsocial totality through a spatial metaphor that likens society to a house with a material "foundation" and an
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ideological "superstructure." Conceding that the metaphor is descriptive rather than analytic, it enables us to see how social structure is bothmaterial and ideological. Althusser's argument forms a kind of descriptive theory because it enables us to view reproduction of the social order

simultaneously as a political, ideological, and economic imperative. The metaphor may become theory if and when it activates aperspective that enables new relationships to come into view (Althusser 1971, 90-92). Similarly, the idea of racially specific spatialimaginaries is not a theory, but a metaphorical construct that reveals actual social relations. Donna Haraway builds on Althusser'semphases on both metaphor and description to argue for the superiority of "situated" specific theory over universal grand theory. Using the metaphor of

human and animal vision to show that knowledge is "partial, perspectival, and interested," Haraway insists on the particularity andembodiment of all vision. She argues for the value of partial perspective, for seeing from a situated standpoint. Instead of aspiringto an all-encompassing "eye of God," she urges us to accept the inevitable partiality of all perspectives, to build on local and

situated knowledges, and to construct "an earthwide network of connections, including the ability partially to translateknowledges among very differentand power differentiatedcommunities" (Haraway 1988, 580). Haraway's aim is not to presentknowledge as the private property of incommensurable communities, but neither is it to subsume the experiences ofaggrieved groups into sweeping generalizations for which no one is accountable. She argues that theories that claim universalapplicability will in practice merely elevate one historically-specific dominant particular over others, assuming universality rather

than proving it. Rather than proclaiming one more dominant particular as a universal, Haraway seeks to build a better-theorized

understanding of the world by promoting conversations, debates, and conflicts capable of registering clashes of

experiences, interests, and perspectives, while compelling us to make choices about knowledge based on the broadest

possible range of points of view. To follow Haraway's recommendations, we should stage a confrontation between the moralgeography of pure space and the moral geography of differentiated space as it has developed among aggrieved communitiesof color.

Solvency

The aff is a removal processthe government wastes billions on wars but cant find money to increase

infrastructure - the cause of failure is resource allocationDaniels 2007 [Ron. Veteran social and political activist served as Executive Director of the National Rainbow Coalition. ADomestic Marshall Plan to Transform America's "Dark Ghettos": Toward a Martin Luther King - Malcom X CommunityRevitalization Initiative Author Fall. The Black Scholar. Jstor. Accessed: 7/31/12=]

Currently there is no acceptable response to our plight by policymakers in Wash- ington. Total neglect or the conservativemantra of "blame the victim," is the order of the day. To the degree that there has been a response, it has been by real estatedevelop- ers moving in, aided and abetted by local governments, to displace black working-class and poor people from theirneighborhoods, scattering them hither and thither as white suburbanites now deem it cost effective to recapture the

"Chocolate Cities" of this nation. Gentrification has become the "Negro removal" program of the twenty-first

century. It is precisely this kind of ethnic cleansing that is afoot in New Orleans as local developers and major contractors,such as subsidiaries of Halliburton, attempt to remake this African city to create a Disney World, theme park environment.While we must continue to urge our people who are imprisoned by these conditions to do all they can to assume

responsibility for rising above and overcoming the pathology which now afflicts them/us, we must be clear that the racist

and exploitive policies of government are primarily responsible for our plight . Ultimately we must compel the

government to rescue and transform this nation's dark ghettos. And this will require a massive allocation of resources,

not only to improve the physical environment but to heal and restore broken lives and communities. Thetransformation of America's dark ghettos demands nothing less than a program equivalent to a Domestic Mar- shallPlan.Originally conceived by the late Whitney Young, President and CEO of the National Urban League and longadvocated as a major priority by League President John E. Jacob, the concept of a Domestic Marshall Plan was derived

from the massive and unprecedented expenditure of US resources to rebuild Europe and Japan after World War II. Mr.Young and Mr. Jacobs consistent- ly questioned why the United States could not rebuild urban areas here in America in thesame way it had rebuilt entire foreign nations. The same question is relevant today: How is it that America can instantlyfind billions of dollars to wage an ill-conceived, ill- advised and illegal war in Iraq, including billions to rebuild this strife-riven nation, and not muster sufficient resources to expedi- tiously rebuild New Orleans, the Gulf and transform the darkghettos of this prosper- ous land? Black America must muster the resolve to compel the government to respondappropriately to this question.

The new urbanism wont solve racismBeen, 96 [Vicki, Visiting Professor of Law at Harvard University Comment on Professor Jey Frugs The Geography ofCommunity, 48 Stan. L. Rev. 1109, HeinOnline]


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I fear not. It's not at all clear that the new urbanism will lead to a greater tolerance for redistribution, andthereby change people's demand for fiscal zoning. Getting people out of their cars and into the streets is a great

accomplishment, for all kinds of reasons. But mixing uses, reverting back to grid street patterns, allowing granny

or in-law flats, and reinventing the city commons won't guarantee that the pedestrians will see people

very different from themselves. One way of assessing the likelihood of greater diversity would be to look to the townsthat are the showcases for the new urbanism-are they more economically (or even racially) diverse than their Euclidean-zoned, cul-desaced counterparts Some of them, like Windsor, Florida are unabashedly very upscale communities.9 Theliterature about others, like the showcase Seaside, Florida, is conspicuously silent about the demographics of the town's

residents.

No model exists to evaluate transport disadvantage and social status - even with funding increases there is

no model to resolve the problem.

Dodson 06 [Jago, Urban Research Program, Investing in the Social Dimensions of Transport DisadvantageI. Toward NewConcepts and Methods, Vol. 24, No. 4, 433453, Google Books]

Most urban transport modeling has been auto-dominated and focused on the needs and desires of auto-dependent transportusers (Graham & Marvin, 2001). Social disadvantage however has been rarely addressed via conventional transportmodeling. There is much potential for the development ofmodels that more closely address issues of transportdisadvantage. However, there are few readily available models that can be used to assess the links between social status andtransport disadvantage. Recent activity-based transport models offer some opportunities to illuminate accessibility patternsin urban areas (McNally, 2000; Wang & Cheng, 2001).

Independently, transportation projects increase poverty

The World Bank2007 [The world bank. Conducting Impact Evaluations inUrban Transport January. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTISPMA/Resources/383704-1146752240884/Doing_ie_series_05.pdf]

Complicating matters further, poverty impacts are usually an indirect result of an urban transportation project, not a directresult. Transportation projects are pursued for mobility goals, such as reduced travel times. These reductions in traveltimes may have impacts on poverty. For example, commuters may take more distant jobs if commute times are reduced,which could reduce poverty for residents who live far from job centers. Yet the data typically used to evaluate themobility goals of an urban transportation project will not be sufficient to assess the poverty impact. The transportationoutcome variablea change in mobility, access, or travel timewill often be an independent variable in a study of apoverty related outcome. Hence in addition to the endogeneity and selection problems mentioned above, povertyevaluations for urban 1 transportation projects can bring data collection requirements that go beyond the usual data

collected in that sector.


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1nc AV SS vs Mass Transit Tam

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