Islam as a Lived Tradition

1A_BW proefschrift Shaheed Tayob[pr].job

Islam as a Lived Tradition:

Ethical Constellations of Muslim Food Practice in Mumbai

Een verklaring van Islam als een Levende Traditie: Ethische Constellaties van Moslim Voedsel Praktijken in Mumbai

(met een samenvatting in het Nederlands)

Proefschrift

ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit Utrecht op gezag van de rector magnificus, prof.dr. G.J. van der Zwaan, ingevolge het besluit van het college voor promoties in

het openbaar te verdedigen op woensdag 10 mei 2017 des middags te 2.30 uur

door

Shaheed Tayob

geboren op 28 juni 1984 te Kaapstad, Zuid Afrika

1B_BW proefschrift Shaheed Tayob[pr].job

i

TableofContents

TableofContents.....................................................................................................................................i

Acknowledgements................................................................................................................................iv

Abstract.................................................................................................................................................vii

ChapterOne:IslamasaLivedTradition:TheEthicsofMuslimFoodPracticesinMumbai..................................................................................................................1

FromBombaytoMumbai:TheShiftingPlaceofMuslimsintheCity..................................................3

TheAnthropologyofIslam:ADiscursiveAnalysis...............................................................................11

TalalAsad:The‘DiscursiveTurn’......................................................................................................11

The‘EverydayPosition’:AnAlternativeApproach..........................................................................13

IslamasaLivedTradition:BetweenDiscourseandOrdinaryEthics..................................................20

Norms,VirtuesandtheEveryday:Niyat(Intention)andRitualPractice...........................................27

ChapterOutline.....................................................................................................................................33

Conclusion.............................................................................................................................................36

ChapterTwo:ConsumingandProducingHalalinMumbai:BetweenGlobalDiscourseandLocalPractice..................................................................................38

HalalCertificationasAuditCulture......................................................................................................39

MoralConstitution,Niyat(intention)andCommunityinthePracticeofHalal.................................41

CertifyingHalal:GlobalNetworksandStandardsinMumbai.............................................................47

UnderstandingIndia:OccupationalSpecializationandIndianFoodHabits...................................50

FastFoodandPackagedMeat:HalalPracticeWithoutCertification.............................................54

Certification,FraudandBelief:InsaniyatandDebatesoverthePracticeofHalal.............................56

CertificationandInternationalAccreditation:InsaniyatasCritique..............................................57

SectarianTension:InsaniyatasModeration....................................................................................58

ProducingHalalversusCertifyingHalal................................................................................................63

Conclusion.............................................................................................................................................66

ChapterThree:ProducingHalalChicken:Materialform,SensoryEngagementandSituatedEthicalPractice........................................................................................70

SouthMumbaiChickenandMuttonCentre:ProducingFreshChicken.............................................73

‘Frozen’Chicken:CorporateMeatProduction....................................................................................76


ii

ProducingFreshChicken:TrustandHalalSlaughter...........................................................................79

FreshChicken:Delivery,SelectivePricingandtheProductionofTrust.............................................82

Freshand‘Frozen’Chicken:FreshnessandTasteversusAspiration,HygieneandConvenience.....85

MaintainingFreshChickenDemand:ASituatedEthicalPractice.......................................................88

Conclusion.............................................................................................................................................93

ChapterFour:TheNarrativeandMaterialPracticeofIslamasaLivedTraditioninTwoMuslimRestaurants.......................................................................................96

Producing‘MuslimFood’inMumbai:TajMahalandBukharaRestaurants......................................98

BukharaRestaurant:TheJourneyofHajjiSahib................................................................................100

TajMahal:Success,SimplicityandFame...........................................................................................108

ArshadBhaionPrideandInnovation.............................................................................................113

Conclusion...........................................................................................................................................117

ChapterFive:PerformingSacrifice:Aesthetics,PriceandCareinthePracticeofQurbani...............................................................................................................122

TheSymbolicandEthicalValueofSacrifice.......................................................................................124

QurbaniasSacrificeinMumbai:ALivedTradition............................................................................128

AnEtymologyofQurbani:CultivatingLoveinthePursuitof‘Closeness’.........................................134

FindingthePerfectGoat:Time,BeautyandBudget.........................................................................137

Children:PracticesofCareandthePedagogyofSacrifice................................................................140

Sacrifice:Companionship,LoveandLoss...........................................................................................143

TheSlaughter:TotalSurrender......................................................................................................145

Conclusion...........................................................................................................................................147

ChapterSix:FastingandFeastingduringRamadaninMumbai............................151TheAnthropologyofRamadan...........................................................................................................152

ADiscursiveTraditionofRamadan....................................................................................................154

AMonthofGreatBlessing:BlessingsofAllSorts..............................................................................155

Fasting..................................................................................................................................................158

Iftar:PracticingGenerosityandCare................................................................................................161

Prayer...................................................................................................................................................166

ShoppingandGiving...........................................................................................................................169


iii

ChandRaatandId...............................................................................................................................171

Conclusion...........................................................................................................................................173

ChapterSeven:Conclusion..................................................................................176TheComplexityofNiyat(intention)forIslamasaLivedTradition...................................................178

LivedTraditionasaMethodology......................................................................................................180

MuslimFoodPracticeinMumbai.......................................................................................................182

FutureResearchDirection..................................................................................................................184

References..........................................................................................................186


iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thepastfiveyearshavebeenfilledwithnewchallengesandadventures.Agreatappreciationis

due tomyparentswhowere supportive inmyendeavor to leave the corporate environment and

pursue graduate studies. Aware of the risks and struggles of life in academia they offered

encouragementandfinancialsupportinmysearchforameaningfulandfulfillingcareer.

Departing fromCape Town, I found awarmandwelcoming environment at theMax Planck

Institute. Much gratitude is due to my supervisor, Peter van der Veer, who afforded me many

opportunitiestotravel,presentmyworkandconductresearch.Peteralwaysbalancedhisgenerosity

andgoodhumorwithtoughanduncompromisingsupervision.Throughoutthewritingprocesshehas

beenakeenreaderofferinginsightfulcommentsandtoughdeadlineswithoutforcingthedirectionof

enquiry.

At the Max Planck Institute, I have been fortunate to interact with a wonderful group of

colleaguesandmentors.IoweagreatdealtoNateRobertsforthetimeandeffortheinvestedinto

thevoluntaryreadinggroupsthatwereinvaluableformyacademicdevelopment.OthersincludeRupa

Viswanath, Patrick Eisenlohr, Ajay Ghandi, Leila Vevaina who have been a source of support and

friendshipinGottingen.TwoimportantmentorsandfriendshavebeenSanalMohanandDemetriusL.

Eudell.Manyyearsmyseniortheirhumilityanderuditionhasbeenasourceofwonderfulconversation

andencouragement.

ClosefriendsduringthePhDincludefellowcandidatesSaroverZaidi,SamuelLengen,HeXiao,

SajideTuxun,SanaGhaziandPeterKankonde.Overthepastyearstheatmosphereamongstpeershas

alwaysbeenoneofopenness,encouragementandprovocation.Thishasbeenagreatchallenge in

constantlypushingtheboundariesofthoughtaswellasclarity.SamuelLengen’sinitiativeinconvening

aweeklywritingworkshophasbeeninvaluablethroughoutwritingandhistheoreticalsophistication

andclarityhasbeenagreatresourceandinspiration.HeXiao,ourin-houseguru,hasbeenasource


v

patience, support and guidance throughout a long process. He has been an unending source of

friendshipinthinkingthroughtheory,ethnographyandfootball.

My father has been a teacher, mentor and interlocutor throughout. Much to my mother’s

dismay, Sunday morning family skype conversations often turned into expositions on Bourdieu,

Foucault,WittgensteinandAl-Ghazali.OnlyasthePhDbegantotakeshapedidIrealizetheextentto

whichthecontoursofhisprovocationsandobservationshadmadetheirwayintotheveryfoundation

ofthethesis.Iamofcourseindebtedtomymotherfortheexampleshesetasaself-drivenpioneerin

herfield.FoundingandmanagingasuccessfuleducationNGOinCapeTownwhileraisingafamilyhas

beenanincredibletask.Shealwaysbalancedworkdemandswithscrumptiousmealsandazestfor

life.WithoutherasmyguideImaynothavefoundtheenergynorinspirationforthewonderfulpot-

luck dinners, pizza evenings and barbeques that made writing the dissertation that much more

bearable.

Researchisimpossiblewithoutfieldwork.InMumbaiIwasfortunatetomeetahostofwonderful

people who assistedme in understanding the city, navigating its streets and alleys, searching for

housing,andplayingSundayafternoonfootball.Thefriendshipsthatdevelopedduringresearchhave

leftanindeliblemark.FrommorningUrduclassesinColaba,totime-passoutsidethechickenstore,

and late night visits at Bukhara restaurant I was able to experience a side ofMumbai impossible

otherwise.

Allofthiswouldhavebeenunbearablewereitnotforthefriendshipandcompanionshipofmy

wife,Radhika.EnteringintoaPhDIcouldnothaveimaginedthatIwouldgraduatewithadegreeand

amarriagecertificate.Radhikahasbeenaconstantsourceofstrengthandsupportduringresearchas

well as writing. She has endured almost daily late-night post-fieldwork ramblings about the days

encountersandalwayslentasympatheticeartomyoften-incoherentattemptstomakesenseofa

newreadingorethnographicpuzzle.ShereadeveryversionofanythingIwroteandalwaysoffered

criticalfeedbackthathelpedhoneandsharpentheideasinthisthesis.


vi

AmentionisduetomysisterHudawhotomygoodfortunebegantopursueaPhDinLondon

shortlyafterIbeganinGottingen.HavingherclosebyhasledtosomewonderfultripsaroundEurope

andoccasionalbutalwayslengthyconversations.HerclarityofthoughtandworkethicissomethingI

mayonedaystrive towards.And lastbutnot leastTahseen.Thebabyof the familyandamedical

doctorinthemakingshehasalwaysofferedagooddoseofcommonsense,loveandfashionadvicein

themidstofanabsorbingprocess.

AttheMaxPlankInstitute,therearemanywhoareworthyofmention.Somespecialthanksis

duetoAndreawhowasalwaysonhandtoprovideadviceandtoolsforhouseholdmaintenancechores

aswellasflatbicycletires.JuliaandJiehavebeenagreatsourceoflaughterandsupportinarranging

travel,researchandevenmakingsurethatmypostreachedmeduringfieldwork.


vii

ABSTRACT

ThisthesisarguesforthenotionofIslamasalivedtraditionasatheoreticalandmethodological

contributiontotheanthropologyofIslam.TheargumentdepartsfromtheliteratureonIslamonpiety

towards a considerationofMuslimpracticeoutsideof themosqueandprayer group. Focusingon

MuslimfoodpracticesinMumbaiitcallsattentiontotheimportanceofdebate,differenceandchange

asintegraltothepracticeofIslam.AkeyquestionistounderstandhowdivergentpracticesofIslamin

MumbaiallsustaintheclaimtothegoodMuslimlife?Throughethnographicinvestigationofdifferent

times and places for the production and consumption of food it shows how Muslims engage in

innovativepracticesthroughwhichtolayclaimtothegood.

BringingtheanthropologyofIslamintoconversationwiththeanthropologyofethicsthethesis

argues for a reconsideration of the way that rules and texts are linked to practice. Following

Wittgenstein it suggests that the rulesof the Islamicdiscursive tradition arenotboundaries tobe

crossed,butrathersignpoststhatguideconduct, leavingopenroomfor interpretationanddebate.

Theargumentdrawsattentiontothe importanceofniyyat(intention) intheIslamic legaltradition,

wheretheintentionofanotherhumanbeingisconsideredultimatelyopaqueyetcontinuestobea

source of social interpretation and criticism. Divergent practices may thus remain unresolved as

differentindividualsandgroupsdevisedifferentroutesforpractice.

Thethesisisdividedintofiveethnographicchapters.Thesecondchapteroffersanoverviewof

halalpracticeinMumbai.Itshowshowdivergentbasesoftrustarelinkedtoverydifferentconceptions

of howhalal shouldbepracticed. InMumbai thedocumentary andprocedural focusof thenewly

emerginghalalcertificationindustryisperceivedasanaffronttotheinter-personalpracticeofhalal.

Thethirdchaptershiftstoanethnographyofaninner-citybutcherasanodefortheproductionof

halalinthecity.Herepackagedchickencompetesformarketsharewithfreshly-slaughteredmeat.The

ethicalpracticesofaMuslimbutcher inMumbai includeconcealmentandimitationasattemptsto

maintain customer interest and respectability for fresh chicken production. The fourth chapter

investigatesownernarrativesandmaterialpracticesoftwoMuslimrestaurantsinMumbai.Through


viii

comparisonitshowshowdifferentsubjectpositions,languageandmaterialpracticeareexpressions

ofMuslimbusinessethics.Thefourthchapterpresentsanethnographyofthepracticesentailedinthe

performanceofsacrificethatincludehuman-animalintimacy,bargaining,andboastingthroughwhich

thenotionofsacrificeperformedwith loveand feeling isproduced.The finalchapterpresents the

practicesofRamadaninthecitytounderstandtheimportanceoffastingandfeasting,celebrationand

prayerasdifferentroutesthroughwhichtocommemoratetheauspiciousmonth.

Each ethnographic chapter illustrates how an Islamic discursive tradition is relevant for

understandingMuslimethicalpractice.However, textsandrulesdonotmerelydefinepracticebut

rather act as signposts that guide conduct without precluding the possibility for innovation and

reformulation.


1

CHAPTER ONE: I SLAMAS A L IVED

TRADIT ION: THE ETH ICS OF MUSL IM

FOODPRACT ICES IN MUMBAI

McDonald’sfastfoodoutletshadbecomeverypopularamongtheMuslimyouthinMumbai.For

many,McDonaldswasacoolplacetohangout.Thefoodwasvaluedforitscleanlinessandconsistency.

ItofferedrespitefromtheheavilyspiceddishesthattheMuslimneighborhoodswerefamousfor.One

ofthemostprominentMcDonaldsoutlets inthecity issituateddirectlyacrossfromtheChatrapati

ShivajiTerminustrainstation.LessthanakilometerfromtheMuslimareasthatsurroundMohammed

Aliroaditwasanimportantlocationformyresearch.OneafternoonIenteredintoconversationwith

aBohri-Muslimcoupleintheirmidtolate20’swhowerehavinglunch.ThemomentIintroducedmy

researchonMuslimfoodpracticesinthecityShoaibbegantoallaywhatheassumedweremyconcerns

abouteatingthere,“It ishalal,don’tworry.” Iwascuriousabouthis replysincethehalalstatusof

McDonalds was an issue of much debate and concern. I pressed him to continue, “this is an

internationalcompanyno?theyareallovertheworld.Alloftheirchickenisinfacthalal,everywhere.”

HavingjustheardablanketassertionaboutthehalalstatusofallMcDonald’soutletsworldwide,Iwas

intriguedastohowhehadarrivedatthisconclusion.Hadhereceivedadvicefromafriend, family

memberorreligiousleader,Iwondered.Hisresponsewastelling,“Nonowhere,wejustknow.Lookit

isinMuslimcountries,right?Allovertheworld,Dubai,Saudi,itisthere.Anditishalal.Sohereisthe

same.TheymustbehalalsothattheMuslimswillbuy.”Hethenproceededtocastigatetheignorance

ofthosewhocontinuedtodoubtthehalalstatusofMcDonalds.

ShoaibsassertionregardinghalalwasclearlyindialoguewiththecountlessMuslimsacrossthe

citywhoeitherconsumedorabstainedfromMcDonaldsfood.Doubtsincludedrumorsabouttheuse


2

of importedchickenor therefusal tosupport theseperceivedagentsofAmerican imperialism.For

manyabstinencewasanassertionoftasteandbelongingastheyproclaimedloyaltyto‘our(Muslim)

food’ thatwas famousacross the city.However, therewerea significantnumberofMuslimswho

consideredMcDonaldshalalandatethefoodregularly.Themostcommonargumentwasthathalalin

MumbaiwasassuredthroughMusliminvolvementinthesupplyofmeatandmeals.InMumbaiMuslim

butchersservicedMuslimrestaurantswhoserved‘Muslimfood’toMuslimcustomers.International

chainstoreslikeMcDonaldspresentedanewdevelopmentintheeconomyofhalalfoodinthecity.

However,forthesecustomerstheexperienceofhalalmeatconsumptioninMumbaiwasextendedto

McDonaldsandotherfastfoodoutlets.

Shoaib’s practice of halal seemed in accord with the latter position. However, upon closer

inspectionweseethatitwasinfactbasedonacompletelydifferentregisterofargumentation.Rather

thanrelyingontheMumbaimeatindustryhedrewontheauthorityofhisexperienceinSaudiArabia

andDubaiwhichhecombinedwithknowledgeofthestandardizationofglobalfastfoodchainsandan

assessmentofmarketdemand.CombiningtheseinsightsShuaibwasproducinghalalinMumbaiand

encouragingmetofollowsuit.ThesamewastrueoftheotherpositionsonMcDonaldsprevalentin

thecity.NonewasbasedonempiricalinformationregardingthesupplyofmeattoMcDonalds,nor

thetechnicalitiesof Islamic legaldiscourse,yeteacharrivedatconclusionsandpracticesregarding

halal.Debatinghalal,itwasclearthattheMuslimswithwhomIconductedresearchwerenotmerely

uninterestedorcarelesslytransgressingtheIslamicimperativetoconsumehalal.Shoaibwasaware

andcommittedtotheimportanceofhalalevenasheextendedhispracticeintonewcontexts.Rather

as this thesis will argue, the diversity of opinions and practices, the implicit debate, and the

commitmenttopracticeIslampointtowardsthesalienceofalivedtradition.Idevelopthenotionofa

lived traditionasa theoretical lens throughwhich toviewhowordinaryMuslimsengage inethical

reflection, deliberation and judgments thoughwhich to producenewand sometimes idiosyncratic

expressionsofIslam.


3

ThisthesisexplorestheethicsofalivedtraditionthroughanethnographyofMuslimpractices

of producing, preparing, trading, consuming and abstaining from food. The focus onMuslim food

practices means that a central theme is the practice of halal slaughter and meat consumption.

However, in Islamic lawandethicshalal (meaningpermissible)also refers to rulesandadvice that

includes trade, food, slaughter, sexual practices, dress and family relations. My focus includes a

considerationofthebusinesspracticesandtradingnetworksthroughwhichMuslimfoodisproduced,

tradedandconsumed.IalsoconsidertheannualfestivalsofsacrificeandfastingintheIslamiccalendar

during which practices of producing, donating, sharing and consuming food are emphasized. The

ethnography presented illuminate the practices, materials, reasons, debates and deliberations by

MuslimsthroughtheirfoodpracticesinMumbaitowardsanunderstandingofIslamaslivedtradition.

The findings and arguments presented in this thesis are based upon ethnographic fieldwork

conductedinMumbaibetweenDecemberof2012andOctoberof2014.Duringthatperiod,Ispenta

total of 10 months in Mumbai and 3 months in Lucknow, attending an intensive AIIS (American

InstituteofIndianStudies)Urdulanguageprogram.Spreadoveraperiodoftwoyearstheintermittent

fieldworkallowed for attention to theobservationof changeaswell as for repeat visits to annual

festivals. During fieldwork, I focused on the various locations and contexts where Muslim food

practicesaremostsalient.Thisledmetoaconsiderationofthenetworksthroughwhichtrustinhalal

in Mumbai is established and assured and to consider how halal certification is introducing an

alternativepracticeofhalalinMumbai.Otherfieldworksitesincludeaninner-citybutchershopand

Muslim restaurants as nodes in thenetwork throughwhichhalalmeat andmeals areprovided to

consumers.MyinterestinMuslimfoodpracticesdrewmetoconsiderthetwomajorfestivalsofthe

Islamic calendar. Both the Id-ul-Adha (festival of sacrifice) and Ramadan (month of fasting) are in

crucialwaysconnectedtothethemeoffoodthroughslaughter,abstinenceandfeasting.Eachofthese

sitesprovidedamaterialcontextfortheexplorationofIslamasalivedtraditioninMumbai.

FROMBOMBAYTOMUMBAI: THESHIFTINGPLACEOFMUSLIMS INTHECITY


4

MuslimshavebeenintegraltotheformationofMumbai.Arrivinginitiallyastradersandlaborers

theywereimportantactorsintheearlyconstructionofthecity.Inrecentdecadestheyhavebornethe

bruntofanincreasinglyviolentbrandofHindunationalismandregionalMarathanativism.Thishas

beeninscribeduponthecitythroughactsofviolenceaswellasthechangingofthenameofthecity

fromBombaytoMumbai.Thissectionwillprovideabriefoverviewofthedevelopmentofthecityand

theplaceofMuslim’sthereinbeforeproceedingtosituatetheethnographiclocationofmyfieldwork

withinthecity.

Duringthe19thcenturyBombayemergedasthepreeminenttradingportoftheBritishempire,a

“travel hub of the west Indian Ocean” as well as a “primary city of Islam” that rivalled Istanbul,

AlexandriaandBeirut in termsof “demographicandcosmopolitanexpansion” (Green2011,3).An

earlyPersiantextof1816notedthediversityofMuslimsfromvariousregionsofIndiaaswellasIran,

Baghdad and Kabul (Green 2011, 4). A century later the police commissioner of Bombay, S.M.

Edwardes,againnotedthecosmopolitanismofthecitythatincludedMuslimsfromAfricaaswellas

thoseofMalayorigin(Green2011,5).AmongstthisdiversegroupofMuslimswerethosefromvarious

castesand classes that included religious leadersand laborersaswell as tradersof variousorigins

(Edwardes 1912, 77). Prominent were the Gujarati trading communities of Memons, Bohras and

KhojasaswellasKonkaniMuslimsfromtheKonkancoast,southofBombay,whoestablishedthefirst

mosquein1802(Green2011,6).TheprofusionofMuslimsinBombayproducedadensetopography

ofIslaminthecitythatincludedanarrayofmosques,madrasasandshrinesaswellastheservicesand

ideasofholymen,trainedreligiousleaders(ulama)andreformists(Green2011,17).Attheturnofthe

centuryMuslimscomprisedaroundtwentypercentofthecity’spopulation(Chandavarkar1994,32).

Bombaywasrenownedforitsurbancosmopolitanism(Prakash2010).Greennotestheappealof

Sufishrinesassitesfortheprovisionof“miraculousservices”acrossthereligiousdivide(Green2011,

17).ThevisiblepresenceofIslaminBombaywasevidentinthesignificanceoftheMuharramfestival

thatcommemoratedthedeathofthegrandsonoftheProphet,attractingMuslimsofvarioussectarian

persuasionsaswellasHindus(Green2011,55),(Kidambi2007,122-26).


5

However, Bombaywas also an important location for the emergenceof anti-colonial nationalist

politics andwas thus drawn into communal conflicts from elsewhere. In North India the late 19th

centuryestablishmentoftheAryaSamajandtheinitiationofthecow-protectionmovementhadset

thescenefora“violentencounter”betweenMuslimsandHindu’s(vanderVeer1994,92).The1893

Baqr-Id(qurbani)riotsintheBhojpuriregionsofthecountryhadrepercussionsinBombay,wherethe

affectedMuslimcommunitiestookrevengeagainstHindusinthecity(Pandey1983,126).Atthisstage

the violence was as much imbricated in the spatial logics of the native town and the tussle for

neighborhoodcontrol,ascommunalsentiment(Masselos1993).Intothe20thcenturythepopulation

of Bombay continued to expand through migration from various parts of India. Bombay was the

commercialandindustrialhubofthecountry.Themostpopulousgroupsofmigrantswerefromin-

landMaharashtra,Gujarat, South Indiaand theNorthernareasofUttarPradeshandBihar (Gupta

1982,49).Inthepre-IndependenceperiodMuslimsremainedimportantactorsinthethrivingliterary

andcinematiclifeofthecity(Prakash2010,117-40).

Animportantshiftwassignaledbytheviolencethaterupteduponpartition,afterwhichthecity

became increasingly divided into religious enclaves (Prakash2010, 117-42). Political developments

includedthenationwidepost-partitioncallfortheestablishmentofstatesuponlinguisticlines(Gupta

1982,62),(Patel2005,14).InBombaythisprovidednewimpetusforaMaharashtrianlinguisticand

ethnicclaimonthecitythathadoriginated intheearly20thcenturyunderthe leadershipofGopal

KrishnaGokhaleandTilak(Gupta1982,42).Themovementarguedfortheestablishmentofthestate

ofMaharashtraasa linguistic territorywithBombayas its capital.Thecampaign’s success in1960

witnessedanincreaseinmigrationfrominteriorregionsofthenewlyestablishedMaharashtrastate

(Patel2005,14).ThecitybecameincreasinglydominatedbyaMaharashtriandemographicbutwas

stilleconomicallyandculturallycontrolledbynon-Maharashtrianelites(Gupta1982,47).

Thiscombinationofpoliticalandeconomicestrangementtogetherwith“regionalchauvinism”was

givenamilitantvoicethroughtheestablishmentoftheSivSenawithBalThackerayasitscharismatic

and self-proclaimed dictatorial leader (Gupta 1980). The Shiv Sena articulated an ethnicMaratha


6

nativismcombinedwithanexpressionofHindupridethatwasepitomizedinfolklorebythedefeatof

theMoghulsatthehandsoftheMarathakingShivaji.Tobecomeanactivemember,aShivSainik,

meant“tobecomeasoldierinShivaji’sarmy”(Hansen2001,50).TheShivSenaintroduceda“long-

standingplebeiandiscourseofmasculineassertionintothepublicandpoliticalrealms”(Hansen2001,

72).

ThefirstgrouptobearthebruntoftheSena’sviolenceandintimidationwereSouthIndianmigrants

tothecitywhopresentedaperceivedthreatintermsofsocialstandingandemployment.Duringthe

late60sSouthIndianownedrestaurantsandwhitecollarworkersweretargeted(Punwani2005,235),

(Gupta1982,167).Thenin1968BalThackerayaccusedactorDilipKumarofbeingaPakistaniagent.A

fewdayslaterShivSainiksvandalizedacinematheatrethatwasshowingMuhgal-e-Azam,aHindifilm

thatdepictedaloveaffairintheMughalcourtofAkbar.In1970thefirstdirectanti-Muslimcommunal

violenceby the Shiv Sena tookplaceover aHindu temple claimand again in 1973whenMuslims

refusedtosinganIndiannationalsong‘VandeMataram(Ipraisethee,Mother)’(Gupta1982,168-69).

TheoncecosmopolitanpublicsphereofBombaywasbeingoverrunbyanativistcurrent.

FollowingalullinactivitytheShivSenawasrevitalizedbyanationwideturntowardsaradicalform

ofrightwingHinduism,Hindutva,thattookrootacrossthecountrythroughtheactivitiesoftheVishwa

Hindu Parishad (VHP) between 1982-1983 (Hansen 2009, 154). Hindutva, meaning Hinduness,

articulateda“culturalnationalism(that)wascommunal,masculine,andaggressivelyanti-Muslim,but

alsorationalistandinfavorofrapidmodernization”(Hansen2009,79).The1984riotsontheoutskirts

ofBombaywitnessedthe“systematiclootingandburningofMuslimhouses,shops,andfactories”by

ShivSenaactivistsunderthewatchfulgazeofthecitypolice(Hansen2001,77).Thesamepatternwas

repeated in the Bombay riots of December 1992- January 1993 tomuchmore devastating effect.

FollowingthedemolitionoftheBabriMasjidinAyodhainDecember1992,“angryMuslimstooktothe

streetsalloverIndia”withBombayasanimportantlocusofactivity(Hansen2001,121).Afterdaily

incidentsofunrestthroughoutDecember, Januarywitnessedaneruptionofviolenceas“groupsof

Hindus, often led by sainiks, rampaged the city, systematically looting and burningMuslim shops,


7

housesandbusinesses”(Hansen2001,122).Thedeathtoll“exceeded800;morethan150,000,mainly

Muslims,fledthecity;andmorethan100,000tookshelterinhastilyerectedrefugeecampsinMuslim

areas incentralBombayconsidered relatively safe forMuslims” (Hansen2001,122).This time too

reports indicate both the complicity and indifferenceof the local police to the plight of Bombay’s

Muslims (Punwani 2005). The combination of anti-Muslim sentiment, violent attacks and police

complicityconfirmedthestatusofBombay’sMuslimsasastigmatized,marginalizedandvulnerable

minority.In1995whentheShivSenacametopoweritaffirmedtheMaharashtrianethnicandlinguistic

claimstothecitybychangingthenamefromBombaytotheMarathicolloquial,Mumbai(Patel2005,

4).

OverthecenturyMumbaihasbecomeacityincreasinglyhostiletoaMuslimsenseofbelonging.

Aftertheriotsof1992-1993Muslimsreportedafeelingofdisplacementfromtheoncecosmopolitan

publicspace(Punwani2005).HoweverasnotedabovecertainMuslimmajoritylocalescontinuedto

beconsideredsafehavens.AnimportantsiteformyfieldworkwastheareabetweenCrawfordMarket,

DongriandBycullathatwasconnectedbythefamousMohammedAliroad.Enteringtheareaoneis

immediatelygreetedbyvisiblesignsofMuslimpresencethathasintensifiedaftertheriotsasMuslims

enteredandothersfled(Robinson2005).Theoftenderogatoryorexclusionarynamingofthisareaby

outsidersas“miniPakistan,”thatservestoproduceMuslimsasinimicaltothenation(Mehta2012),

wasatermusedbyMuslimresidentstoclaimaspaceofrelativeautonomyandsafety.Withinthese

areas the experience and subjectivity of Muslims is not entirely dominated by the frames of

communalism, stigmatization and marginalization that have piqued scholarly interest (Gayer and

Jaffrelot 2012), (Hansen 2001), (Ghasem-Fachandi 2012). Recent ethnographies of Mumbai have

arguedforcloserconsiderationofinternalMuslimdifferenceandsectariandebatesascrucialforthe

shapingofMuslimsubjectivities(Gupta2015)but“alsoasaforceshapingthepresentationofMuslim

religiousidentitiestoawiderpublic”(Eisenlohr2015,690).Herethe“threateningHinduotherdoes


8

notalwaysloomlarge”(Eisenlohr2015,691).1FollowingtheseinsightsIconsidercommunalismand

stigmatizationanimportantbackgroundcontextfortheethicsofMuslimfoodpractices inMumbai

thatattimesemergedindiscussionbutwhichatothermomentswassupersededbyotherconcerns.

Forexample,congestionandcivicneglectofMuslimareasweresymptomsofthepositionofMuslims

inthecitybutwerenotalwaysperceivedasdirectlyrelatedtoanactiveregimeofoppression.

BothGuptaandEisenlohrnotethepresenceofvariousgroupsofMuslimsintheoldcity.Thearea

continues to be “home to a significant population of the Muslim mercantile class” that includes

Memons,Bohras,KhojasandKonkaniMuslims(Gupta2015,352)aswellasthoseofMaharashtrian,

NorthandSouthIndianorigin.TheMuslimcosmopolitanismthatNileGreennotedacenturyearlier

continues to thrive. Besides divides between Sunnis and Shias are further internal differentiations

among each group. For example, Twelver Shias inMumbai identify with regional origins of Uttar

Pradesh(NorthIndia),IranorasKhojasfromGujarat(Gupta2015,359).Internaldifferentiationinthe

SunnicommunityincludesfollowersoftheIndianreformmovementsofBarelwis,Deobandis,Ahl-e-

Hadithand the recentlyemerging transnationalSalafiorganizations.Membersof thesegroups too

continuetoidentifyaccordingtotheirregionoforigin.

Duringfieldwork,themajorityofmyinformantswereSunniMuslimsofMaharashtrianandNorth

Indian(U.P.)origin.Twoprominenttheologicalorientationsamongmyinformantswerethefollowers

oftheDeobandiandBarelwischools.TheDeobandischool,establishedinDeobandinU.P.inNorth

Indiain1867wasanulamaresponsetothedeclineofMuslimrule.Theschoolplacedanemphasison

orthopraxis,rationalizedandinstitutionalizedulamaeducation,andattackedpopularSufipracticesof

‘shrineworship’(Metcalf1982),(Metcalf1978).TheAhl-e-SunnatwaJama’at(PeopleoftheSunnah

andtheCommunity)orBarelwis,astheyarecommonlyknown,wasamovementfoundedaroundthe

leadershipofAhmedRizaKhanofBareillyinU.P.inNorthIndiaasresponsetotheDeobandiapproach.

1TheserecentobservationsdovetailwithearlierargumentsbyPetervandeVeerwhoshowedhowsectariandifferenceand“internal”debaterather thanconcernsaboutorigins,syncretismorHinduinfluenceweremostsalient inunderstandingasaint’s festivalcelebration inGujarat (vanderVeer1992).


9

KhanestablishedaMadrasainBareillyin1904(Riaz2008,75)andissuedfatwasthatprovidedtextual

QuranandHadith2defenseofpopularSufipractices(Sanyal1998).BothgroupsadheretotheHanafi

legaltraditionbutdifferontheplaceofintercessioninMuslimpracticesofworship.

Amongst my informants were staunch supporters of each position as well as self-proclaimed

“cocktailMuslims”whocombinedallegiancesonvariousissues.Forexample,Hassanwhomwewill

meet in chapter three criticized the Barelwi practice that required an maulana (trained religious

scholar)toperformtheritualpracticeofQuranrecitationuponassumingresidenceofanewhomeor

businessventure,inexchangeforamonetaryfee.HepreferredtheDeobandipositionthatarguedthat

recitationcouldbeperformedonone’sownwithoutincurringfees.However,Ihadalsoaccompanied

himononeofhismanylate-nightvisitstopayrespectsandofferdonationsatSufishrinesinthecity

andhadheardabouthisfamily’sSufishaikh(leader)fromtheirnativevillageinruralMaharashtrawho

occasionallyvisitedtoblesstheirhomeandbusiness.Itwasclearthatpracticedidnotalwayscoincide

with sectarian affiliation. Also among a group of friends itwas very likely to find individuals from

differentplacesoforiginandwithdifferenttheologicalallegiances.

Thechoiceofmyinformantswasshapedbytheserendipityoftheethnographicfieldworkencounter

aswellasthetrialsofconductingfieldworkinamegacitylikeMumbai.Themajorityofthearguments

presented in this thesis derive from a handful of regular informants who were amenable to my

enquiries and with whom I cultivated long standing relationships. This was supplemented with

interviewdatafromvariouslevelsofbothfleetingencountersandlessintensiveacquaintanceships.

TheSunnibiaswasinlargepartdeterminedbytheirdemographicmajorityamongMuslimsinMumbai.

ThemajorityofmyfieldworkwasconductedinSouthMumbai.Twomajorareasofresearchwere

theColabaneighborhoodintheoldcolonialtownaswellasthesomewhatamorphousMuslimarea

thatstretchesfromCrawfordMarkettowardsBycullaalongtheMohammedAliroad.Thislatterarea

markedtheendofthe‘colonialtown’andthebeginningofthe‘nativetown’(Kidambi2007).Asnoted

2ThetermhadithreferstothewordsanddeedsoftheProphetMuhammadthatMuslimrefertoasasourceofauthorityandasaguideforeverydayconduct.


10

itcontinuestobeanimportantareafortheMuslimtradingcommunities.Itisalsofamousacrossthe

cityfortheMuslimfoodonoffer.SpecificsiteswithintheareaincludedtheCrawfordMuttonMarket

that continues to supplymeat tomany restaurantsandhotelsacrossSouthMumbai, theadjacent

neighborhoodofMussafirKhana,theMinaraMasjidarea,Dongri,BhendiBazaar,NullBazaaranda

neighborhoodreferredtoasJJJunction.Besidesinformantsinvolvedinthehalalcertificationindustry,

meat and restaurant trade and a welcoming family of perfume retailers, were the many fleeting

encountersandconversationsas I traversedthe labyrinthof lanesandroads thatconnectedthese

adjacentareas.Aftertheriotsin1992-1993theareahasbecomeincreasinglycutofffromtherestof

thecitybothoutoffearaswellthroughtheconstructionofanoverheadflyoverbeginningadjacentto

CrawfordMarketthatallowedcommuterstobypassthecongestionbelow.TheColabaneighbourhood

couldnotbemoredifferentintermsoflayoutanddemography.Mymainfieldworksiteinthatarea

wasasmallchickenandmuttonshopownedbytwobrothersofMaharashtrianoriginwhoserviced

the predominately non-Muslim clientele in the area. Many afternoons were spent at the shop

interactingwithamixedgroupofMuslimandHinduchildhoodfriends.

Mostof the fieldworkpresented in this thesiswere from these areasofMumbai.An important

exceptionwastheMunicipalabattoirinGovandiinNorthMumbaiwhichwasasitefortheproduction

ofmeatandtradeinlivestock.Besidesfixedresearchsitesafavorite“timepass”amongMuslimsin

Mumbaiwasforgroupsofmalefriendstoroamthecityonculinaryexpeditions.Iwasofteninvitedby

researchinformantsontheselate-nighttrawlstoenjoyvariousdelicacies.Onoccasionthisevenlead

tovisitsbeyondthecitytowhatwereknownasdhaba’s,roadsiderestaurantsalongnationalhighways

thatinMumbaiattractedMuslimseagertoescapethecongestionandnoiseofthecity.

ThecontributionoftheethnographyinthisthesistothestudyofMuslimsinMumbaiisthatit

does not directly challenge dominant stereotypes and representations, nor aims to illuminate the

extentofMuslimdeprivationinthecity.RatherIexploretheethicsandmaterialityofMuslimfood

practices in the city towards an understanding of Islam as a lived tradition. The notion of a lived


11

tradition isarticulatedthroughengagementwithprevailing literatureontheanthropologyof Islam

andethics.

THEANTHROPOLOGYOF ISLAM:ADISCURSIVEANALYSIS

ThisthesisdrawsuponinsightsfromwithintheAnthropologyofIslamandtheAnthropologyof

Ethics inorder todevelop thenotionof Islamasa lived tradition.The focusonethicsand Islam is

particularlysalienttoaconsiderationofMuslimfoodpractices.ThetextsofIslamicjurisprudenceand

akhlaq(morals,ethics,manners)includereferencestorulesonproducingandconsuminghalalfood,

adviceonhuman-animalinteractions,trade,andtheetiquetteofeatingandhospitality.However,itis

clearfromtheMuslimfoodpracticesinMumbaithatthesetextsdonotsimplydefinepractice.Though

manyMuslimsremainawareofsomeIslamicideasofacorrectdiet,theadvisedtimesofmeals,and

proper comportment (adab);practicesdiffer in significantways.However rather than ignoring this

divergenceorassumingnon-compliance this thesis considershowdifferentMuslimsengage in the

practiceofIslamasalivedtradition.Intheopeningvignette,wesawhowShoaibandotherswerenot

merelytransgressinghalalbutwereinfactproducingnewexpressionsandformulationsthroughtheir

consumptionpractices.

TALALASAD:THE‘DISCURSIVETURN’

Akeyauthor intheAnthropologyof Islamoverthepastdecades isTalalAsad,who, in1986,

arguedforastudyofIslamasadiscursivetradition.RejectingthesymbolicanthropologyofClifford

Geertzandthestructural-functionalismofErnestGellner,AsadproposedanunderstandingofIslamic

practices as inseparable from a history of Islamic discourse. He criticized the developmentwithin

anthropologythatconsideredsectarianandgeographicaldifferencesinMuslimbeliefandpracticeas

evidenceofabsolutemutabilityandfragmentation(el-Zein1977).

"Islamastheobjectofanthropologicalunderstandingshouldbeapproached

asadiscursivetraditionthatconnectsvariouslywiththeformationofmoral


12

selves, the manipulation of populations (or resistance to it), and the

productionofappropriateknowledges"(Asad1986b,7).

Everyday practices of Muslims, according to Asad, were inseparable from the discursive

formationofIslam.ApproachingIslamasadiscursivetraditionallowedforadeeperunderstandingof

themoralandpoliticalformationofselveswhileresistingthetendencytoviewdifferencesinopinion

andpracticeamongMuslimsasevidenceofmultipleIslam(s).ForAsad,debateanddifferencehave

longcharacterizedtheIslamicdiscursivetradition.

TheworkofTalalAsadspawnedarich field for thestudyof Islam.JohnBowenshowedhow

variousaspectsof IndonesianMuslim life, including ritualpractices,healing,and farmingwere the

subjectofreligiousdebate.Ratherthanpositingadistinctionbetweenpopularlocallyspecificpractices

versus supra-local high tradition, he showed how different practices were inspired by different

conceptionsofanIslamictradition(Bowen1993).BrinkleyMessickarguedthatreligiousandpolitical

authority in Yemen was produced through the everyday practices of producing commentaries,

manualsandmemorizationofthetextsofIslamicjurisprudence(Messick1996).Bothofthesestudies

focusedpredominantlyondiscourseasthelanguagepracticesofascholarlyeliteengagedinlearning

anddebate.

Theshifttoaconsiderationofbodilypracticeand“moralselves”occurredwithSabaMahmood

andCharlesHirschkind’sseminalstudiesofpietyinEgypt.Mahmood’sworkinparticularhasbecome

ahallmarkforboththeAnthropologyofIslamandtheAnthropologyofEthics.Mahmoodarguedthat

the subjectivity of Muslim women “pietists” could not be captured through the liberal western

framework of freedom and agency that “have become naturalized in the scholarship on gender”

(Mahmood 2011, 13). Rather, understandingMuslimwomen’s piety through “the coherence of a

discursivetradition”(Mahmood2011,17),allowsforconsiderationofhow“normsare…performed,

inhabited,andexperiencedinavarietyofways”(Mahmood2011,22).Thecultivationofsubmission,

modestyandfearentailed“practicesofsubjectivation”(Mahmood2011,32)thatincludedveilingand

prayertowardstherealizationof“aparticularmodalityofbeingandpersonhood”(Mahmood2011,


13

120)drawn froman“Islamic interpretive traditionofmoraldiscipline” (Mahmood2011,126). Ina

similarvein,CharlesHirschkind’sethnographyofcassettelisteningpracticesinCairoarguedthatthe

fearinWesternpopulardiscoursethatassociatedsermoncassetteswithterrorismwasrelatedtoa

particularhierarchyof thesenses in thewesternenlightenmenttraditionthatprivilegedsightover

sound.TheresulthasbeenasustainedconcernintheliteratureonIslamwiththe“perceivedexcess

ofsound,gesture,andbodilymovementwithinMuslimintellectualandspiritualpractices”(Hirschkind

2006,14).RatherhearguesforsermonlisteningpracticesasinseparablefromIslamicidealsofethical

listening rooted in both Quranic recitation and popular music traditions. Learning to listen and

‘listeningwiththeheart’wereethicalpracticeslinkedtotheformationofmoralselves.Thecassette

tapes provided a “sonorous environment where the nourishing, transformative power of ethical

speechworksto improvetheconditionsofone’sheart, fortifyingmoralsensibilitiesthat, inaccord

with Islamicethical traditions, inclinetowardsrightaction”(Hirschkind2006,10).Fromboththese

perspectives,theemploymentofawesternarcheologyoftheselftoMuslimpracticeswouldresultin

atbestconfusion,atworstprejudice.

TheworkofMahmoodandHirsckindinextendingtheinsightsofTalalAsadtowardthestudyof

Muslimpracticeshasbeencentraltotheso-called‘ethicalturn.’Theshift inapproachfromthatof

BowenandMessicktoMahmoodandHirschkindcanbetracedthroughthecareertrajectoryofTalal

Asad,whomovedfromadetailedconsiderationofthestudyofIslam,tothediscursiveformationof

thedisciplineofreligiousstudies(Asad1993),toan‘anthropologyofsecularism’(Asad2003).Thework

ofMahmoodandHirschkindhasdevelopedafieldofinquirywheretheanthropologyofIslamandthe

anthropologyofsecularismareinseparable.InthisapproachthefigureoftheMuslimispresentedas

adiscursivepartnerthroughwhomthenormsandidealsofwesternpoliticaltheoryareprovincialized

(Chakrabarty2007).

THE‘EVERYDAYPOSITION’:ANALTERNATIVEAPPROACH


14

TheconsiderationoftheanthropologyofIslamandsecularismascodependentshasnotbeen

withoutconsiderabledebate.Agenerationofyoungerscholarshasengagedinsometimes-polemical

discussions concerning the pros and cons of the ‘discursive turn.’ A review of the criticisms and

strengthsofeachpositionwillbeinstrumentalforourdiscussion.SamuliSchielkehasarticulatedthe

mostvociferouscritiqueofthe‘discursiveturn’intheanthropologyofIslam(Schielke2009),(Schielke

2010).ThroughaclosereadingofMahmoodheidentifiesthree“flaws”inherargumentation.Thefirst,

is“takingcommittedreligiousactivistsasparadigmaticrepresentativesofreligiosity.”Secondisthat

“shecantellusmuchabouttheintendedoutcomesoftheprojectofpiety,butonly littleabout its

actualconsequences.”Thirdlyher“hermeticapproachto‘culture’and‘tradition’”(Schielke2009,36),

and“afocuson‘discursivetradition’makesitveryeasytoviewreligionasifitwereacoherententity,

dynamicwithinbutclearlydemarcatedtotheoutside”(Schielke2009,37).Schielkedoesnotdenythe

existencenortheimportanceofanIslamicdiscursivetraditionbutarguesthatholdingitasthecentral

objectofstudyisoverdetermined.Piety,hesuggests,“doesnotproceedalongaunilinearpath.Itis

anambivalentpracticethatisoftenrelatedtospecificperiodsinlife,especiallythosemarkedbycrises”

(Schielke2009,37).Followingfromtheseinsightsheproposesanewfocusfortheanthropologyof

Muslims through a renewed conception of ethics beyond Mahmood’s conceptualization of the

habitationofnormsthroughpractice.

Ananthropologicalstudyofmoralityandethicalsubjectivityhastotakethis

inherent ambivalence as a starting-point. Rather than searching for

momentsofperfection,wehavetolookattheconflicts,ambiguities,double

standards,fractures,andshiftsastheconstitutivemomentsofthepractice

ofnorms(Schielke2009,37-38)(myemphasis).

EthnographicallySchielkeissimilartoMahmoodinthecontinuedfocusonMuslimreformers(in

Egypt Salafi’s) and on piety as Islamic ethics. Where Mahmood sought to understand the moral

registers of personhood upon which revivalist norms were produced, Schielke focuses on the

ambiguities, conflicts and fractures involved inproducing, practicing and fulfilling those very same


15

norms.BothmaintainaconceptionofIslamicethicsaspresentedbyrevivalist(Salafi)normsofpiety.

Theethnographic result is thatSchielke,oftendiscussing individualswhohaveatsomepointbeen

drawntowardsSalafimovements,pointstomomentsoffailureandinconsistencyintheirpracticesof

ethical self-formation. For Schielke morality is an “incoherent and unsystematic conglomerate”

constituted by the “key moral registers” of “religion,” “social justice,” “community and family

obligations,” “good character,” “romance and love,” and “self realization” (Schielke 2009, 30).

Contradictionsbetweenausterenormsofprayerandpiety,whichforSchielkeconstitute“religion,”

andotheraspectsoflifeproducetheambiguity,ambivalenceandfracturesthatilluminatehistheory

ofethics.HeshowsforinstancehowthenormsofprayerinRamadanconflictwiththedesireamong

youngmentoplayafternoonfootballand“killtime”(Schielke2009),andhowtheraucousexpressions

of funand joyduringMaulidcelebrationsconflictwiththeausterepietyofthereformmovements

(Schielke2012).Itisclearthatinformulatingthisethnographyofambivalencehetoodependsona

conceptionofacoherentsetof‘Islamicnorms’withwhichtocontest.Inthisposition‘Islam,’presented

aspiety,remainsacoherentyetsingularaspectofalargerethicsoffragmentationandambivalence

oflife.

Schielkeisnotaloneinformulatingthisapproach.He,togetherwithagroupofanthropologists

of the Islamicworldhave ina recenteditedvolume“focus(ed) specificallyon situationswhichare

characterized by ambiguity, uncertainty, anxiety, creative play and contestation” (Schielke and

Debevec2012,7).RunningthroughthestudyisalatentconceptionofwhatIslamisthatclearlymaps

ontorevivalistvisions.KnutGrawforexamplepresentsacasestudyof“divinationand islam”that

seeks tobridge thedividebetween these supposedly incompatiblepractices (Graw2012, 25). Lisa

DebevecfocussesonBurkinaFasoMuslimswhodonotpray.Enquiringabouttheirnon-compliance

she discovered that age, matrimony, gender and class were important as people “juggle and

accommodateavarietyofpressures,goalsandneeds,andtheytrytogetbyinlifeinthebestpossible

way” (Debevec 2012, 44). Jennifer Peterson interviewedproducers of a new formofMulidDance

MusicinEgypt.Askingaboutthehalalstatusoftheirmusicshewasabletoapprehendtheambiguity


16

ofproducersregardingtheIslamicstatusoftheirmusicasevidenceofanattempttonegotiatethe

distinctmoralregistersof‘religion’and‘selfrealization’(Peterson2012).Anotherauthorworthyof

mentionisMagnusMarsdenwhosemonographLivingIslamisastudyofvillagelifeinPakistan’sNorth-

WestFrontier.SimilartoSchielkeheshowshowcontrarytothepopularperceptionsinWesternmedia

regardingtheonslaughtofreformistIslamandtheunthinkingnatureoftheMuslim,hisinformants

are“criticallyengaged indebateontheshapeof IslamandthecurrentstateoftheMuslimworld”

(Marsden2005,9).Thedeterminationofethicalandmoralpracticeisnotthesolereserveofreligious

leaders or trained authorities. Throughexplorationof “the important role thatmusic, poetry and

travelplayedinthelivingofaMuslimlife”(Marsden2005,4)heseekstounderstand“thewayChitral

MuslimsexperienceaformofSufiIslamthatisactiveandimportantintheirregion”(Marsden2005,

34).Through“Sufi”practiceMarsdenseekstoproblematizenormativenotionsofIslamasa“book-

centeredfaith”byshowing“themakingofethicalandmoraldecision(s)asaconflictualandongoing

process” (Marsden 2005, 23). This line of research has produced detailed and commendable

ethnographies of Muslim practice across the world. However, in each the spread of fun-killing,

mindless,revivalist Islamlooms large.Seekingtoshiftthefocusawayfromtherevivalistprojectof

piety they remainattached to showing the instabilityof thevery sameproject througha focuson

ambiguity,ambivalenceandimperfection.

Thissustainedfocusontheimperfection,contradiction,andtheambiguityofpietyhasinspired

a responseby scholars affiliating themselveswith theworkofMahmoodandHirschkind.A recent

articleco-authoredbyNadiaFadilandMayanthiFernandoengagestheworkofSchielke,Debevecand

MarsdenwhiledefendingwhattheyseeasfalseaccusationsagainstMahmoodandHirschkind.Fadil

and Fernando quite correctly point out that the invocation of the everyday as contingency and

resistance leads to“anoppositionaldistinctionbetweendomains thataresaturatedbypowerand

socialconventions(Islamicdoctrineandmorality)andthosethatarenot(everydaypractice)”(Fadil

and Fernando 2015, 69). This distinction, they argue, produces a conceptual divide between

“exceptionalorextra-ordinary subjectswhohavea strongcommitment to religiousnorms (usually


17

labeled“Salafi’s”)and,ontheother,‘ordinary’or‘everyday’Muslimswhodonot”(FadilandFernando

2015,73).Rather,theyprefertheworkofHirschkindandMahmoodforpayingattentiontohowthe

ethical practices of self consciously piousmen andwomen are in “constant engagementwith the

Islamic tradition” (Fadil and Fernando 2015, 63). The ‘everyday position’ (my term) they argue,

producesaviewoftheSalafiorreformorientedMuslimasanabnormal,overlyaustereaberration

obsessedwithnormsasopposedtoordinarypeoplewhoarecontentto livewithambivalenceand

contestation.Thisapproachtheyargueisindebtedtoanormativesecularliberalcommitmenttothe

problemofstructureandagency,whichMahmoodsosuccessfullyprovincialized.Rathertheysuggest,

followingMahmoodandHirschkind,thecommitmentofanthropologyshouldbeto“makelegible…

the everyday conduct of people considered odd, exceptional, or extraordinary, without simply

renderingthemassimilarto“us”(FadilandFernando2015,83).

BothpositionshavemadeimportantcontributionstotheAnthropologyofIslambutrequirea

closerreviewthanofferedthusfar.Forpurposesofreference Iuse ‘discursiveposition’toreferto

Mahmood,Hirschkind,FadilandFernandoand‘everydayposition’forSchielke,Debevec,Marsdenand

others.Clearlythereisatendencyamongstthe‘everydayposition’tosearchforsometrue,normal,

everyday sphere separate from the obsessive modernist reformer view of Islam. In their view,

reformistsareamodernaberrationthatdestroythefunandjoyineverydaylife.Theseauthorsharken

backtoatimewhen“earlier,moremysticaltraditionsofIslam”thataccommodatedambivalencehad

notbeenthreatenedbyreformistvisions(Schielke2009,26).Thisresonateswiththelong-standing

Orientalist idea of the ‘goodMuslim,’ as the ‘SufiMuslim’ (Ernst 2007). There is no room in this

conception of ethics for an understanding of change, allure and desire on behalf of reforming

individualswhoseektoappropriateandembodyavisionofpietydifferentfromtheoneinwhichthey

havebeenbroughtup(astheproliferationofda’wamovementsinCairoindicate).Furthermore,the

conceptualseparationbetweenreligionandtheeverydayorbetweenreformistvisionsandSufiIslam

hasbeencritiqued(Metcalf2002),(Lindholm1998).


18

On the other hand the ‘discursive position’ over determines the habitation of norms in the

pursuit of an ethical life, ignores the biographical trajectories of individuals as they grapple with

change,andhaslargelyleftAsad’searlyreminderthatdebateanddifferenceisintrinsictoanIslamic

discursive tradition unheeded (Asad 1986b). Also problematic is their conceptualization of Islamic

moralityandpersonhoodasconceptuallydistinctfromsecularliberalism.Forexample,Petervander

Veer’sreflectiononthe“secularityofpiety”(vanderVeer2008)intheworkofMahmoodpointsto

theprivatizationofreligionsharedbyreligiousandsecularreformmovementsinthecontemporary.

Theconceptionofpietythatthediscursivecampidentifyresemblesverycloselytheaustere,interior

protestantmodeofpractice.

Despite the sometimes-polemical exchange, various points of similarity can be discerned

between these positions. Both sides see reform Islam as an aberration, as “odd, exceptional or

extraordinary” (Fadil and Fernando 2015, 83). The ‘everyday position’ seeks to deconstruct the

reformist project of moral perfection by pointing to moments of failure or fragmentation. The

‘discursiveposition’aimstounderstandthemandmakethemlegiblethroughtheirtechnologiesand

projectsofmoralself-makingasacounterpointtosecularliberalnorms.Secondisthesharedequation

ofIslamicmoralityandethicswithpiety.The‘discursiveposition’presentsaFoucauldianarcheology

ofpietythatlinkscontemporarypracticestoagenealogyofIslamicdiscourse.The‘everydayposition’

points to ambiguity and fragmentation in attempts at achieving piety. Thirdly, both positions

reproduce an implicit notion of Islam as static. For the ‘discursive position’ even contemporary

practicescontainsomekernelofIslamicmoralityaspiety,thatcanbetraceddirectlytoindividualtexts

fromtheIslamicintellectuallegacy.The‘everydayposition’hopetoseethetimelessnessofSufiIslam

resisttheonslaughtofthemodern,reformistaberration.Understandingthesesimilaritiesbringsinto

viewtheaudiencethateachaddresses.BothengagetheEuro-Americanpublicsphererepletewithits

anti-Muslimbiasandtheconstant fearof the threatof Islamic fundamentalismandterrorism.The

‘discursiveposition’seekstoexplaintheseemingincommensurabilityofIslamwiththeWestasaresult

ofverydifferenthistoriesofformationanddifferentconceptionsofmoralpersonhood.Salafisarenot


19

violentnorare they like “us”. This approach isbest suited toaddressquestionsofMuslimsat the

interfaceofand inengagementwiththedominantwesternpublicsphere.3The ‘everydayposition’

addressestheSalafithreatbyshowingthatMuslims‘arejustlikeus,’ordinarypeoplestrugglingwith

thechallengesoflife,love,andeverythingelse.4BothremainentangledinthelegacyofOrientalism

andaudienceintherepresentationofIslamthatEdwardSaididentified(Said1982),(Said1978).

Following this analysis it is clear that the Anthropology of Islam that Asad suggested has

developedintoanAnthropologyofPiety.Pietyasithasbeenmostclearlyconceivedintheworkof

Mahmood resembles very closely an austere, private formof Protestant religious experience. The

‘everyday position’ seem to accept this definition only to destabilize its fulfillment, or point to

‘popular,’Sufiresistance.ItisnotclearwhytheIslamictraditionhasbecomeequatedonlywithpious

practicesnorwhyallMuslimpracticesaresoeasilyencapsulatedasprojectsofethicalself-reform.Not

allIslamicpracticesareaboutpietyintermsofagradualmovetowardsperfection.Itisnotevenclear

whetherpietywithinthe Islamicdiscursivetraditioncanbesoeasilyencapsulated intoanaustere,

privatemodeseparatefromotheraspectsoflife.

ThisthesisshiftsthedebateintheAnthropologyofIslamthroughananalysisoftheethicsof

Muslim food practice which encapsulates concern about halal slaughter, business practices,

interpersonalrelationsaswellassacrifice,fasting,feasting,charityandcare.Animportantthemeis

thepracticeofhalal slaughterandconsumption.As ithasbeenconceptualizedandpracticedhalal

referstoacommunityofsharedvalueswithwhomonesinteracts,transactsandsharesmealswith.

Halalpracticedoeshavemoralconsequencesfortheindividualconcernedandtheirrelationshipto

thebroadercommunity.However,wherethecontemporarypracticeofhalalisclearlyrelatedtoan

Islamicdiscursivetradition,andpracticed,negotiatedandcontestedintheeveryday,itisnotreducible

3BothMayanthiFernandoNadiaFadilworkonMuslimsubjectivityinEuropeandthechallengesthatitposesfornormativeunderstandingsofsecularism.4 In his response to Fadil and Fernando, Schielke admits towriting his article onRamadan fromapositionof“affectivediscomfort”withthethreatofSalafiIslamonpopularpracticesinEgypt,thathesoughttochallenge(Schielke2015).


20

topietyasaprojectofmoralself-reform.Importantlythemoralconsequencesofhalalconsumption

aremostlyconsideredwithregardstoitsnon-performance.Thereareusuallynopositiveconnotations

associated with performance. Halal is a bare minimum. While its omission and transgression is

consideredmuchmoreseriousthansay,missingaprayer,itisalsomuchmorecommonforMuslims

tofulfillcertaintenetsofhalalconsumptionyetrarelypray.Understandingtheethicsofhalalpractice,

is about understanding the nature of interpersonal relationships; the importance of trust, trade

practices,changingeconomicconditions,human-animalrelations,conceptionsoffoodandthebody

aswellaspersonalpiety.ThisthesisconsidershowMuslimslikeShoaibandothersnavigatethisterrain

as they produce Islam through their everyday practices. Beyond the focus on halal I show how

individualswithdifferentethicaldispositionsanddifferentsubjectpositionsengageinthepracticeof

Islamasalivedtradition.ArguingforIslamasalivedtraditionthisthesisseekstoresituatethefocus

oftheAnthropologyofIslamawayfromadirectconcernwithrepresentationsintheEuro-American

public sphere. Understanding Islam as a lived tradition is a venture towards anthropological

considerationofMuslimpracticesintheircomplexity,fluidityaswellascommitmenttothepast.

ISLAMASAL IVEDTRADITION:BETWEENDISCOURSEANDORDINARYETHICS

TalalAsad’scontributiontotheAnthropologyofIslamhasbeencrucialforformulatinganotion

of‘discursivetradition’throughwhichMuslimpracticeswerelinkedtoahistoryoftextualproduction.

ForAsadthenotionof ‘discursivetradition’bridgedthedividebetweenorthodoxyasdoctrineand

orthopraxisasritualthroughattentiontothewayinwhichreligiousauthority,textualproductionand

embodiedpracticewereinseparable.“ApracticeisIslamicbecauseitisauthorizedbythediscursive

traditionsof Islam, and is taught toMuslims–whetherby an ‘alim, a khatib, a Sufi shaykh, or an

untutoredparent”(Asad1986b,15).However,Asadalsopointedtothecentralityofreason,debate,

differenceandchangeas“anaturalpartofanydiscursivetradition”(Asad1986b,16).Hethussetthe

anthropologists task to “analyze thekindsof reasoning, and the reasons forarguing, thatunderlie

Islamictraditionalpractices”(Asad1986b,16).Crucialforhisanalysiswashisargumentthat“although


21

Islamictraditionsarenothomogenous,theyaspiretocoherence”(Asad1986b,17).Asadwasthus

interested in the“effortsofpractitioners toachievecoherence” (Asad1986b,17).This theoryofa

“living tradition”5wasmost clearly followed by SabaMahmoodwho applied these insights to the

women’spietymovementinCairo.InrecentworkAsadhasfurtherclarifiedhisnotionoftraditionand

bodily practice through ethnographic interview data with an Egyptian cleric. Analyzing the clerics

discussionof virtueandpracticeas a kindof “conscious repetition that aimsatmakingone’s self-

consciousactionsunself-conciousinthefuture”(Asad2015,176),hecomparesthe“abilitytoperform

devotionwell(todevoteoneself)”to“themasteryofgrammar”(Asad2015,176).“Itwasnotsimply

amatterofactingasinthepastbutofacquiringacapabilityforwhichthepastwasabeginningand

bywhichtheneedtosubmitconsciouslytoarulewouldeventuallydisappear”(Asad2015,176).Asad’s

conceptof‘discursivetradition’wasspecificallyrelatedtothestudyofIslam.Thereheargued,bodily

practice towards the cultivation of virtuewas informed by a rich history of texts. The goal of the

practitionerwasachievingnotonlycoherencebutalsomasteryoftheselftotheextentthattheneed

toconsciouslyfollowruleswouldberenderedredundant.

JamesLaidlawhasbeencriticalofAsad’sapproachtotraditionwhichhearguesisindebtedto

thecareertrajectoryofAlasdaireMacintyre.ThroughaclosereadingofMacintyre,Laidlawarguesthat

hisnotionoftraditionprogressesfrom,AfterVirtue,wherein“traditionisanhistoricalmodeoflifein

whichadistinctiveversionofcriticalreasonisembodied”towardsa“moresolidfaithintheauthority

of theuniversalChurch”as“authoritysteadilygainsgroundagainstrationalargumentand internal

disagreement” (Laidlaw 2014, 65). He is also critical of Macintyre’s divergence “from Aristotle in

portrayingtheexerciseofethicalvirtuesasanunreflectiveprocess”(Laidlaw2014,65),whichhesees

reproducedintheworkofAsad,MahmoodandHirschkind(Laidlaw2014,69-71).Laidlawarguesthat

moral capacityor incapacity “is somethingonedoeswithone’s freedom” (Laidlaw2014,154). For

5Asadusedtheterm‘livingtradition’torefertothewayinwhichpiousMuslimssoughttoinhabitaparticularsetofnormsinformedbyanauthoritativeIslamicdiscursivetradition.Iusetheterm‘livedtradition’inordertoretaintheimportanceofanIslamicdiscursivetraditionoftextandpracticewhilerecognizingtherelevanceofordinarypeopleastheyproducenewexpressionsandpracticesofIslam.


22

Laidlawthequestionisnolongeroneoftraditionasthehabitationofnormsorthedesiretofollow

rules,butratheraboutethicalreflectionandtheexerciseofmoraljudgementthatarisesfrom“hard

choicesorsituationsofmoralambivalence”(Laidlaw2014,172).HethuspreferstheworkofMagnus

MarsdenandSamuliSchielkeforillustratinghow“followersofreformistIslamalsothinkandfeelin

moralregistersotherthanthoseofpiety”(Laidlaw2014,171).Healsoappreciatestheapproachof

JoelRobbinswhoarguesforseparate“valuespheres”inlifethatareeitherdominatedby“themorality

of reproduction” or “themorality of freedom” (Robbins 2007, 300). Themorality of reproduction

relatestoaspectsofculturethatarethesubjectofroutinebehavior.Themoralityoffreedomrefers

to“culturesordomainsinwhichvaluesareinconflictthatpeoplebecomeconsciousofmakingchoices

andfeelthemselvestopossessfreedom”(Robbins2007,311).

Laidlaw’scritiqueofAsadisimportantforrecognizingtheoveremphasisonfiguresofauthority

andtheunconsciouscompliancewithrules.However,Laidlaw’snotionof“reflectivefreedom”isalso

“tied”to“theconstitutionofthesubjectthroughsociallyinstitutedpracticesandrelationsofpower

andmutualrecognition”(Laidlaw2014,177).Similarly,JoelRobbins“moralityofreproduction,”relies

onaconceptionofculturewherein“therulesareclearandthecompulsiontofollowthemverystrong”

(Robbins2007,299).Iarguethatratherthanreturningtosomeunspecifiedideaofculturewemay

considertraditionasanimportantlensforthinkingabouthowthepracticesandnormsofparticular

groupsareinseparablefromhistories,memories,andaffectiverelations.InviewofLaidlaw’scritique,

it isalsoimportanttoconsiderhowthedevelopmentofAsad’sworkonIslamisrelatedtohisown

commitmentasa“postcolonialandpoststructuralist”whohasbeencriticalofthetakenforgranted

assumptionsof“theEuropeanEnlightenment,andthemodernWest”(Scott2006,136)andwhohas

beeninstrumentalininitiating“secularismasanobjectofanthropologicalenquiry”(Das2006,93).I

remain indebted to the aspiration of Talal Asad to conceptualize “tradition…amoremobile, time-

sensitive,moreopen-endedconceptthanmostformulationsofculture.Andit looksnotjusttothe

past but to the future…with each new beginning, there is the possibility of a new (or “revived”)

tradition,anewstoryaboutthepastandthefuture,newvirtuestobedeveloped,newprojectstobe


23

addressed”(ScottandHirschkind2006,289-90).Asdiscussedintheprevioussection,thisopennessof

traditionhasnotbeenfullyreflectedintheworkofAsad,MahmoodandHirschkind.Thenotionof

authorityandpowerthatisparticularlyprominentinAsad’sconceptualizationneedstobeextended

toincludethepracticesofindividualMuslimsfromvariouswalksoflifewhonegotiateandproduce

newandsometimes idiosyncraticroutesthroughwhichtoexpressthemselves inthepresentwhile

remaining tethered to a sense of being Muslim. As the opening vignette indicated, Shoaib was

producinghalalthroughhisconsumptionpracticesatMcDonaldsinamannerthatindicatesneither

ambivalencewithsupposedlyconflictingvaluespheresofIslamandneo-liberalism,northehabitation

ofaparticularinterpretationoforthodoxIslamicnorms.

MichaelLambekandVeenaDashavedevelopedanapproachtoethicsthatconsidersthespeech

andactionsofordinarypeople.Termed‘ordinaryethics’theyarguethat“ethicsisintrinsictospeech

andaction”(Lambek2010,1). InspiredbyWittgensteinandAustin’sanalysisof ‘ordinary language’

Lambekarguesfor“ethicalinsightdeeplyembeddedinthecategoriesandfunctionsoflanguageand

waysofspeaking…kindsofactsandmannersofacting”andas“relativelytacit,groundedinagreement

rather than rule, in practice rather than knowledge or belief” (Lambek 2010, 2). “The ethical is

immanent to our lives as human beings” (Lambek 2015). Discussing practical judgement, Lambek

arguesthattheAristoteliannotionofphronesisneednotpertaintoabstractvirtues,butis“exercised

continuously between, for example, expending time on earning a living to feed your children and

playingwiththem,orbetweenplayingwiththemandhavingtimeforyourself”(Lambek2010,23).

SimilarlyDasconsidersthe“ethicalasadimensionofeverydaylife”ratherthanasa“setofjudgments

wearriveatwhenwestandawayfromourordinarypractices”(Das2015a,134).Workontheselfis

alwaysundertakenwithreferencetosomesocialcontext(Das2015a,135)andthatalthoughevents

areimportantforbringingethicalconsiderationsintoview,their“rightness”isonlyfeltwhentheyare

integrated back into the flux of everyday life (Das 2015a, 140). Rather than abstract rules, or

conceptionsofthegoodsuchasreligionwhere“theordinaryistranscendedandethicsintellectualized,


24

materialized,ortranscendentalized”(Lambek2010,3)theysuggestattentiontotheunexpectedand

minutemomentswherelifeisstitchedtogether(Das2015a).

However, inarticulating ‘ordinaryethics’as immanent in“waysofspeaking…andmannersof

acting”bothDasandLambekremainfocusedonthehistoricallycontingentnatureofthepresent.For

Dasthismeanspayingattentiontothewayinwhichviolenteventsinthepastare“reanimatedinthe

present…asembodiedknowledge”(Das2015b,54).Shethusgesturesattentiontothewayinwhich

actsandwordsareethical inthattheycarrythepotentialfor lifetobeheldtogetherbutalsotorn

apart.Lambek’sanalysisislessfocusedonviolentevents.Inarecentchapter,hediscussestheordinary

throughreflectionuponthelicenseplateslogansonvehiclesinNewHampshireandQuebec.Heshows

howthroughcomparisonandacloseconsiderationofplace,history,andlanguage“wecanunpacka

wholeworldviewandidealwayoflife,buttressedbyapoliticalphilosophy”(Lambek2015).Herethe

past and the futureunfold through thepresent. I suggest thatVeenaDasoftendrawsonaHindu

discursive tradition to understand seeminglymundane acts (Das 2013), (Das 2015a) and Lambek’s

discussionoflicenseplatespointstoaparticulartraditionofpoliticalphilosophyinNorthAmerica.The

notion of a lived tradition which this thesis develops is a theoretical bridge that connects Asad’s

emphasisontraditionasauthoritativetextualproduction,towardsamoreopenconceptionofethics

asthepathsforgedbyindividualsineverydaylife.

Indevelopingtheideaofalivedtradition,itisinstrumentaltoreturntoWittgenstein’sdiscussion

on language games that has informed the approaches of Asad, Lambek and Das. Veena Das has

explained “Wittgenstein’s general view” of the “many empirical assertions thatwe affirmwithout

speciallytestingthem”andthat“ifthisscaffoldingisquestioned,thenwearenotintherealmofmere

differencesofopinion”(Das1998,189).Itakethisscaffoldingasthemetaphorforestablishingbasic

criterialconditionsaroundwhichatraditionrevolves.However,themetaphorofscaffoldingistoorigid

forconsideringthedifferentformsofargumentation,subjectpositionsandcontextsinwhichalived

traditionemerges.


25

InPhilosophicalInvestigations,Wittgensteindiscussesthedifferencebetweenanideallanguage

andlanguageinuse(Wittgenstein1953).Inparagraph83hepresentsthescenarioofagroupplaying

ball-games.Despitetheclaimsofsomeonethattheyarefollowinga“definiterule”hecallsonusto

imaginewhat thatmeans. In the frame, thegroup“startvariousexistinggames,butplayingmany

withoutfinishingthemandinbetweenthrowingtheballaimlessly.”Hethenposesaquestionwhich

isalsoasuggestion:

Andistherenotalsothecasewhereweplayand—makeuptherulesaswe

go along? And there is even onewhere we alter them—aswe go along.

(Paragraph83).

Inalivedtraditionpractitionersmakeuptherulesastheygoalong.Thisprocessisnotentirely

randombutcanbequiteunexpected.Forexample,Shoaib,intheopeningvignette,determinedthat

McDonaldsworldwidewashalal.Hedrewonhisownexpectationsregardingstandardizationinthe

fastfoodindustry,anassessmentofMuslimconsumerdemand,andtheauthorityofhisexperienceof

consumingMcDonaldsinbothSaudiArabiaandtheGulf.Hedidnotrequiretheauthorityofareligious

figureorasetofdefiniterulesthroughwhichtopracticehalalconsumption.

Thinkingabouta lived tradition is to followWittgenstein inquestioning theverynotionof a

definite rule. Inparagraph85hediscusseshowa rule is likea signpost.Again, througha seriesof

questionshedestabilizesanyclearconnectionbetweenaruleanditsapplication.

Doesthesign-postleavenodoubtopenaboutthewayIhavetogo?Doesit

shew(show)whichdirection Iamto takewhen Ihavepassed it;whether

alongtheroadorthefootpathorcross-country?…Andiftherewere,nota

single sign-post, but a chain of adjacent ones or of chalk marks on the

ground—isthereonlyonewayofinterpretingthem?(Paragraph85).

Althoughtheremaybemanywaysofinterpretation,Wittgensteinmaintainsthatitisnotacase

ofeitherabsolutecertaintyorabsolutedoubt.Therulelikeasignpost“sometimesleavesroomfor


26

doubt and sometimesnot.” It is important tonote that Shoaib’s rule regarding thehalal statusof

McDonalds did not address the question of certainty with regards to the substance of what was

consumedandneitherwasheindoubt.Committedtothepracticeofhalal,hisassessmentoffered

himapracticalsolutiontotheconsumptionofhalalatMcDonalds.Aswewillseeinthenextsection,

hisjudgementwasinformedbyaparticulardiscursivetraditionofintention(niyat)andhalalpractice

wherecertaintywasconsideredimpossibleandunsubstantiateddoubtfrownedupon.

ForWittgensteinrulesarenotabsoluteboundariestobecrossednoraretheysimplyirrelevant.

Hisdiscussioninparagraph88,againconsidersboundariesandtheconceptofexactnessthroughthe

exampleof timeandpunctuality.Settingaclockatanexact time, instructingsomeonetoarriveat

dinner at an exact time, and determining exactness in a laboratory or observatory each “have a

differentthoughrelatedmeaning.”Thisobservationleadshimtoconcludethat“’Inexact’isreallya

reproach,and‘exact’ispraise”.

Nosingleidealofexactnesshasbeenlaiddown;wedonotknowwhatwe

should be supposed to imagine under this head—unless you yourself lay

downwhatistobesocalled.Butyouwillfinditdifficulttohituponsucha

convention;atleastanythatsatisfiesyou.Paragraph88.

Membersofalivedtraditionmayattempttodeterminetherulesofthegame.Theymayemploy

notions of exactness as a reproach against others and engage in efforts to persuade others and

regulatecompliance.However,asanthropologistsweshouldrefrainfromjudgingaparticularposition

internal to a lived tradition as authoritative over the whole. Further, observing the language and

practicesofeventhemostcommittedactivistswoulddefinitelybringtoviewinstancesthroughwhich

theythemselvesmakeuptherules.Infact,thenotionthathumanbeingswhetherinparticularcultures

ortraditionssimplysubmittorulesis,accordingtoWittgenstein,anoversimplification.Rather,we

shouldpayattentiontotheinterestingandperhapsminutewaysinwhichpeoplemakeuptherules

astheygoalong.Thisprocessofinventionandnegotiationishowevernotrandom.Ratherweshould

payattentiontothewayinwhichhistoricallyinformedpracticesundergoaprocessoftransformation


27

and recalibration within the contemporary discursive and material environment. As we saw with

Shoaib,thisprocessismorefluidthanananalogyofscaffoldingsuggests.

ThinkingaboutIslamasalivedtraditionbuildsuponAsad’sinsightsintothediscursiveformation

of Islamic practices but extends his concept to incorporate amore open notion of authority and

individual practicebeyond thenarrow focuson coherence andpiety.Akin to the rulesof a game,

virtues and norms of conduct are not strict boundaries to be crossed, but ratherWittgensteinian

‘signposts’ that guide conduct, that gesture towards the direction of the path, but which do not

precludethepossibilityforshortcuts,innovationsandreformulations.Variousactorsmaymakeupthe

rulesastheygoalongyetallmaintainthattheyareplayingthesamegame.Thoughallactorsmaintain

a sense of adherence to Islam the specific practices differ in interesting and significant ways.

Importantly this development is not the preserve of scholars but unfolds through the practices of

ordinarypeople.

A key to unpacking this creative and processual emergence of a lived tradition requires a

considerationofhowthequestionofrules,complianceandeverydaypracticeisdiscussedwithinthe

Islamicdiscursivetradition.

NORMS, VIRTUESANDTHEEVERYDAY: NIYAT( INTENTION)ANDRITUALPRACTICE

Approaching Islamas a lived tradition is amethodological and theoretical approach towards

observing howMuslims articulate ideals and norms about the goodMuslim life fromwithin their

particularsituation,classposition,sectarianaffiliationandindividualdisposition.Thesepositionsmay

differsignificantlyandleadtomuchcriticismanddebatebutthatdoesnotmeanthateachindividual

islivinginaconstantstateofuncertaintyandambiguity.Forexample,manylaborersinMumbaiwhom

IknewdidnotfastduringRamadan.Theyarguedthatthetoughworkingconditionsrenderedthem

exempt.However,othersfromthetradingclassesandulamawhomIspoketocontestedtheirposition.

Accordingtothemnormallivelihoodwasnotacauseforexemptionfromfasting.Nevertheless,both

positionscontinuedandas faras I could tellnomajorcrisisof theself,ensued.Engagingwith the


28

discourseoffastingandtherulesforexemptioneachpositionwasanarticulationofIslam.Non-fasting

laborersincorporatedthenormsoffasting,therulesforexemption,aswellasmaterialconditionsof

hard labor under extreme conditions in producing an expression and practice of Islam as a lived

tradition in Mumbai. Importantly these different positions did not necessarily intersect in open

dialogue and public debate. Rather they constituted an implicit debate, continuing side by side in

MumbaiinformingthetopographyofMuslimpracticeinthecity.

Throughthisethnographicexampleof fastingandnon-fasting, it isclear that thequestionof

normsandordinarylifeisnotthesoleconcernoftheanthropologyofethics.Religioustraditionsas

discursive condensations of histories; affects, practices and bodily sensations are replete with

considerationsofbothnormsandeverydayimplications.Oneexampleinthatregardisadiscussionby

VeenaDas on ‘noncruelty’ (anrhamsya) and ‘non-violence’ (ahimsa).Writing about the treatment,

slaughterandconsumptionofanimalssherefers tocontradictorystatements in theLawsofManu

whichstate“thatonecanneverobtainmeatwithoutcausinginjuryandthereforeoneshouldabstain

fromeatingmeat”whileanother“thatthereisnofaultineatingmeat,drinkingliquororhavingsex,

for theseare thenatural activitiesof creatures…” (Das2013,24).Wherenon-violence signifiedan

absoluteconditiontowardsanimalsandisassociatedwiththeformer,non-crueltysuggested“thata

single-mindedpursuitofdharmacanitselfbethecauseofviolence”(Das2013,26).Non-crueltywas

the recognition of the bodily passions and that living itselfwas inseparable from various forms of

violence towards animals and other humans. For Das, non-cruelty was the intimate “sense of

togetherness”and“feeling”thateludednon-violenceas“obligationorrulefollowing”(Das2013,28).

The examples presented point to the way in which the Hindu discursive tradition carved a space

betweenabstractrulesandvirtuesandthe“messiness”ofeverydaylife.Thisdistinctionbetweennon-

violenceandnon-crueltycanbeauseful lens throughwhich tounderstand theapproachofHindu

customersatthebutchershopdiscussed ingreaterdetail inchapter3.Manyabstained frommeat

consumptionon‘holydays,’mostcommonlyTuesdayandThursday.However,fortheremainderof

theweektheypreferredfreshlyslaughteredchickenoverpackagedrefrigeratedproducts.Forthem


29

theproximitytotheviolenceofslaughterassuredfreshnessandtaste,andwasanywayinseparable

frommeatconsumptionnomatterhowhiddentheprocess.Meateatingonparticulardayswasnot

necessarilyasourceofanxietyorambiguity,butratheranindicationofthecomplexityoftheHindu

livedtradition.

WithintheIslamicdiscursivetradition,thediscourseonniyat(intention)andpractice,offersa

similarinsightthatcautionsagainstalinearassociationbetweennorms,virtuesandcompliance.

InIslamicstudies‘niyat’(intention)hasreceivedmuchattention.PaulPowershastracedhow

“earlywestern scholarship… saw Islam asmechanically ritualistic” (Powers 2004, 426). He cites a

sampleofscholarswhoconsideredIslamdevoidofanythingbutaformalistobsessionwithritual.For

example “in 1951 Gustave von Grunebaum remarked that Islam, its prayer marked by ‘peculiar

formalism’ (13), ‘left thebeliever satisfiedwithanarid, ifphysicallyexacting liturgy’ (13)” (Powers

2004,427).PowersnoteshowthisearlyapproachgavewaytothenotionthatIslamicpracticewasin

fact “the surface of a deeply ‘spiritual’ experience” (Powers 2004, 427). He cites a well-known

Prophetic tradition that was central to legal texts and was taken as the source of this newfound

spiritualism:“Actionsaredefinedbyintentions,andtoeverypersonwhatheintends(innamaal-a‘mal

bi-l-niyyatwa-innamali-kullimri’inmanawa).”Theattractionof‘niyat’fortheseargumentslayinthe

Islamic discourse that niyat could be performed “with the heart” and did not have to be uttered

(Powers 2004, 427). Against these “spiritualist” interpretations, Powers argues that the primary

purposeofintention(niyat)inIslamiclawandpracticeistaxonomic(Powers2004,436).Forexample,

withIslamicformsofcharitytherearedifferentcategoriesthathavedifferentobligationsandcanbe

disbursed indifferentways. Through the statementof intentionmoneyexchangedbecomes zakat

insteadofsay,sadqa,orlillah.6Thesameistrueofprayer,wherethesameactionscanbedefinedin

6ZakatisacategoryofcharityobligatoryonallMuslimsaboveacertainlevelofwealth.Sadaqahandlillah are voluntary forms of charity that can be offered by anyone. There are different rules fordisbursement depending on the category. For example many people argue that Zakat cannot bedisbursedtonon-MuslimsbutSadaqahorlillahcan.AlsopeoplewhopayZakatmaynotreceiveit,butcanreceiveotherformsofcharity.


30

differentwaystofulfilldifferentobligations.CentraltoPowers’analysisisthenotionthat“niyyat,the

internal,subjectivedimensionofrightaction,ispresentedasgenerallystableandsubjecttothewill”

(Powers2004,454).

However,thereisalsoanaspectofthediscourseofintentionthatPowersreferencesinrelation

to al-Ghazali that connects niyat to notions of “sincerity” and “truthfulness” (Powers 2004, 451)

without reducing the discussion to a search for the spiritual core of Islam. Brinkley Messick has

discussed the legal implications of niyat (intention) for contract law. A central problem for legal

scholarswasthat“ultimately,neitherknowledgeofGodAlmightynoroftheintentionsandmeanings

locatedintheinteriorsofotherhumansarefullyattainableandascertainablebyinterpreters.”Aswith

thefamoushadithabove,ultimatemeaning inheredin intention.However,asan interiorstatethis

was not accessible to others. “But these sources of authoritativemeaning, these locales of truth,

remainedtheidentifiedobjectsofinterpretiveefforts”(Messick2001,178).Legalscholarsgrappled

withtheproblemof“anassumedgapbetweenformsofexpressionandintention”suchthat“legal

analysesamounttoattemptstoerectbridgesfromtheaccessibletotheinaccessible”(Messick2001,

178).Theworkoflegalscholarsthusinvolvedattemptsatreadingoutwardsignsformanifestationsof

ultimatelyinaccessiblebutalwaysestimablemeaning.ErinE.StilesethnographyofZanzibar’sIslamic

courtshasshownhow“establishingintentioninlegalactsisacrucialelementofjudicialreasoning”

(Stiles2003,273).InZanzibar’sdivorcecourtstheactofinterpretationinvolvedthe“recognitionof

themultipleinterpretationsofactionsandthemotivationsoftheactorsbasedonthepresupposition

ofscenariosofmale-female,husband-wifeinteractionsatthisparticularpointinZanzibarisocialand

culturalhistory”(Stiles2003,274).Statementsandpracticesofdivorcewerenottakenatfacevalue.

Ratherthejudgewaschargedwiththetaskofassessingwhattheactual intentionsoftheplaintiffs

wereinordertodeterminewhethertheymeantwhattheysaid.Throughthisassessmenthewasable

toconfirmoroverrulecasesofdivorce.

According to the Islamic discursive tradition, “the stability of intention subject to the will”

(Powers 2004, 454) ensured that utterance was sufficient for performance. However, as the


31

scholarshipon the legal traditionhas shown,utteranceandmeaningwerenot co-produced. Legal

scholars employed interpretive efforts based on linguistic analysis and sociological assessment to

determinewhetherpeoplemeantwhattheysaid.Thisdualnatureofniyat (intention)pointsto its

subjective stability and social opacity. However, opacity did not deter interpretation. I argue that

understandingIslamasalivedtraditionrequirestherecognitionofthisdiscourseofniyat(intention)

asitrelatestoeverydaypractice.

Anumberofimportantaspectsofthesocialityof‘niyat’canbenoted.Followingtheprophetic

traditionabove it iswidelyarguedthatonlycorrect intentionswillearnblessingsandrewardfrom

God.Muslimsarethusencouragedtocultivateapiousdispositionthatwouldlinktheinteriorstateof

the individual to the practice. However, it is very common in Mumbai and elsewhere in Muslim

societiesforpeopleto judgetheovertlypiousas insincerewhenconsideringtheiractsofprayer in

conjunctionwithotherlessvirtuousaspectsoftheirlives.Likethelegalpractitionersmentionedabove,

Muslimsengagein interpretativeeffortstocritiqueoutwardformsofpietywhichtheyassessstem

from impure intentions. However, these efforts are always limited. The true intention of another

individual isafterallunknown.This limit to interpretability insocialpractice isbestexemplifiedby

prophetictraditionsthatcautionagainstundueandunsubstantiatedcritiqueofothers.7Ontheother

hand, as a number of ethnographers of the Muslim world have shown, possessing the correct

intentions may serve as a justification for criticized practices (Schielke 2012, 159) and even non-

performance(Stiles2003,277).Throughappealtothestabilityandopacityofniyatpractitionersmay

takerefugeintheideathatGodknowsone’strueintentions.Makingaclaimtobeingagoodperson

is sufficient to deflect attention from non-compliance. Finally, a more esoteric discourse of niyat

(intention)relatestothepursuitofpiety.Herethestabilityofintentionbecomescomplicated.Inthe

pursuitofpietyandthecultivationofavirtuousdispositionthereexiststhepossibilitythatone’strue

7“Whoevershields[orhidesthemisdeedsof]aMuslim,AllahwillshieldhiminthisworldandtheHereafter”(Nawawin.d.).“VerilyAllahhaspardonedformemyummah:theirmistakes,theirforgetfulness,andthatwhichtheyhavebeenforcedtodounderduress”(Nawawin.d.).


32

intentionsareinfactinspiredbyworldlygain.Herethevicesofprideandjealousyaretheintimate

partners of the virtues of submission, love and detachment. Togetherwith an inherent tension in

IslamicdiscoursewheretheProphetMuhammadasthefinalmessengerinitiatesanabsencethatisto

beemulatedbutnevermatched(Tayob2014),tajdidastherenewalorrevivalofsocietyandtheself

isnevercertain.Thisdiscursiveconstellationonniyat(intention)asitpertainstoeverydaypracticeis

crucial forunderstanding theunstable connectionbetweennormsandcompliance. Internal to the

Islamicdiscursivetradition,practitionersarewarnedagainstjudgementsofothers,andofassuming

thatpracticeensures salvation.Methodologically thismeans that at the very least anthropologists

shouldrefrainfrommakingthoseverysamejudgements.Theoreticallyitallowsforaconsiderationof

Islamasalivedtraditionwherethroughthenotionofniyat(intention)andinteriority,normsandideals

mayremainsuspendedinaperpetualstateofseemingincompleteness.

Iarguethatacentral tenet thatconnects thepracticesof thetradersand laborersdiscussed

above,inrelationtotheirdivergentRamadanpracticeisthatbothmaintaintheniyat(intention)to

followIslam.NeitherdenouncetheimportanceofRamadan,eveninnon-compliance.Similarlyitwas

clear with Shoaib’s practice in McDonalds that he was producing halal in new ways. Common

argumentsinMumbaiforthehalalstatusofMcDonaldsrestonavarietyofgeneralizedbutsituated

assessmentsaboutMuslim involvement in themeat industry,Hinduaversion to slaughterand the

commercialinterestofrestaurantsinservingtheconsumingpublic.Underlyingtheseassertionsisthe

importanceofniyat(intention)forhalalpractice.Accordingtotheauthoritativepracticeofhalal,the

supplybyafellowMuslimconstituteshalal.Doubtoftheindividualisanoffensetotheintegrityofthe

person.Ifthesupplierislaterdeemedtohavebetrayedthetrustofthecustomer,thenthesinforthe

transgressionlieswithhim.Thereisnosinattachedtotheun-intentionalandignoranttransgression

of halal. Similarly, a lack of intentiononboth sides to engage in non-halal supply or consumption

exoneratesboth.Fromwithinthis traditionofpracticethe issueofcertaintyoverthesubstanceof

halaldoesnotariseanddoubtintheabsenceofproofisforeclosedasanundesirablepractice.The

stabilityofintentiononbehalfoftheconsumingindividualisthereforeanimportantaspectthrough


33

whichhalalpracticecanbeextendedintonewcontexts.WithoutjudgingShoaib’sintention,itiscrucial

toconsiderthathewasnotinterestedintransgressingtherulesofhalal.Ratherthroughthestability

ofintention,andthecertaintyofhiscommitmenttolivingaMuslimlife,hewasproducingnewroutes

forthepracticeofhalalinMumbai.

CHAPTEROUTLINE

ThisthesisiscomprisedoffivechapterswhichpresentsanethnographyoftheethicsofMuslim

foodpracticesinMumbaitowardsanunderstandingofIslamasalivedtradition.Ideploythenotion

ofalivedtraditiontoilluminatedifferenttraditionsofpracticeamongMuslimsinMumbaibutalsoto

showhowthesepositionsareneverhomogenousnorcomplete.

Thesecondchapterpresentsanintroductionintothebackgroundofhalalmeatproductionand

consumption in Mumbai. What are the ethical implications associated with halal consumption in

Mumbai? How is trust in halal established? How have neo-liberal developments in the trade and

productionof food introducednewpracticesofhalal?HowdoMuslimspracticehalalunder these

changingcircumstances?Thechapteraddresses thesequestionsbypresenting someof theethical

implicationsthatMuslimsinvestinhalalandabackgroundoverviewofthemechanisms,networksand

argumentsthroughwhichtrustinhalalisestablished.TheemergenceofhalalcertificationinMumbai

hasbeenaresponsetotheexpansionofglobaltradeandtheintroductionofforeignfastfoodoutlets.

Halal certification presents a new tradition of halal practice that introduces a very different basis

throughwhichtradeinhalalproductsisconductedandtrustinhalalisproduced.Giventhischanging

material context of halal practiceMuslim consumers and tradersmake ethical judgments through

whichtonegotiate,evadeandinnovatetheirpracticeofhalal.Approachingtheemergenceofhalal

certification inMumbaiasa livedtradition illuminatestheways inwhichneo-liberaldevelopments

introduce changes to prevailing practices but do not necessarily eliminate or induce a complete

transformation.


34

ThethirdchapterfocussesonaMuslimbutchershopasanodeinthenetworkthroughwhich

halalmeat is produced, traded and consumed in the city.What are the practices of halal chicken

productionandconsumptioninMumbai?InthecompetitivemeatmarketsofMumbaihowistrust

producedat thestore?Howhas theavailabilityof ready-slaughtered,hygienicallysealedpackaged

chicken impacted on the practices of halal production and consumption?What are the practices

throughwhich the butcher seeks to extend his influence andmaintain customer interest in fresh

chickenconsumption?Thechapterbeginswithanoverviewofhalalslaughterinthestore.Itfocusses

onthesensoryengagementsofcustomerswiththeprocessofslaughterandtheirpreferenceforfresh

meat.Therelativelyrecentintroductionofpackagedchickenispresentedasanalternativematerial

regimeofhalalmeatproductionthatentailsadistinctsensoryexperienceofslaughter.Thissensory

recalibrationthreatenstoeliminatetheMuslimbutcherfrompubliclifeandproducehislivelihoodas

asiteofdisgust.Throughfreshand‘frozen’chickenhalalmeatproductioncansignifyverydifferent

things.However,atthisbutchertheethicalpracticesthroughwhichtrustisproducedareinseparable

fromthefreshlyslaughteredchicken.Thechapterconsiderstheongoingcompetitionbetweenthetwo

formsofhalalmeatproductionastheownerseekstoretaincustomerdemand.Thisentailsaseriesof

ethicalpracticesthroughwhichMuslimbutchersmaintaintheirpositioninthehalalmeatindustryin

Mumbai.ApproachinghalalmeatpracticesinMumbaithroughthelensofalivedtraditionallowsfor

aconsiderationofcontinuity,changeandsituatedethicalpractice.

Thefourthchapterturnstotwowell-establishedrestaurantsintheoldMuslimquarterofthe

city as locationswhere halalmeals are produced, traded and consumed. Each restaurant claims a

distinctlyMuslimheritage.However,asanelderlyinformantofmineonedayexplained,theonewas

“sufifood”whiletheotherwas“justbusiness.”Thechapterapproachesthisinsightasaninformed

categorization throughwhich to think about differences in restaurant narrative andpractice. Both

produced“Muslim food” throughverydifferent idioms.Howevercontrary to thedistinctionabove

therewerealsosimilaritiesbetweenthetwo.Howdothe Islamicvirtuesofcareandresponsibility

towardsthepoorobtainspecificmeaningsthroughrestaurantpractice?Howdothenarrativesand


35

materialpracticesofeachrestaurantindicateverydifferentexpressionsofIslamasalivedtraditionin

Mumbai?Throughthenarrativesandpracticesofeachrestaurantanethicsofcareandresponsibility

towardsthepoorispracticeddifferentlyineach.Througheachrestaurantweseehowlanguageand

materialpracticesarereflectiveofdifferentarticulationsandexpressionsofIslamasalivedtradition.

The fifth chapter considers practices of animal sacrifice during the annual Id-ul-Adha

celebrations. InMumbai the festival is knownby the name, Bakri Id (lit: goat festival). During the

sacrificeslaughterisperformedbyfamilymembersinthehome.Whatistheauthoritativemeaningof

qurbani(sacrifice)asunderstoodbyMuslimsinMumbai?Howdoesthisethical impetusandvirtue

guidethepracticesofsacrifice?Howdopracticesofboasting,prideandbargainingremainconnected

to the practices of sacrifice? The ethnography considers how an Islamic discursive tradition of

obligationandcommemorationhasdevelopedintoanotionofsacrificethatconsiderslove,intimacy

andcareasapre-requisiteforthecultivationofthevirtuesofsurrenderanddetachment.Throughthe

stabilityandopacityofniyat(intention)forpractice,aestheticappreciationofgoatsandpracticesof

carepractitionersengageinethicalreflectionandjudgementsthroughwhichthefinalperformanceof

sacrificeisproducedasafeeling(ehsaas)ofloss.Observableandinterpretedbutopaquethisnotion

of sacrifice as feeling (ehsaas) situates the ultimate test of compliance as an internal experience.

Approachingthepracticeofqurbani(sacrifice)asalivedtradition,thischapteroffersanethnographic

vantagepointthatmovesbeyonddiscussionsofthepossibilityorimpossibilityofsacrifice.

ThesixthandfinalchapterpresentsanethnographyofthepracticesofRamadanthatinclude

fasting,feasting,prayerandshopping.Itconsiderstemporalityduringthemonthaswellasindividual

ethical dispositions as important for understanding the different practices during Ramadan.What

valuesandvirtuesdoMuslimsinMumbaiassociatewithRamadan?Inwhatwaysareabstractvirtues

materialized and embodied in the practices of fasting and feasting during the month? How are

practicesduring themonth temporally circumscribed?Thechapterbeginswithanoverviewof the

virtuesofrestraint,generosityandcareemphasizedduringRamadan.Withinthisdiscursivetradition

areoverlappingandcompetingnotionsofvirtue.However, inMumbai informantsconsidervarious


36

subjectpositionsandpracticesinpositingtheideaofRamadanasa“monthofgreatblessings”during

whichprayer,shopping,foodandprofitareallavailableinabundance.Throughthecompetingnotions

of virtue and abstract conception of “blessings,” different individuals, at different times, make

judgementsabouthowtopartakeinthepracticeofRamadan.Throughanethnographyofpracticesof

fasting,sharingduringIftar(theeveningmeal)andprayerweseehowindividualethicaldisposition

andtemporalityarecrucialforthepracticeofRamadan.Thechapterconcludeswithanethnography

oftheintensificationofcelebration,feasting,shoppingandalms-givingasthedayofIdapproaches.

Approaching the practice of Ramadan as a lived tradition, this chapter illuminates how different

individuals engage in different practices through which the “blessings” (barakat) of Ramadan are

obtained.

CONCLUSION

ThisthesisdevelopsthenotionofIslamasalivedtraditionasatheoreticalandmethodological

contributiontotheanthropologyofIslamandethics.The‘discursiveposition’arguesforthestudyof

Islam as a discursive traditionwhereMuslim practices of piety need to be understood through a

discursivegenealogyofIslamictexts.ThisapproachdevelopsaparticularnotionofIslamicethicsas

piety with which to contextualize and provincialize secular European norms of personhood. An

alternative conceptualization in theanthropologyof Islam that I have referred toas the ‘everyday

position’emphasizesanethicsofambivalenceanduncertainty.Here, Islamicethicsaspiety isone

particular sphereofamuch largerethicsof life.Conflictsbetweenpiouspursuitsand livelihoodor

familycommitmentsproduceambivalenceanduncertainty.InbothapproachesIslamisreducedtoa

particularconceptionofareformistethicsofpietyasacoherentsetofnormswithwhichtoengage.

However,inapproachingtheethicsofMuslimfoodpracticesinMumbaiitisclearthatnotallMuslim

practicesareaimedatagradualprocessofethicalself-reform.Ontheotherhand,MuslimslikeShoaib,

in the opening vignette, engaged in halal food consumption practices in new contexts without

necessarilyexperiencingmomentsofambivalenceoruncertainty.


37

ForWittgenstein, the rulesofa languagegameare likesignposts thatdonotproduceeither

certaintyorabsolutedoubt.Ratherhesuggeststhatwemakeuptherulesaswegoalong.Exactness

isnotanobservationbutratherapraise,andinexactnessareproach.FollowingWittgenstein,Iargue

thatananthropologyofIslamshouldnotbeconcernedwiththehabitationofnormsortheirfailure.

Ratherwemayobserve theways inwhichdifferentpractitionersengage inethical reflectionsand

judgmentthroughwhichtomakeuptherulesastheygoalong.Thecentralityofniyat(intention)in

theIslamicdiscursivetraditionisanimportantvantagepointfromwhichtounderstandhowpractices

mayremainsuspendedinaseemingstateofincompleteness.Thesubjectivestabilityofintentionand

itssocialinterpretabilitybutultimateopacityisanimportantlenstounderstandthepracticeofIslam

asalivedtradition.Herethesubjectivestabilityandsocialopacityofintentionmayprovidethekey

throughwhichtoextendpracticeintonewcontextsevenagainstauthoritativepronouncements.

IneachchapterIfocusonhowsourcesofauthorityandpowermayprovideanimportantpoint

ofreferenceforthedevelopmentofpractice.However,ineachcasewealsoobservehowdifferences

inindividualethicaldispositions,occupationandcontextareimportantforthespecificwaysinwhich

thepracticeofIslamasalivedtraditionemerges.


38

CHAPTER TWO: CONSUMINGAND

PRODUCINGHALAL IN MUMBAI :

BETWEENGLOBAL D ISCOURSE AND

LOCAL PRACT ICE

OneeveninginDongriwhiledrinkingteawithtwochildhoodfriends,adiscussionabouthalal

practicebegan.BothwereITprofessionals.JunaidworkedinMumbaiandhisfriendHusseinforabank

in Singapore. They both travelled frequently for work purposes. Junaid raised a confusing issue

regardinghalalthathehadrecentlyfacedonabusinesstriptoThailand,“ifthereisfoodbeingmade

inapan,butbeforethatyouknowthatthepanwasusedfornon-halalcooking,thenwhatdoyou

do?”heasked.Thequestionwasinterestingbecauseitpresentedacertainconfusionabouthalal.I

jokedthatitwasperhapseasiertoquestionlessandeatmore.ThefriendfromSingaporethenadded

hisopinion.Hewasfamiliarwiththeissueandclearaboutthesolution,“ifyouknowthattheyhave

used separate utensils and there has been no mixing, then you can eat it.” Junaid continued to

disagree.Hethenexplainedthescenario,“Iwasonworkandtheyweremakingomeletswithbacon.

SoItoldtheguy,don’tputbaconforme.Iknewthattherewasbaconinthatpanbefore.ButIateit.

YouseeIwasthinkingaboutit,theeggsarenotharam,sodoesthepanmaketheeggsharambecause

thereweresomeharamthings in itbefore? Iwasn’tsureso Iate it.”Hearingthis the friendagain

interjected,“Nono,youcan’teatthat.Everythingmustbeseparate.Plates,pots,utensils.Imeanif

thereisnooptionandyouarestarvingthenok,youcaneatit.”Junaidlaughed,“therewerenoother

eggs!ButIcouldhavehadsomecerealorbread,thatallwasthere.”

Evidentfromthisconversationbetweenchildhoodfriendsweretwoverydifferentpracticesof

halal.Whatseemedlikeastraightforwardissueregardingthepresenceofbaconinthefryingpan,did


39

notpresentaproblemforJunaid.Hispracticeofhalalpertainedtothefoodconsumednotutensils

andcrockery.ForJunaid,doubtwasnotabasisforabstinence.However,forthefriendwhohadlived

inSingaporehalalconsumptionnecessitatedaconsiderationofpotsandpans.Itwasclearthathehad

beenintroducedtotheregimeofthehalalcertificationindustryinSingaporewherespacesofpublic

halalconsumptionwereregulatedaccordingtoaseparationofingredients,utensilsandeveneating

areas(Marranci2012).Forhimthepresenceofnon-halalsubstancesinthesamekitchenmeantthat

onlystarvationwouldwarrantconsumption.Husseinwasthusappealingtothecaveatofnecessityin

Islamiclawthatallowedforthetransgressionofhalal.

Through this conversation we see how halal consumption is the terrain for very different

practicesof Islamasa livedtradition.Eachfriendexpressedanapproachtothepracticeofhalal in

mutuallyexclusiveways.However,itwasclearthatbothwereengagingwithadiscursivetraditionof

halalpracticeandwerecommittedtotheconsumptionofhalal.

ThischapterisaconsiderationoftwodominantpracticesofhalalinMumbai.Halalwasaserious

matterandtransgressionboreconsequencesforthemoralconstitutionoftheperson.Althoughthe

importanceofhalalwasnotcontestedthereweredifferentwaysinwhichtrustinhalalwasproduced.

FormanyinthecitytrustwasproducedthroughMuslimnetworksoftrade.However,anewregimeof

halal certification was emerging in Mumbai that altered the basis upon which trust in halal was

producedanddemandedtheinspectionofadocumentratherthanpersonalguarantee.Certification

presented a new material and discursive formation of halal practice in cooperation with global

organizations.However,asalivedtraditionthepracticeofhalalwasnotconfinedtofixedrules.Inthe

case of Junaid and his pork-laced omelet, the practice of halal was not about achieving absolute

certaintynordiditnecessarilyleavethepractitionerinastateofdoubt.Ratherthroughthecentrality

ofniyat(intention)asanimportantguideforhalalpracticeweseehowMuslimsengagedinreflection

and ethical judgments through which new and innovative routes for the practice of halal were

established.

HALALCERTIF ICATIONASAUDIT CULTURE


40

Researchonthecontemporaryconsumptionofhalalinminoritycontextshasarguedforhalal

consumption as an expression of national, ethnic, minority and consumer identity’s (Bonne and

Verbeke2008),(Fischer2011),(Woong2007),(Gillette2005),(Marranci2012).MostrecentlyJohan

FischerhasconsideredtheinterplaybetweenMalaystateorganizations,scientificlaboratories,Islamic

organizationsandneo-liberal “audit cultures” in the regulationofa certified formof standardized,

“globalhalal”(Fischer2016).Ineachofthesestudiesweobtainasnapshotofhalalinaparticular

form.Completelyabsent is thehistoricalworkthathasarguedfor theprogressivedevelopmentof

halalpractice(Cook1986),(Freidenreich2011).Thischaptercontributestothesedebatesbyshowing

howhalal certificationoverlaysontoanexistingmodeofhalalproductionandconsumption.What

emerges is not merely the expression of consumer identities in new contexts, but rather the

productionofhalalinnewways.

AuditculturesasdiscussedbyMarilynStrathern,identifiedatrendinUKhighereducationpolicy

wherestatisticalmeasuresandreportswerebecomingthebasisforassessment(Strathern2000).This

entailedtheestablishmentof“newcategoriesofexperts”whoidentifiedwhatcountedasrelevant

knowledgeandthendesignedproceduresandregulatorymechanismstoensurecompliance(Shore

andWright1999,560).The“auditcultures”critiqueofeducationwasthatitdrewattentionawayfrom

thevalue-addedpracticesofteachingandresearchtowardsthebureaucraticfunctionofcompliance

reporting.Strathernhaddrawnoncriticalaccounting scholarship that comparedauditpractices to

Latour’sscientificprocessof“factbuilding”inthelaboratory(Power1996,309).Fromthisperspective

auditentailedthedevelopmentof“abstractindifferencetothesubstanceofperformance”through“a

shiftfromsubstancetoprocess”(Power1996,302).Auditwasaself-referentialloop.Forexample,the

audit of quality control involved the establishment of quality control departments that produced

informationthattestifiedtoqualitystandards.Aqualitycontrolauditwasthepracticeofassessingthis

newlydevelopeddocumentation.

Similartoqualitycontrolaudits,halalcertificationwasengagedintheprocessof“factbuilding”

inanattempttoproducecertaintyoverthematerialityofhalal.DNAtests,supplychainmanagement


41

and documentation were produced in support of halal certification. This development has been

particularly powerful in the growing market for global halal trade. The certification industry has

attempted toestablishednew rules forhalal practiceunder changing conditions.However, as this

chapterwillshowhalalcertificationdidnotproduceanythingcloseto“abstract indifferencetothe

substanceofperformance”(Power1996,302)butratherintroducedapiercingscientificgazeintothe

materialityofthesubstanceconsumed.UnlikePower’sdiscussionofqualitycontrolauditswhereISO

(InternationalOrganizationforStandardization)standardshavebecomeanagreeduponpracticefor

producing trust, halal certification has not been hegemonic precisely because halal practice is not

entirelydependentonproceduresandcertification.Asalivedtradition,thepracticeofhalalwasnot

simply confined to rules. Traders, employees and consumers in Mumbai practiced halal without

recoursetocertification.Importantlythecentralityofniyat(intention)andintra-Muslimtradeforhalal

practicemeantthathalalcouldnotbereducedtoaquestionofmaterialcertainty.Ratherthansimply

followthedictatesofthecertificationindustry,Muslimsengagedinethicalreflectionandjudgment

thatgaverisetonewpracticeofhalal.Attimesthisentailedanindifferencetothedocumentaryregime

ofcertificationwhileremainingcommittedtothepracticeofhalal.

MORAL CONSTITUTION, NIYAT ( INTENTION) AND COMMUNITY IN THE PRACTICE OF

HALAL

Halal, meaning permissible, was a crucial practice ofMuslim food consumption inMumbai.

InteractionwithinMuslim networks of trade and labor ensured that it was not always an explicit

concern.However, forMuslims inMumbaihalal remaineda serious issue that signifiedmore than

permissiblefoodandproperritualslaughter.Unlikepracticesofcharityorprayertherewasnodirect

notionofreward(sawab)forfulfillingtheconsumptionofhalal.Halalpracticewasthebareminimum.

ItwasconsideredtheobligationthroughwhichacovenantwithGodwasestablishedthatensuredthe

sustenanceoftheMuslimcommunity.However,besidesthisnotionofacovenant,thetransgression

of halal had consequences for the moral constitution of the individual. Livelihood, earnings and


42

individualmoral judgementwere negatively affected through the transgressionof halal.However,

despite theweightof concern,Muslims inMumbaiappeared relativelyunperturbed. Junaidbarely

flinchedasherelayedhisencounterwiththebacon-lacedomelet.Understandingthiscomplexpractice

ofhalalnecessitatesaconsiderationofthecentralityofniyat(intention)fortheestablishmentoftrust.

Acommondiscussionamongstinformantsconcernedtherationalefortheprohibitiononpork.

Itwasoftenexpressedthatunderlyingthelawwasthepotentialforthephysicalnatureofthepigto

have implications for the morality of the person. An informant who was also a doctor of Unani8

medicineexplained,“thatthing isdirty, it lives indirt, itssweat isevendirt. It isharam(non-halal)

becauseifweeatit, itwillaffectusphysically,psychologically,totally.”Thetabooonhalalwasnot

arbitrary.Clearlyitwasrelatedtoquestionsofboundaryandorderandpurityandpollution(Douglas

1979).Howeverherehalalalso incorporated Indiantheoriesofmedicalpracticethat linkedhealth,

moralityandfood(Zimmerman1999),(KhareandRao1986).Intheexplanationoffered,thephysical

dirtof thepig inhered in themeat,which if consumed threatened thehealthof thebodyand the

generalwell-beingoftheindividual.Importantly,thischainofassociationwasnotlimitedtomedical

practitioners.

Aadilwasa regular informantofmine.Weoftenmet tohaveafternoon teaoutsidehis cell-

phonestoreinColaba.HewasoriginallyfromU.P.inNorthIndiaandwasofafamilyofaalimstrained

intheDeobanditradition.Hisowngrandfatherhadbeenaveryprominentshaikh(religiousauthority)

andmuchofhisfamilyhadcontinuedthetraditionofulamatraining.Oneafternoonheinvitedmeto

joinhimforhisnewlunchtimefavoriteofMcDonalds.Asweenjoyedourcrispy-chickenburgermeals,

Aadilnarratedastoryabouthalalandmorality.

Therewasarichbutdishonestmanwhoputchrores9ofrupeesintoabag

andthenwenttothehouseofapoormanandofferedhimtheopportunity

8Unani, literallymeaningGreek, is an Indo-Muslimsystemofmedicine that traces its roots to themedicaltreatiseofAvicenna(IbnSina).Itisbasedonatheoryofbodilyhumors(Alavi2008).9IntheIndiannumericalsystem1chroreisequalto10million.Theuseofchrores,intheplural,isareferencetoahugeamountofmoney.


43

to takeasmuchmoneyashewanted.Thepoormanrefused.After some

timetherichman,veryconfused,replied,“okfinethen,cometomyhouse

foramealatleast.”Sothenextdayattherichman’shouse,afterthemeal

thepoormanneededtousethebathroom.Inthebathroomwasawatchof

only500rpsinvalue.Seeingthewatchthepoormandecidedtotakeit.The

richman,havingdiscoveredthetheft,wasveryconfusedastowhytheman

couldrefusethemoneythedaybeforeandthencometohishouseandsteal

acheapwatch,sohewenttoamaulana(religious leader)toenquire.The

maulanathenreplied,“youseeathishousehewaseatinghalal,andsohis

actionswerepure. That iswhyhedenied your harammoney. But having

cometoyourhouseandaftereatingyourfood,hetoostartedtohaveharam

thoughts,andwantedtodoharamthings.”

Aarifrecountedthestorytoemphasizetheimportanceofbeingfastidiousabouthalalpractice

forprotectingone’smoralconstitution.Inthestorynarratedtherewasnodirecttransgressionofhalal.

Rather itwas the non-halal earnings of the richman that inhered in the food he served that had

consequencesonthepoorman’sabilitytojudgebetweenrightandwrong.Thestorymaybereadas

anaspectofaDeobandi-inspiredmoralizingdiscoursethatemphasizedcorrectritualpracticeasthe

basis fromwhich all other good’s would follow (Metcalf 1982). However, combinedwith Hakim’s

articulationitpointedtowardsasharednotionthattheconsumptionofhalalhadethicalimplications

forthemoralconstitutionoftheperson.Herethephysicaldirtofapigandthefigurativedirtofill-

earned gains were two aspects of non-halal practice that were analogously compared for their

consequencesonindividualmorality.

Inadditiontotheconsequencesofhalalconsumptionforthedevelopmentandmaintenanceof

moral selves was the covenant with God wherein halal slaughter and sacrifice were actions that

securedGod’sbarakat(bounty/blessing).Inthesenarrativeshalalalternatedwithqurbani(sacrifice)

as the basis uponwhich God ensured the sustenance ofMuslims. Sitting in the CrawfordMarket


44

neighborhoodoneevening,Farouktoldmeastorythathisfatherhadtoldhim.Itwasastoryoften

repeated in numerous iterations that related the abundance of farm animals in India to the

fastidiousnessofMuslimstothepracticeofhalal.

Goats normally give birth to atmost 2 babies per year.Of that one dies.

Howeverpigsgivebirthtohowmanypiglets?10atatimeeasily.But,ifyou

goalloverIndia,inanycity,smallvillages,anywhere,youwillfindherdsof

goats but so few pigs! So that is the barakat (blessing) of halal, of Allah

blessingMuslims for doing the slaughter in his name. It is the samewith

earnings.Ifyoumakeharam(impermissible)money,itwillcomequickand

easybutalsovanish.Buthalalearningswillhavebarakat.Thatisthebarakat

ofAllah.

Thenumberofgoatsandpigsinthisstorywastoldasifitwasindependentofconsumertastes

and farming practices. Because Muslims performed the halal method of slaughter of goats, and

sacrificedthemforBakriId(goatfestival–Chapter5),Godensuredtheirabundance.HereagainFarouk

made the connection between earnings and slaughter. Halal earnings had barakat (blessings) and

longevitycomparedtoharam(impermissible)earningsthatwerequicklyfloundered.Altaf,another

informant,recountedaniterationofthestorywherethepigsinFarouk’snarrationwerereplacedby

tigers. Goats were available in abundance, yet tigers, not consumed by Muslims, were facing

extinction.Evenmoreremarkablewastheavailabilityofchickens,“everyday20-30lakhsofchicken

areslaughteredinMumbaionly,butthereisneverashortage.Whereisitcomingfrom?That’swhat

youneed to thinkabout.Ultimately it isbyAllah’swill.”According to thesenarrativeshalalwasa

covenant betweenMuslims and Godwhereby obedience and correct performance ensured God’s

provision.

The practice of halal was a safeguard against moral degeneration, encouraged financial

prudence and secured God’s favor. Haram consumption, in contrast, threatened dissolution into

immoralityandshortage.Theseexpressionscanbereadcommunally,asindexingthemoralstrength


45

anddivineevidenceofMuslimfoodpracticesinthefaceofmarginalizationandstigmatizationbythe

mainstreampublicsphere.However,Aarif’sstoryofthestolenwatchpointalsotoaconsiderationof

moralconstitutionandethicalresolvethreatenedbythetransgressionofhalal.

Giventhesignificanthazardsassociatedwithtransgression,Junaidappearedparticularlylaxin

hisencounterwiththebacon.Howwasheabletosimplyoverlookthepotentialfortheconsumption

ofbaconfat?ThekeytounderstandingthepracticeofhalalinMumbaiisthatcontrarytothestoryof

thepoormanintherichman’shouse,theunintentionaltransgressionofhalalwasnotconsidereda

causeforconcern.Thecentralityofniyat(intention)tohalalpracticeproducedaseriesofguidelines

as the basis for the practice of halal. The practice of halalwas premised on trust. The consuming

individualwasusuallynotthepersonwhoperformedtheslaughter.Theconsumertrustedthestore

owner who in turn trusted the supplier or slaughterer that the proper halal practice had been

performed.Thisseparationofpractitioner fromconsumerresulted inapotential for transgression.

However, the Islamic legal tradition on halal absolved the consumer of sin for unintentionally

transgressing halal. Importantly it was also considered a sin to doubt anotherMuslim. Given the

intention(niyat)toconsumehalal,ignorancewasinnocenceaslongastherewerenoclearandobvious

indications that the provider was untrustworthy. This particular notion of trust was premised on

interactionwithinnetworksofintra-Muslimtrade.However,asalivedtradition,individualswerelikely

to extend these practices beyond established contexts. The stability of niyat (intention) for halal

practicemeantthatitwaspossibleforJunaidtoeatabacon-taintedomeletandforAadiltonarrate

the importanceofhalalconsumptionevenasweate intherelativelyuncertainandmuchdebated

spaceofMcDonalds.Theimportanceofintention(niyat)forhalalpracticewasclearlyexplainedtome

onemorninginDongriataprominentneighborhoodrestaurant.

Asadullahwasthedaymanageratawell-knownrestaurantinDongri,apopularMuslimareain

Mumbai.Uponhearingaboutmyresearchonhalalhebegantoexplainanimportantbasisthrough

whichtrustandintention(niyat)wereintegraltothepracticeofhalalinMumbai:


46

“Herehalal is not aproblem,everything is coming fromDeonar (Mumbai

MunicipalAbattoir)andthereMuslimsareslaughtering.Meatfromthereis

beingexportedallovertheworldashalal.Thosepeoplethataredoingthe

businessarethosepeoplewhohaverecited,‘Laailahaill-AllahMuhammad-

urRasulullah(ThereisnoGodbutGodandMuhammadishismessenger)’so

theywill answer toAllah.”At this point aman sittingon the edgeof the

fishpond, waiting for an account query to be sorted entered the

conversation, “wedon’t have toworry, at the endof thedaywe trust in

them,theyareMuslims.”Asadullahthenofferedananalogywithprayeras

explanation,“whenwegotomosque,thatimamwholeads,wedon’tknow

him,whohereallyis,butwemaketheniyat(intention)toreadbehindthe

imam. And if he is not pak (pure in thoughts and actions), then hemust

answertoAllah,notus.”

Asadullah’sexplanationwasanelaborationoftheIslamiclegaltraditiononhalal.Bothheand

hisfriendwereclearthatMusliminvolvementinthemeatindustrymeantthattheconsequencesfor

transgression rested with the suppliers and slaughterers. The analogy to prayer referenced the

ultimateopacityoftheintention(niyat)ofanotherperson.Outwardsignsofappearancecouldnever

indicate“whohereally is.”AsaMuslim, thestabilityofone’sown intentionwassufficient for the

practiceofbothcommunalprayerandhalalconsumption.Thecentralityofniyat(intention)forhalal

practiceeffectivelylocatedhalalconcernsatthelevelofinter-personalinteractionwithinacommunity

of shared values. Doubt in the halal status of a fellowMuslimwas considered an offence on the

supplier.Thisinter-personalandcommunallychargednotionoftrustofferedasolutiontothemoral

hazardsofconsumingharam.Centraltothisconceptionoftrustuponwhichhalalwaspracticedwas

thattheactualmaterialityofthesubstanceconsumedevadedscrutiny.Correctintentiononthepart

oftheconsumer,andMusliminvolvementinthesupplychain,ensuredhalalpractice.Therewasno

question of certainty over the substance consumed, and doubt was foreclosed as an undesirable


47

practice.Withinthislivedtraditionofniyat(intention)andhalalpracticeMuslimsengagedinethical

reflectionandjudgmentsthroughwhichthepracticeofhalalwasextendedintonewcontexts.Like

Junaidandhisomeletthispracticeofhalaldidnotnecessarilyconformtotherulesandagendaofthe

halalcertificationindustry.

CERTIFYINGHALAL: GLOBALNETWORKSANDSTANDARDS INMUMBAI

ThechangingeconomyoffoodproductioninMumbaipresentedapotentiallydifferentscenario

for thepracticeofhalal.Packagedmeat, the increasingprevalenceof international fast foodchain

stores such as McDonalds, and meat exports, involved transactions over long distances in an

impersonal market. Globally these developments had precipitated the establishment of a halal

certificationindustrythathadbeeninitiatedbyMalaysiaduringthelate70’sandearly80’s(Fischer

2016).Thegrowthoftheindustryoverthepastthreedecadeshasgivenhalalcertificationaglobal

scope.Thehalalindustryhassoughttoestablishthehalalcertificate,backedbyauditingprocedures,

chemical testing,andsupplychainmanagementasa solution to trading,preparingandconsuming

halalinanincreasinglyimpersonalmarket.Withhalalcertificationtrustinhalalisproducedthrough

expertknowledge,certificationproceduresanddocumentaryevidence.

Twocrucialdevelopmentsthatthecertificationindustryhasintroducedtothepracticeofhalal

havebeentheemphasison ‘foodtechnology’andtheconceptof ‘cross-contamination’asrisks for

halalpractice.Foodtechnologypresentsthepossibilityforenzymes,flavorantsandadditivesofanimal

origintorenderseeminglynon-meatproductsnon-halal.Crosscontaminationwastheindustryterm

given to the risk of physical contact between halal and non-halal substances at any point in the

production,transportandretailoffood.Throughthesenew‘risks’the industryhasexpandedhalal

considerationbeyondmeatproductsandintotheopaque,expertworldoffoodtechnology.Giventhe

ubiquityofinvisiblethreatstohalal,detailedinvestigationofingredientlistsandproductionprocesses

aimtoestablishmaterialcertainty.OncethesubstanceofhalalhasbeenensuredMusliminvolvement


48

wasnolongernecessary.Thisshifttomaterialcertaintythroughhalalcertificationsoughttorender

theunintentionaltransgressionofhalalunacceptable(Tayob2016).

Thisparticularapproachtohalalhasbeentheresultofglobaldevelopmentsinproductionand

tradewhereMuslim’swerenotnecessarilyamongthetradeintermediariesinthesupplyoffood.The

newmaterialcontextofinternationaltradeandglobalfoodexportsgaverisetoanewpracticeofhalal.

However, in India the idea ofMuslims dominating the butcher occupations iswell established. In

Mumbai the continuing prevalence ofMuslim involvement in themeat industrymeans that halal

certificationremainedlimitedtotheexportmarketandtolocaloutletsofinternationalchainstores.

ThesewereplaceswheretheestablishedformsoftrustassuredbyMusliminvolvementappearedto

beno longerpracticable.However,aswehaveseenthroughMcDonalds,evenmanyof thesenew

spacesofMuslimconsumptionremaineduncertified.

In India three major halal certification organizations had been established to facilitate new

arenasofMuslimconsumptionandtrade.HalalCertificationServicesandHalalIndiabothoperated

outofTamilNadu.ThethirdandlargestcertificationorganizationwastheJamiatulUlama-I-Hindthat

hadsevenoffices forhalalcertificationcountrywide.TheJamiatulUlamaMaharastra (JUM)and its

halalcertificationdepartmentfunctionedundertheambitoftheJamiatulUlama-I-HindHalalTrust.

Established in1982, theJUMwasthefirsthalalcertificationorganization in India.Thefocusof the

organizationatthatstagewastheprovisionofhalalassurancetocustomersinDubaiandtheMiddle

EastformeatexportsfromIndia.JUMcertificatesweredeemedsufficientandnospecificprocedures

wereestablished.Atthatstagethecertificateswereadocumentarysupplementtowhatremaineda

transactionpremisedonintra-Muslimtrust.

OverthesubsequentdecadesincreasingglobalalignmenttransformedtheactivitiesoftheJUM.

In 1984 a delegation of JAKIM representatives from Malaysia travelled to India with veterinary

inspectorstoapprovethecountryassourceofimportedmeat.JAKIMistheMalaysiangovernments’

officialhalalcertificationdepartment.SincethentheJUMhavereceivedandlostaccreditationwith

theIndonesiannationalhalalorganizationandforgedaclosealliancewithaDeobandi-alignedSouth


49

AfricanorganizationcalledSANHA(TheSouthAfricanNationalHalalAuthority).Asof2014JUMhalal

certificateswere backed by inspection and documentary procedures that had been approved and

accreditedbyJAKIM.TheactualprocedureswerebasedontheguidelinesofSANHA(TheSouthAfrican

NationalHalalAuthority),aDeobandiorganizationthathadrecentlyvisitedtheJUMtoensurethatall

standardswerealigned.TheconnectionwithSouthAfricaratherthandirectlywithMalaysiahadbeen

through Deobandi ulama networks.10 The relatively recent establishment of inspection and

documentaryprocedureswasevidenceofan increasingattemptby internationalhalal certification

organizationstostandardizehalal.

InMumbai,theJUMofficewasasmalldoublestorybuildingwhichhousedtheorganizations’

welfareandcommunityactivityofficesonthefirstfloorwiththehalalcertificationdepartmentonthe

second.Mymain informantat the JUMheld the title ‘halal coordinator.’Riazhadgraduated from

Deobandin2007andjoinedtheHalaltrustin2010.IfirstvisitedRiazattheofficewhereheworked

alongwithanotherfiveco-workers.Allalongthewallswereshelveswithvariouscompanyfilesthat

heoccasionallyconsultedaswespoke.Thefilescontaineddocumentationaboutclientcertification

applications,productionprocessesandproductingredientlists.Riazexplainedthatthefirstdecadeof

theorganizations’operationswerefocusedsolelyonthecertificationofmeat.Since1992therange

ofcertificationserviceshadexpandedtoincludebothmeatandnon-meatproductssuchasprocessed

food, gelatin and cosmetics. The JUM now employed a food technologist as a Halal Technical

Administratorwhoensuredthatalltheingredientsusedinfoodproductionwerehalal.

Thecertificationofclientswasprocessedaccordingtothenewlyestablishedguidelines.When

a new client applied for certification they were required to submit documents that detailed the

manufacturing specifications of all products produced in that particular factory. A review of the

ingredient lists and production diagrams was performed. Once the assessment was deemed

satisfactoryaplant inspectionwasundertakenandaquotationforcertificationprepared.Full-time

10 SANHA was a particular successful certification organization that’s success was premised on astringentemphasisontransparency,accountabilityandproperprocedures.SANHAwasalsoamongstthefoundingmembersoftheWorldHalalCouncil(SANHA,2015).


50

on-site Muslim inspectors were required for slaughter operations. At slaughterhouses an aalim

(trainedreligiousscholar)wasemployedasahalalinspectortoensurethattherewassomeoneonsite

toensure thathalalprocedureswerebeing followed.Formanufacturingenvironmentsa reviewof

ingredients and production processes was followed by annual “halal audits” where production

documentation was re-assessed and new ingredients or any changes in production procedure

approved.

ItwasclearthattheactivitiesoftheJUMwereincreasinglyalignedwiththeglobalstandardsof

the halal certification industry. Procedures, inspections and documentation supported the halal

certificateinitsclaimstomaterialcertaintyoverhalal.Anotionofmolecularhalalwastakingrootin

Mumbaiasanewtraditionofhalalpracticewithnewrulesandanewbasisfortheestablishmentof

trustthroughtheinspectionofdocumentationandlabelling.However,asdiscussedintheprevious

section,thepracticeofhalalinMumbaiwasinformedbyapracticeoftrustthatwasnotdependent

onestablishingcertaintyregardingthematerialityofthesubstanceconsumed.Theniyat(intention)

topracticehalalwithinnetworksofMuslimtradeensuredcompliance.Thesetwoapproachestohalal

were different expressions, articulations and practices of Islam as a lived tradition in Mumbai.

However,asalivedtraditiontheimportanceofniyat(intention)forhalalpracticemeantthatthese

tworealmsdidnotremaindistinct.ThroughethicaljudgementMuslimsinMumbaiextendedthepre-

certificationpracticeofhalalintonewcontexts.

UNDERSTANDINGINDIA:OCCUPATIONALSPECIALIZATIONANDINDIANFOODHABITS

RiazwasresponsibleforoverseeingthehalalcertificationoperationsoftheJUM.Howevereven

hedidnotfullyagreewiththeimplicationsofthenewcertificationstandardsforthepracticeofhalal

inMumbai.ItwasclearthroughourinteractionsthatRiazdidnotconsidercertificationnecessaryfor

halalconsumptionandtrade.Ratherheemployedanumberofcaveatsregardingthe‘uniquenessof

India’thatprecludedadherencetotheveryguidelinesthathisorganizationhadbeenestablishedto


51

patrol.Underlyinghisassessmentregardingtheexcessesofcertificationwastheimportanceofniyat

(intention)forhalalpracticewithinMuslimnetworksoftrade.

Halalcertificationindustryguidelinesrequiredthatatrainedaalimbepresentattheslaughter

siteatalltimes.Riazarguedthatthisrequirementwasunnecessary.HeassertedthatinIndiamostof

themeat industryemployeeswereoftheQureshislaughterercaste.Accordingly,theircastestatus

and occupational heritage imbued them with authority over the practice of halal and therefore

precludedsupervision,“they(Qureshi’s)mainlydotheslaughterandtheyknowtheproperwaytodo

it,”Riazexplained. TheprevalenceofQureshi involvement in slaughterwas thenextended to the

wholeofIndia,“yousee,mostnon-Muslimsalsobuyhalal.ButonlytheSardaarJi’s(Sikhs).Theyhave

theirowncutting,whichtheydothemselves.Theycannoteathalalmeat.”AccordingtoRiaz,allmeat

inIndia,excludingthatslaughteredbyandfortheSikhcommunity,washalal.Communitymembership

and occupational specialization ensured that all meat in India was halal and that certification

organizationguidelinesdidnotnecessarilyapply.Throughthisgeneralizedassessmentregardingthe

involvementofparticulargroupsofMuslimsintheproductionofmeat,Riazarticulatedapracticeof

halalthatwasnotbasedonmaterialscrutinyofeverysingleproductofMuslimconsumption.Through

his judgement he devised a new route for the practice of halal certification in India wherein

certificationstandardswere important for internationalcompliancebutnotnecessary forensuring

halal.

Importantly the concernsof thehalal certification industryextendedbeyondmeatproducts.

Food technologyhadbeenamajordriverofhalal industrygrowth.Thehalal statusof ingredients,

additivesandenzymeswasthusacentralelementoftheJUMmandate.Indiawasamajorproducerof

foodtechnologyproductsforexportaroundtheworld.HoweverhereRiazwassimilarlyunconvinced

bytheneedforthemolecularinvestigationofhalalcertification.Accordingtohisassessment,“India

doesn’timportproductsasothercountriesdo.Allproductsaremadehere,theyarelocal.”Sincemost

itemswereproducedlocallytheirhalalstatuswaslessuncertainthaninotherplaceswereavarietyof

rawmaterialsusedinfoodproductionwereofimportedunknownorigin.Riaz’sassessmentregarding


52

theubiquityofhalal-slaughteredanimalsinIndiameantthatfoodtechnologyproductsmanufactured

usingthoseanimalproductswerealsothereforehalal.Moreover,heexplainedthatnon-halalitems

were not a regular component of Indian cuisine.He explained this by recourse to the example of

cookingwithwine, a commonpractice in Europewhich he arguedwas absent in India. Finally, he

arguedthatthevegetariandietoftheHindumajoritypresentedanaddedlevelofassurance.According

toRiaztherefore,uncertifiedproductswerenotnecessarilynon-halal.Halalcertificationwastherefore

notnecessaryforlocalconsumptionandthewidespreadpracticeinIndiaoflabellingvegetarianfood

productswithagreendotprovidedampleassurance.Riazsustainedthisassertioneveninthefaceof

evidencethathadbroughtthegreenlabelintodoubt.

GelatinwasaclearexampleofRiaz’sapproachtofoodtechnologyandhalal.Asanorganization

theJUMdefinedhalalgelatinasthatwhichhadbeenproducedfromthebonesandhidesofhalal-

slaughtered animals. It did not accept the relatively lenient interpretations of halal that accepted

gelatin fromnon-halal sources.11However, givenRiaz’sassertion regarding theprevalenceofhalal

slaughterinIndia,thiswasnotaconcern.Byextensionalllocallyproducedgelatinwasthereforehalal.

Inordertomeetexportdemandforhalalcertification,theJUMcertifiedexportboundgelatinashalal.

However, itdidnotdo the same for local consumption.Thecomplicationhoweverwas thatmany

MuslimsinMumbaihadbecomeawareofthecontentiousnatureofgelatinforhalalpractice.Overseas

travelandexposuretoemailcommunicationsandgroupchatsonsmartphoneswereanimportant

sourceof information regarding cross-contamination and food technology. I hadmet anumberof

informantswhoexpressedconcernovergelatin,yetreliedonthegreenlabelingasanassuranceof

vegetarianingredients.ForRiazhowever,thesequerieswerearesultofignorance.

Youseeherepeopledon’tknowwhatisinthefood.Lookatthemedicines

forexample.Thereisagreendotonitbutthecapsuleismadefromgelatin.

Nowpeoplearenotthinking,that,whatisinthisgelatin?Weknowitisnot

11Accordingtoanauthoritativelegalopiniontheprocessofmanufactureofgelatinentailedthetotaltransformation (Istihaala) of bones and hides into a crystalline substance. Due to this totaltransformation(Istihaala),thegelatinproducedfromnon-halalanimalswasdeemedhalal.


53

vegetablegelatinbecauseformedicinesitisnotfavored,mainlybecauseit

iseasily10timesmoreexpensiveanditgoesbadquickly.NowHindusdon’t

knowthisandtheyareputtingthegreendoton.Theydon’tunderstandwhat

ishappening,andtheyjustprintthelabel.ForMuslimsitisokbecausethe

gelatinishalal.

Riazhadobtainedtheseinsightsintotheunsubstantiatedapplicationofthegreenlabelduring

thepre-certification investigationofamedicineexporter.Hisdiscoveryofthefalselyprintedgreen

labeldidnotraiseconcernsaboutlocalfoodproductionpractices.Itratherconfirmedhisassessment

regardingthegeneralconsumerignoranceoffoodproductioninIndia.Thisparticularcasewasnota

majorconcernforMusliminterestssincehehadalreadyassessedthatallgelatininIndiawasinfact

halal.

Riaz’sevasionofcentraltenetsofthecertificationindustryrequirementswasnotanindication

ofalackofinterestinhalal,oradesirefortransgression.Hewasatrainedaalimanddiligentlymanaged

theJUM’svastcertificationoperations.Riazemployedanestablishedpracticeofhalal in Indiathat

incorporatedassessmentsregardingthenationalfoodcultureandoccupationalspecialization.Rather

thanconcernforthechemicalmake-upofparticularitemshefocusedonthe‘uniquenessofIndia.’

Theargumentspresentedwerehighlygeneralizedassessmentsthatdidnotaccountforregionaland

groupvariationsinIndianfoodpractice,nornon-Muslimsparticipationinthemeatindustry.Rather

theystemmedfromadeeply ingrainedandestablishednotionthatbutchers in IndiawereMuslim.

This assumption had been further entrenched in Mumbai through the history of occupational

migrationtothecity.Riaz’spracticeofhalalwaspremisedonthecentralityofniyat(intention)forthe

establishment of trust within Muslim networks of trade rather than claims to material certainty.

Conditionsoffoodproductionhadchangedandproductssuchasgelatinwerenowconsideredwithin

thepurviewofhalal.Halalcertificationaimedtointroduceanewdiscursiveandmaterialtraditionof

halalpracticetoaccountforthesechanges.ItwasclearfromthediscussionthatRiazwasawareof

manyofthesedevelopments.Howeverevenasahalalindustryemployeehedidnotmerelysubmitto


54

thesenewrules.Ratherthroughhisargumentsandconsumptionpracticeshedevisedanewroute

throughwhichtoensurehalalpracticeinachangingcontext.

FASTFOODANDPACKAGEDMEAT:HALALPRACTICEWITHOUTCERTIFICATION

The majority of the JUM certification services were targeted at the export market. The

organizationwasnotparticularly interested inpromotinghalal certification for the local consumer

market. Clearly given Riaz’s assessment of halal in India, certificationwas not necessary. In South

Africa, halal organizations had utilized theMuslim publics’ ignorance of complex food production

processestostimulatedemandforhalalcertification(Tayob2016).However,inMumbaitheMuslim

publichadbeguntodemandinformationregardingthehalalstatusofnewplacesofconsumptionand

unknown products, but the JUM was unconcerned. For them consumer ignorance presented an

unnecessarynuisanceratherthanmarketpotential.

Importantlymanyofthenewinternationalchainstoresandpackagedmeatmanufacturersin

Mumbai appeared equally aware of the practice of halal. As mentioned, halal certification was

providedtolargemeatproducersthatexportedchickenandbeef.However,manyofthesechicken

manufacturersalsoservicedlocalconsumption.Godrejwasaprominentpackagedchickenproducer

inMumbai.Itwasanon-Muslimownedcompanythathad,alreadyinthe1990’s,approachedtheJUM

forhalalcertificationforexporttotheMiddleEastandPersianGulf.Locallythepackagingdidnotbear

theJUMhalalcertificationlogobutthewordHALAALwasprinted.

“theyareregisteredwithusandwehaveinspectorstherebutthelogoisnot

onthepackaging.Ifweprintthelabeloneachpackagethenthequestionof

costcomesinandweneedtochargeforeachlabel,sotheydon’twantthat.

Alsothepackaginghassomanyotherthingsthatthere isnotmuchspace

also.SoinsteadtheyjustwriteHalaalonit.”

RiazdidreceivequeriesaboutthehalalstatusofGodrejfrombusinessesthatuseditschickenas

ingredients for food production and required assurance of halal for their own export certification


55

requirements.The“ordinarypublic”rarelyqueriedthehalalstatusofthepackagedchicken.Theytoo

employed a constellation of arguments regarding the nature of India, Indian food habits and

occupationalspecializationthatautomaticallyrenderedmostchickenhalal.Wheneverqueriesabout

Godrejwerereceived,Riazassuredthemthatthechickenwashalal.ForRiazhalalconsumptionand

halalcertificationweredifferentrealmsofpractice.

ArecentdevelopmentinMumbaihadbeenthegrowthofdemandforinternationalfast-food

chain stores. Venky’s and Habro along with Godrej were the official suppliers for Kentucky Fried

Chicken(KFC)inIndia.WhenKFCfirstarrivedinIndiaitapproachedlocalchickenproducerstotender

forsupplyagreements.Aconditionofsupplywashalalcertification.KFChadinternationalexperience

withhalalandmadethedecisiontocertifyalloperations,“KFCbroughtthemtous,”Riazexplained.

The JUM, sensing an opportunity for halal certification services advised KFC to obtain in-store

certification.KFCrepresentativesignoredthesuggestionandhavesinceestablishedpopularstoresin

andnearMuslimmajorityneighborhoods.Nevertheless,despitetheabsenceofin-storecertification,

Riazwasconfidentofitshalalstatus,“ourmainconcernisthatthechickensareslaughteredasper

IslamicLaw,andwithKFCwearehappyithas.”

However,concernoverKFCwasfairlywidespreadintheMuslimcommunity.Ihadheardrumors

of a video circulatedonline that testified tohalal transgressions atVenky’s chickenmanufacturing

plants.Someofthisconcernhadresultedinphonecallsandemailsthatquestionedthehalalstatusof

KFC.Riazadvisedcallersthatthestoreswerenotcertifiedbutthatthechickenwashalal.Hewasafter

allunconcernedwiththepotentialforfoodtechnologytorenderlocallyproducedfoodnon-halal.As

fieldworkprogressed I noticed that a fewKFC’s hadbegun todisplay in-storenotices of halal and

trainedtheiremployees,afewofwhichweresometimesMuslim,tore-assertthehalalstatusoftheir

food.ItwasclearthatretailoutletswereawareofthepracticeofhalalinIndiawhereself-signageand

Musliminvolvementconstitutedsufficientassuranceregardinghalal.

Certificationsoughttobureaucratizeanddocumenthalal. Itwaspremisedonthenotionthat

certaintyover thematerial substanceofhalal couldbeassured. It thuspresentedadiscursiveand


56

materialdevelopmentofIslamasalivedtradition.However,ashasbecomeclear,thepre-certification

practiceofhalalinMumbaiwasbasedonaconstellationofassessmentsregardingtheuniquenessof

India,theprevalenceofMusliminvolvementintheMumbaimeatindustryandthecentralityofniyat

(intention) forhalalpractice.ThispracticeofhalalwaspremisedonMuslimnetworksof tradeand

consumption.Clearlythesetwopracticesofhalalpertainedtotwodifferentrealmsoffoodproduction

and trade. However, the boundaries that separated Muslim networks of trade from global

developmentswereclearlynotimpermeable.MuslimsinMumbaiextendedapre-certificationbasis

for thepracticeofhalal intonewcontextsproducingnewpractices. Importantly the JUMwasnot

interestednor inaposition to inducemorecertificationcontracts since retailersalreadyappeared

awareofMuslimconsumptionpracticesinthecity.

CERTIF ICATION, FRAUD AND BELIEF: INSANIYAT AND DEBATES OVER THE PRACTICE

OFHALAL

Thecommunallychargednotionoftrustuponwhichhalalwaspracticedmeantthatthedoubt

ofafellowMuslimconstitutedanoffense.IneverydayconductIhadneverseenaMuslimfriendor

informant query thehalal status of a restaurant or butcher. Place, location and visiblemarkers of

identityweresufficienttodeterminereligiousaffiliationwhichensuredhalalconsumption.However,

thepossibilityfordoubttoconstituteanoffensemeantthathalalwasripeterrainforthearticulation

ofsectariansentimentandmoraljudgment.

Duringfieldworktwodebatesregardingtheproperpracticeofhalalemerged.Thefirstwasa

widelypublicizedscandalregardingallegationsoffraudandmalpracticebyIndonesianandMalaysian

halalauthorities.Thesecondwasasectarianinterpretationregardingtheinvolvementofparticular

Muslim groups and non-Muslims in the supply of halal. In both instances a notion of insaniyat

(humanity)asvirtuewasofferedasacritiqueagainstobsessiveconcernwithcertificationandsectarian

division. Through these controversies it was clear how the centrality of niyat (intention) for halal

practicetogetherwiththedeploymentofinsaniyat(humanity)ascritiqueproducedapracticeofhalal


57

as a lived tradition that evaded the attempts for documentary and material certainty that halal

certificationstrivedtowards.

CERTIFICATIONANDINTERNATIONALACCREDITATION:INSANIYATASCRITIQUE

During 2014 an international uproar emerged over the detection of pig DNA in Cadbury

chocolates inMalaysia (Hafiz2014).TheMalaysianHealthMinistryhaddetected the transgression

duringitsroutinetestsofsupermarketproducts.ThecontroversyquicklyspilledoverintoIndonesia

whoalsobegansubjectingCadburychocolatestoitsownmoleculartesting(Reuters2014).Indonesia

hadpreviouslybeenfacedwithasimilarscandalwhenAjinomotowasfoundtohaveincludedapig

proteinintheproductionofMSG(Arnold2001b).Afewmonthsearlierin2014theyhadalsobeen

chargedwithacceptingbribesfromAustralianbeefexportersinexchangeforhalalcertificates(Jazeera

2014). One afternoon discussing these controversies Riaz recalled the JUM involvementwith the

Indonesianhalalorganization:

TheseIndonesianshavebeenherebefore.Atfirsttheydidthecertification

andtookthefeeandeverything.Thensuddenlyafteroneyeartheycame

backandtoldusno.Wedidn’tknowwhy.Allthesethingsthatarehappening

nowstartedafter that.You see the first thing is insaniyat (humanity), the

problemisthatnowadayspeopledon’thaveit.AMuslim,anaalim(scholar),

candothosethings(cheat),andanormalpersoncanbethebestperson.But

theproblemisthatpeopledon’thaveinsaniyat(humanity).

Intheincidentrecounted,theJUMhadlosttheIndonesianaccreditation.Itwasthusforcedto

find an alternative means of exporting products to Indonesia, “when our products did not have

Indonesiancertificationforhalal,thenweusedtosendthemtoPakistan,gettheircertification,and

then send it to Indonesia.” The JUM had circumvented the documentary conventions of halal

certificationforwhichtheorganizationhadbeenestablished.Heretransgressionwaspresentedasan

ethicalpracticethatensuredthattheinterestofensuringhalaltradewasmaintained.


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Insaniyat(humanity)wasarticulatedasavirtuethroughwhichhumanbeingscametorecognize

thehumanityofothers.Inthiscase,itreferredtothehumanpotentialforbothintegrityanddeceit

regardlessofreligiousaffiliation.Havinginsaniyat(humanity)entailedrecognizingthispotentialand

notproducingunnecessarydoubtregardingthemotivesofothers.Afterthecontroversyandinlight

ofthefraudallegationsRiaz’sappealtoinsaniyat(humanity)wasalsoanimplicitinterpretationofthe

niyat(intention)ofthoseinvolvedinthehalalcertificationscandal.Whilethetrueintentionofanother

individual could not be known and should not be doubted, it could be assessed and interpreted.

ApplyingtheviewofhindsightandthewidespreadpublicationofthecontroversyassuredRiazthat

these individualswereengaging inhalal certification inpursuitof financial gain rather thanoutof

concern for Muslim consumption. Insaniyat (humanity) was deployed as a critique against the

Indonesianhalalorganizationsthathadforegroundedfinancialinterestsincertificationoverthetask

of assisting theMuslim community in their practice of halal. Importantly the transgression of the

industry’sdocumentaryruleswasanethicalpracticethroughwhichhalalconsumptionandtradewas

assured.Betweenthediscursiveandmaterialregimeofthehalalcertificationindustry,andthepre-

certificationpracticeofhalalwithinMuslimnetworksoftrade,theJUMhaddevelopedanewposition.

Throughnewshippingroutesanddocumentarycreativitytheyproducedapracticeofhalalasalived

traditionthatwasbothglobalinscopeandmaintainedthroughnetworksofintra-Muslimtrust.

Theinterplayofinsaniyat(humanity)andniyat(intention)ascritiquewasfurtherexpressedina

discussionaboutasectariancontroversyregardinghalal.

SECTARIANTENSION:INSANIYATASMODERATION

In Mumbai, as in much of South Asia a significant divide existed between followers of the

Deobandi and Barelwi schools. These reformist schools of thought had both emerged in late 19th

century India.Amajorpointofcontentionbetweenthegroupswasadifference inaqeeda (creed)

regardingthenatureoftheprophet.FortheBarelwistheprophetwasfirstcreatedasnoor(divine

light)andthenafterwardsintheformofahumanbeing.Hethusremainsintheworld,omnipresent.


59

FortheDeobandistheprophetappearedinahumanformanddiedasahuman.Hewasanexample

forotherhumanbeingsbutnotoftheangels,whowerecreatedfromnoor(divinelight).Accordingto

anextremeBarelwipositiontheDeobandierrorofaqeeda(creed)renderedthemnon-Muslimandby

extensionnullifiedtheirprayersaswellasthehalalstatusoftheirfood.

Notyetawareoftheprevalenceofthispointofcontentionforhalalpractice,Iwassurprisedone

afternoonwhenastaunchBarelwiinformantexpressedacontroversialstanceonhalal.Irfanowneda

stalldirectlyadjacenttoahalal-certifiedSubwayfastfoodoutlet.ImethimoneafternoonasIwas

searchingforthenearbymuttonmarket.IntriguedbymyresearchonhalalIrfanbeganwithacritique

oftheJUMforlenientlyissuinghalalcertificates.TheSubway,notcertifiedbythem,wasnevertheless

anexample,“Theygotsomecertificateorwhatnotbutthemainthingishowcananon-Muslimsell

halal?”heasked.

Irfan had clearly been exposed to criticism about whether it was acceptable to allow halal

certificationtonon-Muslims.Hequestionedthepracticeofthehalalcertificationindustryinoffering

certification.Noticingmyhesitationatansweringhecontinued,“seeit’slikethis,ifyourwifemakes

lunchforyouathomeandthenpacksitintoatiffenandsendsitwithanon-Muslimdeliveryperson

toyourofficeisithalal?”Ihesitatedagain.“No.It’snothalal.Becausethenon-Muslimhastouched

it!”Iwasstartledandexclaimedthatitwasaparticularlystrictview,“yesit isstrict,butitwasthe

exampleIgotattheRazaacademy(aBarelwiorganization)whenIwent.Youseeifanon-Muslimis

involvedinthepreparationthenhowcanyoubesureitishalal?whatiftheyaddedtheirownthings?”

Irfan had through this example extended the fairly common concern with offering non-Muslim

establishments halal certification towards the judgement that all non-Muslim involvement in food

productionwasbydefinitionnothalal.Whatatfirstsoundedlikeaconcernwithtouchandpuritywas

actuallyasuspicionexpressedagainstallnon-Muslimsforpotentiallyjeopardizinghalalpractice.

MostofmyotherinformantsconsideredIrfan’sexampleofthetiffindeliveryserviceas“crazy”

and“extremist.”Forexample,Irfanwasoneofthe“crazy”customersthatHassandescribesinChapter

3whoinsistedthathewitnesstheprayerbeingrecitedashischickenwasslaughtered.Hetransgressed


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theagreeduponpracticeofhalalbycastingdoubtonfellowMuslims.Howeverinthetiffinexample

helimitedhissuspiciontonon-Muslims.OfinterestwasthebasisuponwhichIrfan’sargumentswere

refuted.ABarelwimaulanawithwhomIoftenmetexplained:

Thatiswrong,galatbaathai(itiswrongspeech),inMumbaithetiffindelivery

peoplearepartofabigorganization(tanzeem).Itisveryorganized.Yougive

yourtiffinandyoureceiveyourtiffin.Youwriteyournameoniteveryday

andmakesureyougetthatone.Thatistherejob,theyareanorganization,

andtheydon’tdoanythingtothetiffin.Theyjustbringittoyou.

Aswesippedonasoftdrinkthathadjustbeenpurchasedfromanearbykiranadukan(cornerstore)

heemphasizedhispoint:

…see this shop.Wherewe have just gotten the coldrinks, they are not a

Muslimstore.Butwebuythiscokethere,becauseheissellingit.Thatishis

business.Whywouldhedosomethingtothecokejusttoharmus?

Theexplanationprovidedwasthat ifsomethingdubiousweredonetotheproductsthenthe

reputationofthebusinesswouldsuffer. IntentionalsabotageoftheMuslimpracticeofhalalwasa

seriousaccusation.Appealingtotheimportanceofreputationforbusinesspracticeandtheregulation

of organizational practice, thismaulanawas not prepared to level unsubstantiated accusations of

intention to harm.He thus extended the commonpractice thatwarned against doubt of a fellow

Muslimintobusinessinteractionswithnon-Muslims.ThiswasespeciallyimportantgiventheHindu-

majority context where the exclusion of non-Muslim involvement in food consumption was both

impracticalandoffensive.Forhimreputationandrelianceonorganizationalpracticeprecludedany

basisfordoubt.

RiaztoowascriticalofIrfan’sposition.Hehadonanotheroccasionexplainedthatpeoplelike

Irfanwhoinsistedoninspectingtheslaughterofchickeninfrontofthemwerebehavingimproperly,

“ifyoumaketheshahadat(testamentoffaith)youareaMuslim,finished,”hehadexplained.Hearing


61

ofIrfan’spositionregardingthetiffinheagainarticulatedanotionofinsaniyat(humanity)andniyat

(intention)withreferencetotheestablishmentofdoubtandthepracticeoftrust:

It is a non-Muslim yes, but humanity (insaniyat) comes first. So both the

Muslim and the non-Muslim are only that in name, inside they can both

deceiveyou.Sotheprincipleisthatinsaniyatisfirst.Thenalsothereisthe

questionofproof.See,nowwejusthadsomeSprite.Betweentheshopand

heretheycouldhaveputsomethinginside.Buthowdoweknowthat?We

cannotsimplyspeculate.Ifthereisnoproof,ifyouhavenotseenthemdo

something,thenwemusttrustthatitishalal.Sothisideathatjustbecause

itisanon-Muslimthentheycannotbetrustedisnonsense.BothMuslimand

non-Muslimcandeceive.

Riaz again re-iterated anotionof insaniyat (humanity) as theunderlyingpotential of human

beingstoengageinhonestyanddeceptionregardlessofreligiousaffiliation.Religiousaffiliationwas

the “name” that did not necessarily reflect the true intention (niyat) to deceive. Here insaniyat

(humanity)wasdeployedtosuggestthateachindividualregardlessofsectarianorreligiousaffiliation

beofferedthebenefitofthedoubt.“Havinginsaniyat”thusinvolvedtherecognitionthatspeculation

couldnotbeasourceofdoubt.Intheabsenceofevidenceofdeception,“wemusttrustthatitishalal.”

Underlyinghisargumentwasclearlytherecognitionthatdoubtconstitutedanoffenseandshouldnot

be unsubstantially charged. This communally charged notion of trust contained awarning for the

potential forunsubstantiatedaccusationsandrumortodevolve intochaos.Riazwasexpressingan

importantbasisforthepracticeofhalal inMumbaiwherethecorrect intention(niyat)andMuslim

involvementensuredhalal.Howeverhere, throughanappealto insaniyat (humanity),heextended

thispracticetoincludednon-Muslimsaswell.

TheBarelwimaulanadidnotappealtothenotionof insaniyat(humanity) inhisrefutationof

Irfan’scontention.HewascriticaloftheDeobandiemphasisoninsaniyat(humanity),whichheargued

wasthebasisfortheirclaimsregardingthenon-divinityoftheprophet.Hepreferredtofocusonthe


62

economicaspectsandorganizationallogic.Forhimitdidnotmakesenseforanon-Muslimbusiness

tointentionallythreatentheinterestoftheirMuslimclientele.Healsorecognizedthepotentialfor

unsubstantiated doubt to constitute an offense. Despite his avoidance of the term insaniyat, he

articulatedaverysimilarconnectionbetweendoubt,trustand(niyat)intentioninthedetermination

ofhalal.Hetooextendedthecautionagainstunsubstantiateddoubtofa fellowMuslimto include

tradewithnon-Muslimsaswell.

ThroughthesetwoexamplesitwasclearthatthepracticeofhalalinMumbaiwasinastateof

flux and debate. Halal certification was a practice of halal that soughtmaterial certainty through

rigorousinvestigativeproceduresofallcontextsofMuslimconsumption.However,thiswasonlyone

discursiveandmaterialformationofhalalpracticeasalivedtraditioninMumbai.Incontrastthepre-

certification practice of halal inMumbaiwas based on the centrality of niyat (intention) for halal

practiceandrelianceonMuslimnetworksoftrade.Throughanappealtoinsaniyat(humanity)andan

assessmentofniyat(intention)Riazcritiquedtheentirepremiseofthehalalcertificationindustry.In

hisviewthedocumentaryandmoleculartransparencythatcertificationaimedforwasanoffenseto

thepracticeofhalalpremisedonaparticularnotionof salvationand tradewithinacommunityof

sharedvalues.Thefraudrevelationspresentedproofthatthecertificationindustryprivilegedgreed

andfinancialinterestsovertheassuranceofhalal.However,insaniyat(humanity)wasalsothemeans

throughwhichhalalpracticewasextendedtoincludetradewithnon-Muslimsbyequatingallhuman

beingsasequallycapableofdeceptionandhonesty.Ontheotherhand,Irfanbhai’scriticismofthe

halalcertificationindustryinMumbaiandtheirwillingnesstocertifynon-Muslimswascombinedwith

an approach tohalal thatwas evenmorepiercing in its desire for transparency.Hewasnot even

contentwithconsumingwithinMuslimnetworksorrelianceondocumentaryevidence,butdemanded

that prayer upon slaughter be recited audibly and within eyesight. These differences of opinion,

practiceandimplicitdebatepointtothesalienceofhalalasalivedtradition.

Theshiftingterrainofglobaltradewasproducingnewchallengesforhalalconsumption.Halal

certification presented a final solution. It aimed to establish material certainty and documentary


63

procedures over halal trade and consumption. However, the premises of the industry were not

necessarilyacceptedatfacevalueandMuslimscontinuedtoengageinalternativepracticesofhalal.

Forsome, like IrfanBhai, it involvedanevenmorepiercinggazeofhalalproduction.However, for

otherslikeRiazandJunaid,thepracticeofhalalwasextendedintonewcontextsthroughthestability

oftheniyat(intention)toconsumehalal.AsapracticeofIslamasalivedtraditiontherewereclearly

differentroutestowardsthefulfillmentofhalal.

PRODUCINGHALALVERSUSCERTIFYINGHALAL

Tradersandfoodproducerspresentedanimportantpositionfromwhichtoengagethedebate

on halal certification. As producers of halal products, theywere directly subject to the increasing

documentary demands of the certification industry. The manner in which they expressed their

experienceofthecertificationindustryiscrucialperspectivefromwhichtounderstandtheevolving

terrainofhalalproduction.

AswehaveseenabovetherewaswidespreadcritiqueofhalalcertificationpracticesinMumbai.

Howeverdifferentactorshaddifferentformsofcritique.OneafternoonImetwiththeCEOofHajj

House,an Islamicorganizationresponsible forcollectingzakat,publishing literatureand facilitating

pilgrimage in Mumbai. He was among a small but growing number of Muslims in Mumbai that

supportedthepremisesofhalalcertification.Hewascriticaloftheapplicationofcertificationaudit

procedures, not its goals. Stricter compliance and increased technical training regarding food

productionprocesseswasthesolution.Hesuggestedgreaterattentiontolocalpracticesofhalalthat

werenotcognizantofchangesinthenowmolecularterrainofhalal.Herecognizedthedeficiencyof

halalpracticeinMumbaiandsoughtincreasingcertificationasthesolution.TheCEOwasinfavorof

certification to an extent that even the JUM was not. His position was clearly in line with his

occupationalendeavorto‘rationalize’Muslimpractice.

Another informant was the representative of a large JUM halal-certifiedmeat exporter. He

expressedasimilarconcernregardinglevelsofprofessionalismintheindustry.HeconsideredtheJUM


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theonlycrediblecertificationservice.Asfortheothers,“anyonewilljustgiveoutacertificateforabit

ofmoney,”heexplained.However,despitethefailureofauditprocedureshewasnotconcernedabout

thehalalstatusofthoseproducts.SimilartoRiaz’sassessment,heexplainedthatinIndiaatleast90%

ofallslaughterwasinfacthalal.LiketheCEO,hisconcernwaswiththelevelsofprofessionalisminthe

local halal industry. A halal certificate should be premised on certain auditing procedures and

inspectionsthatwerenotbeingconducted.Howeverforhimproceduralcompliancewasamatterof

operatingprinciplesthatdidnotnecessarilyjeopardizehispracticeofhalal.

Tradersconnectedmore intimately to theproductionof food,and forwhomthe feesof the

certificationindustrywereacentralconcern,expressedamorevociferouscritique.KhalilBhaiofTaj

Mahal restaurant (Chapter 4) had recently begunmanufacturingwhat he claimedwas India’s first

ready-madeMughlaispices.Oneevening,discussinghalalcertification inSouthAfrica,heenquired

aboutcertificationfees,“heretheyarebigthieves,alltryingtomakemoney,”heexplained.Hethen

recountedwithasenseofincredulousnessthestoryofafriendofhiswhohadacontainerofmehndi

(hair dye) rejectedat a SaudiArabianport due to an absenceof halal certification. Following that

incidentherealizedtheimportanceofhalalcertificationfortheexportmarket.

Iwenttothem(JUM)toaskthemhowmuchitcoststogetcertification.First

theysaidtheregistrationfeewas25,000,sofineIsaidok,25,000.Thenthey

sayno…afterthatyouneedtogetanewoneeveryyear,foranother25,000.

So25,000ayear,soIthoughtokIcanjustprintthelabel.No!Theywantfor

eachpackagethat leavesthefactoryanother50paise! I laughedatthem,

that’smywholemarkup.ThenIwenttosomeotherorganization,theKerala

guysaremuchcheaper.Theysaidok5,000theywillgivemeacertificate.I

toldmyfriendhemuststartthisthing.Getafewmaulanastogether,start

certification.Goodbusiness it is. But, actually I don’t need that thing,my

marketisalllocal.Ijustthoughtokifit’scheapI’lljustputit.Itoldthem,I

amaMuslim,whatistheissue?”


65

KhalilBhai’sexperienceofthehalalcertificationindustryhadbeensouredbywhathethought

were inconsistencies. First were the seemingly ridiculous demands of the Saudi Arabian port

authoritiesforanon-foodproduct.Thatincidentintroducedhimtothedocumentary-natureofhalal

certification. However, it also alerted him to the marketing and export potential. Then, seeking

documentation,aKeralanorganizationthatheapproachedwasreadytoofferhimacertificate for

5,000Rupeesbasedontheabsenceofnon-halalsubstancesinhisproductionprocessandhisMuslim

identity.WhileheconsideredtheJUMfeesexcessivehewasperplexedbytheeasewithwhichthe

secondcompanywaswillingtoissuethecertificate.Ifitwassosimple,whyshouldhebepayingat

all?

ForKhalilBhai,halalpracticewasintegraltomembershipinacommunityofsharedvalues.Halal

referredtotheslaughterofmeatnotspicesandhairdye.Hisnameshouldhavesufficedfortrustin

halal and anyway his spices did not include animal ingredients. The documentary focus of the

certification industrywas thus perceived as an offense to hisMuslim identity, and in the process

producingstrangeitemssuchashalalhairdye.Hissuggestiontoafriendtoalsoestablishacertification

organization indicates the extent to which certain actors perceive certification as a documentary

veneerfortheactualpracticeofhalalwhichisanywayassuredthroughtradewithinMuslimnetworks.

Fortrader’shalalasalivedtraditionpresentedabusinessopportunity.Hissuggestionwasthusanew

routeforproducinghalalandfacilitatingMuslimtrade.

In contrast to Khalil’s spice manufacture, meat producers were directly involved in the

productionofhalalthroughslaughter.Sirajwasthenephewoftheownerofoneofthelargestchicken

wholesalersintheCrawfordMarket.Theirbusinessinvolvedtheslaughter,cleaning,de-featheringand

cuttingof5-6000chickensperday.Un-skinnedchickenwasinhighdemandby4and5starhotelsin

thecity.Thehotelshadduringthepastdecadebegundemandingthatallmeatsuppliedwashalal

certified.Siraj’soperationwasnot.Hesuppliedthehotelsviaanagent.Agentscametohimwiththeir

orderofchickens.Theslaughteredchickenswerethentransportedtoaseparatepremises,washed,

packaged,labeledandthensenttothehotels.ForSirajthecontraventionofprocedurewasanethical


66

practicethroughwhichheremainedcompetitive.Hischickenwashalal,andtheagentwascertified.

LikeRiazheconsideredthehalalcertificateadocumentaryadjuncttothenecessaryactivityofhalal

slaughter.AsabutcherhisdutytoensuretheprovisionofhalalmeattotheMuslimcommunitydid

notnecessitatecompliancewiththedocumentarydemandsofthehalalcertificationindustry.Through

themiddlemanhewasabletocontinuehissupplycontractandensuredthatbothhalalslaughterand

documentationwerecomplied.Theagentpresentedanewrouteforthesupplyofhalalinthecontext

ofthehalalcertificationindustryinMumbai.

Differentactorshaddifferentassessmentsofthepracticeofhalal.FortheCEOandthe large

meat exporter certification was evidence of Muslim progress towards professionalism. For most

howeveritwasnotnecessaryforthepracticeofhalal.Forthesmallerfoodproducerscertificationwas

an offense, a nuisance to be overcome or a business opportunity. For these actors’ halal practice

involved the circumvention, critique and evasion of halal certification. As the practice of a lived

traditionthesharedcommitmenttosomenotionofhalalpracticeandthecorrectniyat(intention)

ensuredthatdivergentpracticesweredifferentroutesthroughwhichtheimperativetoconsumehalal

wasmaintained.

CONCLUSION

This chapter has been an introduction to the practice of halal in Mumbai towards an

understandingofIslamasalivedtradition.Asalivedtradition,therewereavarietyofpracticesand

subjectpositionsfromwhichhalalwaspracticed.Theobligationandintention(niyat)toconsumehalal

was the signpost that guidedMuslim food practice. For Muslims in Mumbai a history of Muslim

occupationalinvolvementinthemeatindustryandbroadconceptionsregardingthevegetariannature

ofIndiaandIndianfoodhabitswasanimportantbackgroundthroughwhichhalalwasassured.This

was further secured through the specificmigratorypatterns inMumbaiwhere itwas common for

particularcasteandregionalgroupstopredominateinparticularindustries.Therewasawidespread

notionamongMuslimsthat in India,nomatterwhatorwhereoneate,halalpracticewasassured.


67

Different spaces and practices of consumption offered different routes towards the fulfillment of

halal.

Underlyingthispracticeofhalalwasapeculiarnotionoftrustandniyat(intention).Thepractice

ofhalalwaspremisedontrust.Theconsumerwasusuallynotthesupplierortheslaughterer.Aseries

ofrelationshipsoftradeandlaborsupportedhalalpractice.However,itwasconsideredasintodoubt

orquestiona fellowMuslim.FamiliarityaswellassignsandsymbolsofMuslim identitywere thus

importantmarkersfordeterminingtrustinhalal.Intheeventofdeception,thesinfortransgression

laywiththeprovider.Thestabilityofniyat(intention)forMuslimpracticeensuredthattheconsumer

wasassuredoftheconsumptionofhalal.Intheeventwhereboththesupplierandconsumerwere

unaware regarding some potential for transgression, then both were absolved from sin. The

unintentionalconsumptionorsupplyofnon-halaldidnotincurpunishment.Intheabsenceofconcrete

evidencethataparticularsupplierwasuntrustworthytheniyat(intention)toconsumehalalensured

compliance. This notion of trust, niyat (intention) and halal located compliance at the level of

interpersonalinteraction.Halalpracticedidnotaimforcertaintyoverthesubstanceconsumedand

doubtintheabsenceofevidencewasfrownedupon.

Globaldevelopmentsintradeandfoodproductiontechnologyhadintroducednewconcerns.

Thegrowthofmulti-nationalcorporationsandinternationalfastfoodchainstorespresentedincreased

choiceforMuslimconsumption.Foodtechnologycomplicatedthedistinctionbetweenmeatandnon-

meatproducts.Theuseofanimalderivedflavorings,colorantsandenzymespresentedthepossibility

fornon-meatproductstoalsobeincludedintotheconsiderationofhalal.Theexportofmeataround

theworldnowmeantthatintra-Muslimnetworkswerenolongerrelevantforthepracticeofhalal.

The halal certification industry employed complex auditing procedures, chemical testing and

certification documentation as ameans of facilitating halal consumption in these new contexts. It

sought to establish material certainty over the chemical make-up of the items concerned. Halal

certificationintroducedascientificgazeintotheproductionofanowmolecularhalal.InMumbaihalal


68

certificationwaslimitedtothenewspacesofinternationalfastfoodoutlets,packagedmeatproducers

andexports.

However,MuslimsinMumbaiemployedbackgroundassumptionsthatprecludedconcernover

halaleveninthesenewcontexts.ThroughtheinnovativepracticeofIslamasalivedtraditionforeign

kitchensandMcDonaldsoutletswereallrenderedhalal.Thegazeofthehalalcertificationindustry

wasevadedevenbyitsownrepresentatives.Forthemtheintimatefamiliaritywithmeatproduction

in India precluded concern over halal. Insaniyat (humanity), as the potential for deceit or honesty

regardlessofreligiousaffiliationwasdeployedasacritiqueoftheobsessivedocumentaryfocusofthe

halal certification industry and extended halal practice beyond intra-Muslim networks of trade to

includenon-Muslimfoodproductionaswell.Fastfoodoutletswereseeminglyawareofthispractice

of halal inMumbai. They produced their own signage and employedMuslims rather than obtain

certification. Halal certificationwas perceived as an affront to the interpersonal practice of halal.

Individualtradershaddifferentexperiencesandopinionsregardinghalalcertification.WhileMuslims

professionals lauded the need for increasing compliance and levels of professionalization in the

industry,tradersexpressedoffenseatthedocumentarydemands.ForMuslimbutcherstheevasionof

halalcertificationrequirementsthroughmiddle-menwasasituatedethicalpracticewherebyhalalwas

assuredandtradecontinued.Thecentralityofniyat(intention)forhalalpracticeensuredthateachof

theseavenues remainedconnected in thepursuitofhalal.Acommon threadwasaperceivedgap

between the realm of halal assurance and the documentary practices of halal certification. This

allowedfortheextensionofhalalpracticeintonewcontextsintheabsenceofcertificationandforthe

directevasionofthecertificationrequirements.Throughthesepracticesofproduction,negotiation

andevasion,Muslimswereproducingnewroutestowardsthefulfillmentofhalal.

Thischapterhasapproachedhalalasapracticeof Islamasa livedtradition inexploringhalal

practice inMumbaiaswellasthewayinwhichMuslimsextendhalalpractice intonewcontexts in

innovativeways.Theincreaseofglobaltradeandinternationalfastfoodoutletshadprecipitatedone

particular important development of halal practice in Mumbai. However in Mumbai the moral


69

connotationsofhalalconsumptionandtheoften-generalizedwaysthroughwhichtrustwasproduced

ensuredthatpre-certificationpracticesofhalalcontinuedeveninnewcontexts.Afterall,undercertain

conditions the (niyat) intention to consumehalal ensured compliance. This chapter contributes to

arguments aboutneo-liberal developments that emphasize continuitieswith established traditions

andpractices(Kipnis2008).AsIhaveshownthepracticeofhalalinvolvedmultiplesourcesofauthority,

alternativediscoursesfromwhichtodraw,anddifferentconceptionsofthegoodthroughwhichthe

practiceofhalalwasproduced.Approachinghalalpracticeinthecontemporarythroughthelensof

auditculturesmissesthecomplexityof Islamasa livedtradition.Halalcertificationis introducinga

new discursive and material tradition of halal practice to facilitate global trade. However, halal

certification does not induce a total transformation. Established forms of practice and reasoning

continueaspractitionersengageinethicalreflectionsandjudgementstodevisenewandinnovative

routesforthepracticeofhalal.

ThenextchapterfocussesonaparticularbutchershopinMumbaiasanodefortheproduction

ofhalal in thecity. It considershowthecorporatemanufactureofpackagedchickencompetes for

marketsharewithfreshlyslaughteredchicken.Bothformsofchickenproductionarehalalyeteach

signifyverydifferentengagementsbetweenhumans,animalsandslaughterandhasimplicationsfor

the way in which trust is produced. The chapter considers the emerging terrain of halal chicken

production,thechangingconsumersensibilitiesandtheethicalpracticeswherebytheMuslimbutcher

seekstoretainhisinfluenceoverchickenconsumptionpreferences.


70

CHAPTER THREE : PRODUCING HALAL

CH ICKEN: MATER IAL FORM, SENSORY

ENGAGEMENT ANDS ITUATED ETH ICAL

PRACT ICE

One afternoon, standing at his chicken and mutton store, Hassan and I were discussing

governmentplanstomodernizethemeat industryandprevent liveslaughterwithinthecity limits.

Hassanwasskepticalabouttheeffectofchangestotheeconomyonhisfreshchickenbusiness.He

hadalreadywitnessedtheattemptsandfailuresoflargeretailstorestousurpbusinessfromthekirana

dukan(cornerstore).Eventhepackagedchickenproducersthatsoldready-cutandcleanedchicken

productsusedhisoutletasadistributionavenue.Theytoohadfailedtomakeamajorimpactonthe

consumer preference for fresh meat that crossed the religious divide. With regard to the newly

proposedplanshe speculated that the incomingBJP12 governmentmighthave thepoliticalwill to

enforcethenewlawssincetheyhadtheinterestofbigbusinessinmind.Howeverhewasnevertheless

skepticalofthechanceofsuccess.Boththepreferenceforfreshmeatandtherequirementsofhalal

precludedtheirinfluence.“Iftheybanitthenoutofcompulsion(majboorise)peoplewilleatit,but

saleswillgodown.Muslimsliketoseethecuttinginfrontofthem,jabdekhtehaitabletehai,sahi

tareeqahalalkadekhnachahiye(whentheysee,theywilltake,theywanttoseethecorrectmanner

ofhalal).Ifitissomewhereelsepeoplewillbeunsure.”AccordingtoHassan,halalpracticerequired

thatanimalswereslaughteredinthecity.Italsomeantthatcustomerswerepresentwhiletheiranimal

12TheBJPistheBharatiyaJanataParty.HeadedbyNarendraModi,thepartyisamajorproponentofHindutva,Hindunationalist ideology,aswellaseconomicmodernization reforms.During2013 thepartywaswidelytoutedtowinthefollowingyearselections.In2014theBJPwonthenationalelection.


71

wasslaughtered,skinnedandchopped intopiecesofvarioussizes.Nothingwashiddenfromview.

Hassandidpointtothemalleabilityofhalalpracticeinsuggestingthepossibilityforchange.However,

asheexplained, fornowtherewasapreference for the tasteof freshmeatanddistrustof ready-

packagedproducts.

ThisdiscussionwithHassanoverfreshand‘frozen’13chickenproductsprovidesaninsightinto

two material forms of halal chicken production and consumption in Mumbai. Fresh chicken was

slaughtered in store and cut according to customer specifications. So-called ‘frozen’ chicken was

produced in large factorieson theoutskirtsof thecitywhere theywereslaughtered, cleaned, cut,

packagedandthendeliveredinrefrigeratedtrucks.Hassanstocked‘frozen’chickenintherefrigerator

belowhisshopcounter.Bothfreshand‘frozen’chickenwashalal.Thedifferencewasthelocationof

the slaughter thathad significance for theexperienceof bothpurchasing and consumingmeat. In

Mumbai as Hassan indicated, fresh chicken and halal slaughter were closely associated. However

contrarytohisassertionitwasclearthatMuslimsacceptedthehalalstatusofthe‘frozen’products.

MuslimsinMumbaiwereconfidentaboutMusliminvolvementinthemeatindustry.Freshand‘frozen’

chickenwerebothhalal.ContrarytoHassan’sexplanation,halalpracticedidnotinandofitselfresist

theintroductionof‘frozen’chickenandtheshifttocorporatemeatproduction.Ratherthischapter

considerseachasamaterialexpressionofIslamasalivedtraditioninMumbai.Bothwerehalalyet

signified verydifferent experiencesofmeat consumption, differentmodesof production, andhad

differentimplicationsforthewayinwhichtrustinhalalandmeatqualitywasproduced.

The importanceoffreshmeatconsumptionbecameclearduringanearlymorningvisittoa

largemuttonandchickenwholesalemarketwhereInoticedawomanbuyingmutton.Themarketwas

dividedintosmallcounterspaceswheredifferenttradersprocessedcarcassesfordelivery.Theshop

shewaspurchasingfromwasoneofthe largest inthemarketandoccupied5spaces.Theyuseda

computerizedsalessystemandalsostockedfishandchicken.ThewomanwasaChristianfromColaba

13‘Frozen’wasthetermusedtorefertopre-cut,refrigeratedchickenproducts.Actualfrozenchickenwasnotavailableinstore.


72

andwouldhavebeenconsideredamongstthe‘oldelite’ofSouthMumbai.Shehadbeencomingto

thisexactstoreforover20years.Recentlyshehadstoppedeatingalotofmuttonandorderedher

chickenfromtheColabaMarket,nearbyherhome.However,itwasherson’sbirthdayandshewanted

to prepare amutton dish as a celebratorymeal. As we stood on the blood spotted floor various

activitiessurroundedus.Infront,akasai(slaughterer)wascarefullycarvingmeatoffalegoflambfor

herorder.Nearbytheheavythuddingofaknifeagainstachoppingblockwasthesoundofmanual

minceproduction.GiventhesensoryoverloadIwonderedaboutherexperienceofbuyingmeatina

wholesalemarket.

“Hereitisdirty,butattheenditisthebest.Itissmellythough!Iwasactually

justthinking,Ifeltbadtocovermymouthyouknow,imagineIamcovering

andtheyareworkinghere?”

Thewomanacknowledgedthelackofcleanlinessandthestenchbutconsidereditareasonable

inconvenience.Atthemarket,therewasaguaranteeoffreshnessthatgiventheheatandabsenceof

reliable cooling, the local supplier could not necessarily provide. Also, she knew this supplier and

trustedthequalityofhismeatwhich,dependentontheageandhealthoftheanimal,wasdifficultto

determineafterslaughter.Importantly,shehesitatedfromcoveringhermouthandnosetoprotect

herselffromthestenchofdecay.Shewasafteralljustpassingby.Wouldn’theractionsoffendthose

whoearnedtheirlivelihoodinthatspace?Theodorwastheresultofaparticularformofworkand

livelihood. It was repulsive but expected. Only choosing to buy elsewhere and thereby sacrificing

freshness and quality could avoid it. In itself the smell was nothing extraordinary. This sensory

engagementwasaquotidianaspectoffreshmeatconsumptioninMumbai.

ClearlythisChristianwomanalsoconsumedhalalmeatinMumbai.Forherritualslaughterwas

not a primary concern. However, shewas aware that shewas entering a space predominated by

Muslimbutchers.Herpracticeofnotexpressingaversiontothestenchinthemarketwasanethical

practiceofrespectforthelivelihoodofhersupplier.Herpracticeofvisitingthemarketpointstothe

way inwhich freshhalalmeatconsumptionandproduction is linkedto theestablishmentof trust,


73

interpersonal relationships and assessments of freshness, quality and taste. The introduction of

‘frozen’chickenproductsintroducedanewmaterialregimeofhalalmeatproductionthatappealedto

adifferentsensibility.Itappealedtosanitizedhygiene,convenienceandanaspirationtobe‘western.’

(Staples2016),(Watson2006).However,fortheMuslimbutcher,itpresentedathreattohislivelihood

andhadthepotentialtoproducedisgustfromhisoccupationalpractice.

Thischapterconsidersthetwomaterialformsofhalalmeatproductionthroughthelensofa

livedtradition.Differentpracticesofhalalproductionsignifyverydifferentavenuesfortheproduction

oftrustandarelinkedtodifferentassessmentsofquality,andhygiene.Heretheethicalpracticesofa

MuslimbutcherinMumbaiwerenotnecessarilyinformedbyabstractnotionsofpietyorof‘Islamic

trade.’Rathertheyentailedthesituatedethicalpracticesofhisattemptstomaintaincustomerinterest

infreshhalalchickenandtherebysecurehislivelihoodandplaceinthecity.

SOUTHMUMBAICHICKENANDMUTTONCENTRE: PRODUCINGFRESHCHICKEN

Theprimarysiteforthischapter’sdiscussionofthetradeandconsumptionpracticesoffresh

and‘frozen’halalchickenwastheSouthMumbaiChickenandMuttonCentre.Twobrothers,Hassan

andShamsmanagedthestore.Theyhadassumedresponsibilityforthebusinessfromtheirfather.

Hassan,theyoungerbrotherwas26yearsold.Shamswas31.ThebrotherswerefromtheShikalagar,

knife-sharpeningcaste.TheywereMaharashtrianMuslimswhosefamilyhadbeeninMumbaisince

the1950’swhentheirgrandfatherhadstartedthebusiness.Thefamilywerewellknownandwell-

established.Theyownedthestorepropertyaswellasafewsmallapartmentsinthearea.Themarket

areawas a small but bustling center of trade. Outlets included pharmacies, tailors, fruit vendors,

butchers,textilestoresandprintingservices.Nearbywerethreeotherbutchershops.

Thestorewasasmall,square-ishspace,withastreet-facingcounter.Alongtherighthandwall

wasachickencoupthathousedupto50chickens.Attherearwasanothercounterwithacuttingblock

formutton and a hanging rack. The left hand side counterwaswhere chickenswere slaughtered,

skinned,cleaned(gutsremoved)andcutaccordingtocustomerrequests.Hassanspentmostofhis


74

dayonaseatbehindthefrontcounter.Onhisdeskhehadascalewherechickenswereweighedbefore

slaughter,acalculator,afewpens,atelephoneandtwonotebooks.Directlybehindthestore-front

wasastorageroomofabouttwicethesize,wheregoatsandchickenswerekeptbeforesaleandwhere

goatswereslaughtered.

Thebrotherssoldfreshand‘frozen’chicken,eggsandmutton.Freshchickenwasavailablein

twovarieties, ‘desi’ chickensandbroiler chickens. ‘Desi’ chicken,as thename implied,wasa local

breedthatwasnotmass-produced.‘OriginalDesis’,astheywerecalled,retailedatover300rupees

per kilogram and had, bymost accounts, ceased to be sold inMumbai. ‘Farmed Desis’ were still

availableat200rupeesperkilogram.Thesewerealocalbreedof‘Desi’chickenthathadbeenmass

produced.Itwasexpensivecomparedtothe120rupeesperkilogramforthestandardwhite-feathered

broilerchickens.EggswerealsoavailableasbroilerandDesi.Mutton,at400rupeesperkilogram,was

moreexpensiveandthereforemuchlesspopularsinceitwasunaffordableformostpeople.

Hassan did not slaughter himself. He received orders from customers in person and via the

telephone.Heweighedthechickenbeforeslaughterbyhookingitswingsintoeachotherandplacing

itonthescalebeforepassingitontotheslaughtererswithinstructionsofthecustomerspecifications.

He then recorded theweight and revenue in the sales notebook. He had twoworkerswhowere

responsibleforslaughtering,cleaningandcuttingthechickens.Themostseniorslaughterer(kasai),

Salahuddin,hadworkedatthestoreforthepast9years.The juniorslaughtererwouldreceivethe

chickenfromHassan,maketheincisionintheneckandthendropitintoaboxwithaheavywooden

lid that was stored below the counter. The chicken, after expending its last breath flapping and

bouncing loudlyaroundthebox,was removed forprocessing.Theheadof thenowbloodcovered

chickenwas choppedoff. Then, inone swiftmovement, the skinand featherswere removed.The

chickenwas thenhandedto thesecondslaughterer (usuallySalahuddin)whowasstationedat the

samecounterinfrontofawoodenchoppingblock.Hemadetwoverticalincisionsalongsidetheneck

allowinghimtoripthebodyintwo.Thegutswouldfall intoabucketbelow.Thechickenwasnow

readytobecutaccordingtothecustomer’sspecifications.Theentireprocessfromslaughtertopacket-


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readyproducttookaround2-3minutes.Thecustomerreceivedtheorderwhilethepacketwasstill

warmfromthebody-heatoftherecentlyslaughteredchicken.Afteraroundofcustomershadarrived

theemployeeswashedtheblood-coveredcounterandwallswithwater.Gutsandbloodwerecleared

andstored inaseparatecontainer forsaleordisposal.Onparticularlywarmafternoons,whenthe

store-frontcameunderdirectsunlight,astrongodorofdecayingbodypartsandlivechickenlingered

intheair.

ChickenwasthemainbusinessactivityandwidelyconsumedinMumbai.Distinctionsofmeat

qualityincludedthatbetweensmallerchickensthatwereconsideredsofterandtendererascompared

tolargechickensthatweretougheranddrier.Desichickenswereoffarsuperiorqualityandtastebut

unaffordableformost.FarmedDesispresentedanaffordablecompromise.Customerswouldmake

theirchoicesbetweenthelargeandsmallchickens,orbetweenbroilerandDesis,basedonpersonal

taste preference, budget and the meal being cooked. Generally larger chickens were used for

preparingcurries,whilethesmallerchickenspreferredforgrills.Broilerchickenswerebyfarthemore

popularvariety,althoughmanypeoplesuggestedthatitlackedthe“heat”andenergythattheoriginal

desi’s had. This was sometimes a positive assessment that chicken could be consumed regularly

without any negative digestion effects.14 Howevermore common was the criticism of large scale

productionmethodsthatproducedchickens in“factories.”For thesecustomers, the lackof“heat”

signified a lack of nourishment andwas evidence of the unscrupulous production practices of the

animalrearingindustry.

Theproductionandconsumptionoffreshhalalchickenclearlyinvolvedvariouslevelsofsensory

engagementbetweenhumans, animals and slaughter. This practiceof Islamas a lived tradition in

Mumbai extended beyond halal to include assessments of quality, breed, taste and nourishment.

However,thechickenstorealsostockedwhatwascalled‘frozen’chicken.Thiswasthewordthatboth

14InIndiantheoriesofmedicinefoodwasclassifiedaccordingtowhetheritwas“hot”or“cold.”Animbalance indietwas thought tohavenegativeconsequences fordigestionwhich in turnaffectedbodilyhealthandgeneralwell-being(Zimmerman1999),{Khare1986).Intheseassessments,dietaryconcernwasdeployedasacommentonthebroilerindustry.


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Hassan andhis customers used to refer to pre-cut refrigerated chicken. InMumbai thedifference

betweenpackaged,refrigeratedchickenandthatwhichwasactuallyfrozenwasoftenblurred.Itseems

thattherewasaperceivedsimilarityinthatbothwerepre-slaughteredandchilled.

‘FROZEN’ CHICKEN: CORPORATEMEATPRODUCTION

‘Frozen’ chickenwasmanufacturedbyoneof a handful of large corporations.Amongst the

popularbrandswereGodrej,Venky’s,Habro,Al-KabeerandZorabian.Asdiscussed in theprevious

chaptersomeofthesecompanieswerehalalcertifiedbutnoneofthemhadobtainedon-packagehalal

certification. Muslims were nevertheless generally content that the chicken was halal since they

assessed thatall slaughterersemployedweredefinitelyMuslim.However,beyond thequestionof

halalwereconcernsoverproductquality.‘Frozen’chickenproducersdidnotcompeteoverfreshness.

Rathertheseproductsappealedtoasenseofhygiene,brandingandconvenience.

ThiswasclearlyexpressedbyaseniorrepresentativeofamajormeatexporterinMumbaiwho

lamentedthe“mythgoingaround,thatfrozenisnotfresh.”This“myth”meantthatonly1%ofthe

company’stotalturnoverwasaimedatlocaldemand.Heofcoursewasoftheopinionthat‘frozen’

was“asgoodasfresh”sincefreezingwasthebestwayofpreservingfood.Importantlyhislamentation

oflocalmarketpreferenceincludedanattackonlocalproducerswhoheexplained“hadabsolutelyno

conceptofhygiene.”Incontrastheassuredmethateverythinginthecompany’sfactorywas“nothing

lessthatEUorUShealthandhygienestandards.”Evidentinthisconversationwasthefailureofthis

majorexportertogarnersufficientlocaldemand.Missingfromhistestimonyisthatthelocalmarket

wasresistanttorefrigeratedproductsandwouldnotevenconsiderpurchasingactually-frozenchicken

pieces. Nevertheless, the company’s local turnover, though small, made an appeal to sanitized

packaged,brandingandtheconvenienceofreadycutproducts.HisreferencetoEUandUShygiene

standardsclearlyindexedtheaspirationpotentialofan‘Indiashining’discoursethatsoughttopresent

thenationasagloballycompetitiveeconomicpower(Kaur2016).


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Amajorplayerinthe‘frozen’chickenmarketwasGodrejchickens.TheGodrejmanufacturing

plant, situated just north of Mumbai, was operated as a joint venture with American chicken

manufacturinggiant,TysonFoods.TysonFoodshadbeenapioneeroftheAmericanchickenindustry

duringthe1960’s intransforminganexpensive,rareandproteinrichproduct intooneofthemost

widelyconsumedandunhealthyitemsonAmericanmenus(Striffler2005).Beforethepioneeringwork

of Tyson Foods in both broiler production and retail, Americans bought their chicken from local

butchers.Latersupermarketsbeganstockingwholeindividually-wrappedbrandedchicken.Asprofits

slowedTyson’sintroducedpiece-packageswhereconsumerscouldpurchaseonlycertainpartsofthe

bird.Suddenly8 legpieceswereavailableforsale inasinglepackage.Strifflerdocumentshowthis

movedtosellpiecesrevolutionizedboththeconsumerexperienceofchoiceandconvenienceaswell

asindustryprofits.EnteringtheIndianmarketTysonclearlyidentifiedthegrowthpotential.

Inadditiontotheconvenienceofpiece-packageswastheabilityofpackagedmeattohidethe

messy and violent aspects ofmeatproduction.According to TimothyPachirat, the industrialmeat

industry“enableustoeatmeatwithoutthekillersorthekilling,withouteven–insofarasthesmell,

themanure, and theother componentsoforganic life are concerned– theanimals themselves…”

(Pachirat 2011, 3). InMumbai ‘frozen’ chicken producers facilitate this distancing process through

sanitizedpackagingandappealingdesign.Zorabian,aprominentchickenproducerinMumbaiincluded

a largeandclearlyvisible logothat testifiedto its ISO2200certificationcompliance. ISOstandards

weretheinternationalhealthandhygieneprotocolthattheaforementionedmeatexporterreferred

to.TheZorabiancompanymascotwasanimageofasmilingchicken,presumablywelcomingitsown

consumption.Throughdesign,packagingandtheseparationofslaughterfromthepointofpurchase,

‘frozen’chickenreconfiguredtherelationshipbetweenhumansandanimals.Itpresentedanewsetof

sensoryengagementswithslaughter.

However,besidespackagingandbrandingwasthepotentialforthenewproductionpracticeto

produce disgust out of fresh chickenproduction. FollowingNorbert Elias, Pachirat argues that the

modernslaughterhouseispartofthe“civilizingprocess”ofmodernitywherevariousaspects“ofeither


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moralorphysicaldisgusthasbeenincreasinglysegregated,confined,andhiddenfromsight”(Pachirat

2011,10).InPachirat’sanalysistheviolenceofslaughterisequatedwith“moralorphysicaldisgust”

(Pachirat2011,10).Facedwithscenesofcarnageduringresearchhebecamevegetarian,“it’sjustnot

worth the pleasure when you know the system,” he explained in an interview (Bittman 2012).

Pachirat’s personal experience and analytical approach is an expression of a position within the

anthropologyofmeatthat“thekillingofnon-humananimals forhumanconsumption is inherently

problematic”suchthat“culturalgroups,especiallyinsmall-scalesettings,havesoughttoovercome

theambiguitiesof‘deadanimalflesh’throughavarietyofmaterial,classificatoryandritualpractices”

(StaplesandKlein2016,14).However,asdiscussedintheopeningvignette,inIndiathesightandsmell

ofanimalsandslaughterdidnotnecessarilyevokedisgust.Asdiscussedintheintroduction,theHindu

discursive tradition includeddiscussionanddebate regarding thedifferencebetweenviolenceand

cruelty.Similarly,formanyMuslimsthepracticeofslaughterwasaviolentact,butnotcruel,offensive

andevocativeofdisgust.BesidestheMuslimexperienceofslaughterduringBakriIdwasthemeaning

informants invested in the prayer upon slaughter. An informant one day pointed out that the

prescribedutterancewasnot“Bismillahir-Rahmanir-Rahim”(inthenameofGodthemostgracious,

themostmerciful),butrather“BismillahAllahuAkbar”(inthenameofGod,Godisgreat).Forhimthe

differencebetweeninvokingGod’sgreatnessratherthanHismercywasanimplicitrecognitionofthe

violenceoftheact.However,itwasnotacruelact,sinceitwaswhatGodhadordained.

Ratherthana-prioriassumptionsregardingthe“inherentlyproblematic”natureofslaughteris

to consider how the shift from violence to cruelty and disgust is a process that accompanies the

introductionofindustrialmeatproductionpractices.‘Frozen’chickenwithitsclaimstosanitationand

hygienehadthepotentialtoproducedisgustoutofthesensoryexperienceofstench.Fachandihas

discussedthepoliticsandaffectofdisgustduringtheGujaratPogromof2002wherethefigureofthe

Muslim as butcher was presented as a site of abjection (Ghasem-Fachandi 2012). InMumbai the

introductionof‘frozen’chickensignalednotonlyathreattothelivelihoodofthebutcherbutalsohis

increasinginvisibilityfrompubliclifeaswellasthepotentialtoproducehisbodyandoccupationasa


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siteofdisgust.Despitetheirreligiousobligationtopracticehalal,theconsumptionof‘frozen’chicken

presented the potential for Muslims too to express disgust at the visibility of slaughter. Perhaps

withoutthesameviolentpotentialthatFachandidiscussesinGujarat,Muslimshadalreadybegunto

expressconcernsoverthelackofhygienestandardsatMuslimbutchersandrestaurants.

Theproductionandconsumptionof‘frozen’chickenthuspresentedasensoryrecalibrationof

thepracticeofhalal. It introducedarelativelydetachedconsumptionpractice.Packagesofpre-cut

breastpieces,orthighsectionswerestoredintherefrigerator.Eachpackagecontainedtheexactsame

weight. Itwas impossible to tellwhat the age and size of the chicken had been before slaughter.

Sanitizedpackagingandproductdesignfurtherfacilitatedtheseparationfromtheimmediacyofthe

actofslaughter.Assessmentsaboutqualityandtasteexcludedquestionsaboutbreedorage.More

relevantwasanemphasisondesign,sanitizedpackaging,convenienceandaspiration.Asamaterial

formforthepracticeofIslamasalivedtradition,‘frozen’chickensignifiedanewsetofmeaningsfor

halalmeatconsumptionthatincludedthepotentialtoproducethesiteofMuslimmeatproductionas

asiteofdisgust.Hassan’sendeavorstoretaincustomerinterestinfreshchickenwasanethicalpractice

throughwhichheremainedfinanciallycompetitivebutalsosignifiedasymbolicgesturethatsecured

thevisibilityofapotentiallystigmatizedprofession.

PRODUCINGFRESHCHICKEN: TRUSTANDHALALSLAUGHTER

Customerpreferencefor‘fresh’or‘frozen’chickenandtheassociatedqualityofeachwastied

tothequestionoftrust.Trust,forexample,wasthesinglefactorthatdifferentiatedthebrothersfrom

thetwosmallerandfarlesssuccessfulstoresonly10metersaway.ThiswassomethingthatHassan

oftenpointedoutandwasoneofthebrothers’mainconcernsastheydiscussedopeningasecond

storeinNaviMumbai.15Lackoftrustwasalsoattheheartofthe“myth”that‘frozen’wasnotfresh.It

15TherehadbeensignificantmigrationfromColabatoNaviMumbai(NewMumbai)asoldresidentscapitalizedonthehousingmarketboom,soldtheirapartmentsandrelocatedtothenewcity.Thoseex-customersoftencomplainedtothebrothersaboutalackofgoodchickeninthenewareas,leadingthemtoconsiderabranchinthenewcity.


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wasthebasisforthesuspicionof‘frozen’products.Freshand‘frozen’chickenweretwomaterialforms

ofhalalmeatproductionthatreliedonverydifferentmeansfortheproductionoftrust.

AsdiscussedinChapter2,thepracticeofhalalwaspremisedonarelationshipoftrustbetween

suppliers and producers inwhich the niyat (intention) to consume andproduce halalwas central.

TransactionwithafellowMuslimwasthebasisfortrustgiventhatbothpartieshadtheintentionto

consume and supply halal. To doubt the halal products of a fellowMuslimwas considered a sin.

Conversely,inthecaseoftransgression,thesinaccruedtothesupplier.InMumbaitheprevalenceof

Musliminvolvementinthemeatindustryledtotheverycommonassertionthatallmeatinthecity

washalal.Thiswasfurthersupportedbythenatureoflabormigrationwhereparticularoccupations

werepredominatedbycertaincastesfromcertainareas.Itwasoftenexplainedthatpackagedchicken

producersemployedMuslimslaughtererswithaviewtoboththelocalandexportmarket.Thehalal

status of ‘frozen’ chicken was assured through this widespread confidence regarding Muslim

involvementinthemeatindustry.Hassanoccasionallyreceivedqueriesregardingthehalalstatusof

the‘frozen’chicken.Heassuredcustomersthatitwashalalbutadvisedthemthatthetasteandtexture

wereundesirable.Doubtsaboutthehalalstatusof‘frozen’chickendidnotconstituteanoffense.

Incontrast,thehalalstatusoffreshchickenwasdirectlylinkedtoHassan’sMuslimidentityand

reputation.Therewasanimmediacytotheconsumptionofhalalthroughtheactualinteractionwith

theMuslimbutcherandthepracticeofvisibleslaughter.Fornewcustomers,hisMuslimidentitywas

clear from the framed picture of a Sufi Shrine, a section of the Quran, and some other Islamic

paraphernalia that adorned the store. Hassan had never encountered any queries from religious

authoritiesaboutthehalalstatusofhismeatandMuslimcustomersrarelyquestionedthehalalstatus

ofhisfreshchicken.16However,afewcustomers,whoHassanreferredtoas“thosepeople”didquery

16Hasanexplainedthatmostoftenitwasnon-Muslimcustomers,eagertoavoidjhatka-slaughteredmeat that would query whether his meat was halal. Jhatka was the Sikh prescribed method ofslaughterwheretheheadoftheanimalwasseveredinoneblow.Withhalalslaughterthejugularandwindpipearecutbutthespinalchordremains intact.Thisensuresthattheanimal isnotparalyzeduponslaughtersothattheheartcontinuestopumpthemaximumamountofbloodoutofthebody.The Sikh and Muslim communities do not consume each other’s meat. Hindu customers oftenpreferredhalal.


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the fulfillment of halal. These included particularly scrupulous customers such as Irfan from the

previouschapterwhowouldstandatthestoreandattempttoascertainiftheslaughtererwasinfact

utteringtherequiredprayer,enquiredwhyreligiousgarbwasnotworn,orwhethertheanimalwasin

factfacingMeccaduringslaughter.Somedemandedthatthechickenbeofferedasipofwaterbefore

slaughter.Amongsttheserequeststherequirementtowearcorrectreligiousgarbwasnotstipulated

inthediscursivetraditionsofhalalpracticeandwasclearlyaninstanceofindividualcustomersmaking

uptherules.InMumbaionlytheutteranceoftheprayeruponslaughterwasconsideredcompulsory

(Urdu:farz,Arabic:fard).Therestwereoptionalrulesknownasthesunnat,practicesoftheprophet,

thatwereusuallyfollowedmorecloselyonspecialoccasionsofslaughtersuchastheBakriIdorthe

aqeeqahsacrifice(offereduponthebirthofachild,oratdiscretioninhonorofsaints)whenindividuals

rather than professionals performed the actual slaughter (chapter 6). Hassan recounted these

incidentsofdoubtwithasenseofincredulity.Exceptforthegestureofofferingthechickenwater,he

didnotcomplywith these requests.Heclearlyconsidered theexpressionofdoubtanoffenseand

directedthemelsewhereratherthancomplywiththeir“silly”demands.

‘Fresh’and‘frozen’chickenweretwomaterialpracticesfortheproductionofhalalinMumbai.

AspracticesofIslamasalivedtraditionthereweredifferencesinthewayinwhichtrustinthehalal

status of fresh and ‘frozen’ chicken was produced. This also had implications for how doubt was

perceived.Trust in thehalal statusof ‘frozen’ chicken reliedongeneralizedassessments regarding

Musliminvolvementinthemeatindustrywhiletrustinfreshchickenwasproducedthroughpersonal

interactionwiththebutcherandsensoryengagementwithslaughter.Theconnectionbetweendoubt,

trustandoffenseinthestorepointtothecommunallychargednotionoftrustforthepracticeofhalal

wheredoubtoverHassan’shalalproductionpracticesconstitutedapersonaloffense.However,the

trustwhichcustomersplacedinHassanclearlyextendedbeyondconcernwiththepracticeofhalal

slaughter.Otherassessmentsofmeatqualitysuchastasteandtexturewereimportantforcustomer


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satisfactionandpreferenceandwerelinkedtothewayinwhichtrustineachmaterialformofchicken

productionwasproducedandmaintained.

FRESHCHICKEN:DELIVERY, SELECTIVEPRICINGANDTHEPRODUCTIONOFTRUST

TrustthatcustomersplacedinHassanandShamshadbeenproducedthroughfamiliarityand

generations of successful exchange rather than appeals to sanitized hygiene or package design.

However,trustwasalsoproducedthroughthecarefullycultivatedrelationshipsbetweenHassanand

hiscustomersthatwere inseparablefromthesubstanceofthefreshchickenproducts.Therewere

twoimportantbusinesspracticesthroughwhichtrustwasproducedandmaintained.Thesewerethe

freedeliveryserviceandthepracticeofselectivepricing.Througheachitwasclearthattheproduction

of trustwasaboutmore than the transferofgoodsandmoney,butalso included thegradualand

carefullycalibratedpracticesofplacingconfidence,havingfaith,exercisingpatience,deliveringorders

and offering discounts. The exchange relationship clearly resembled Shipton’s discussion of

entrustmentthroughwhichcommercialexchangeandthegiftwerelinkedintheproductionoftrust

(Shipton 2007). However here it was not only the act of exchange but also the small, seemingly

inconsequentialpracticesthroughwhichtrustwasproducedandmaintained.Thesepracticeswere

inseparablefromthematerialityofthefreshchickenproduct.

ThefreedeliveryservicewaspartofHassan’srepertoireofattractivenessandwascommonin

various industries inMumbai. Itwas a service that I oftenmadeuseofwhenorderingmyweekly

groceries fromthe local ‘kiranadukan’ (cornerstore).Given theubiquitouspresenceofdelivery in

Mumbaiitwasabusinesspracticethatforthemostpartfailedtopiquemyinterest.Ipresumedthat

sincemostbusinessesoffereddelivery,itwassimplyamatterofremainingcompetitive.Thefallacyof

myassumptionwasmadeclearoneafternoonwhenHassanexplainedthatcustomersdidnotquery

theweight of the packets delivered. They all trusted that hewould prepare anddeliver the exact

chickenthathadbeenordered.Thiswasparticularlyimportantsincetheweightofthechickenwas

measuredbeforeslaughter.Thenettweightofthe“dressedchicken,”aftertheskin,feet,headand


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entrailshadbeenremovedwassignificantlylessthantheliveweight.Customerscouldofcoursemake

roughestimatesbuthadnomeansforexactdetermination.Thisaspectofslaughtermeantthatthe

delivery of fresh chicken involved completely different registers of trust than the delivery of non-

perishablegroceriesorpreparedfood.CustomerstrustedHassantoprovidethemwiththeorderfor

whichtheyhadbeencharged.Deliverywasofcourseavalueaddedservicethatofferedameasureof

competitiveness, but was crucially dependent on a relationship of trust between Hassan and his

customers. The trust that preceded the transaction and continuously produced through it was

inseparablefromthematerialityofthefreshchicken,produced,andprocessedinstore.Hassandid

notofferpackaged‘frozen’chickenfordelivery.

Another practice throughwhich trustwasproducedwas selectivepricing.One afternoonan

elderlywomanarrivedatthestorewitharequestforbonelessthighmeat.Hassanexplainedthatshe

wouldonlyreceiveherorderthenextdaysincetheprocessofdeboning legpiecesrequiredmuch

workandthestorewasverybusyatthattime.Sheacceptedhisexplanation,boughtonesmallchicken

forthatdaysmeal,andsaidthatshewouldreturnthenextday.HavingobservedtheinteractionIwas

struckbythewomen’scalmacceptanceofadelayinherorder.Awarethatbonelesslegmeatwasthe

mosttenderandflavorfulpartofthechicken,andusuallyveryexpensive, IwonderedwhatHassan

waschargingher.Hassanexplained,“wegiveitatthesameprice.Thatladyhasbeenbuyingfromus

sinceshewasa littlegirl.Herparentswerebuying frommygrandfather.”Trustproduced through

familiarityandgenerationsofsuccessfulexchangehadtranslatedintoHassanofferingherapremium

productatbelowmarketrates.Thiswassomethingnotofferedtoallcustomers,manyofwhomwere

eitherturnedawayorquotedhighratesforlaborintensiverequests.Inexchangethewomenexercised

patience and understanding regarding his operational demands. She did not take her business

elsewhereandcompromisedimmediacy.Theirinteractionwasanexamplethatwhilefamiliaritywas

crucialfortrust,itwasaugmentedbythealmostinvisibleactsthroughwhichtrustwasproducedand

maintained.Likethedeliveryservice,thetrustthatinheredintherelationshipbetweenthiscustomer

andHassanwasinseparablefromthematerialityofthefreshchickenproduct.


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Selectivepricingwasnotreservedforthewell-known,familiarandreliablecustomers. Itwas

alsoameansofattractingnewcustomers.However,notallnewcustomerswereoffereddiscounts.I

noticedabiasinfavorofthosewhoappearedvisiblypoorerorwhorequestedbonesandotherunused

parts. They usually asked the price, then hesitated, before requesting a discount. Occasionally he

offeredthemadiscountofbetween10-20rupeesperkilogram.Oneday,aftersuchacustomerhad

arrivedandreceivedadiscount,Iconfrontedhimaboutthisselectiveapplication.Hassanexplained

thatitwashiswayofattractingnewcustomers.Hethenaddedwithasmile,“actuallyoursupplier

pricehascomedownabit,andwehavenotadjustedoursellingprice.SoIcanaffordtogiventhem

something.”TheparticularcustomeronthatafternoonwasamanfromMussoorie, inUttarakhand

provinceinNorthIndia.Hehadnevermetthemanbeforebutwasawarethatmanylaborersfrom

thatregionarrivedinMumbaiasconstructionworkers.Attractingnewcustomerswasclearlytiedto

actsofgenerosity.Thatgenerositywasnotuncalculatedor‘pure’,sincehissupplierpricehaddropped.

Howeveritwasnotrandomsinceheonlyofferedittothosewhomheperceivedtobeinastateof

financialdistressbutwhowerealsopotentialcustomers.Hassanoftenchasedbeggars,anddrunkards

(charsi)awayfromthestorewhentheysaunteredpastaskingformoneyorfood.Hisassessmentofa

certainkindofpoverty,andhissmallactsofgenerosity,werecentraltotheproductionoftrust.These

practiceswereclearlylinkedtotherelationshipwithhislivechickensupplierwithwhomhehadalong-

standingrelationship,andwhohadofferedhimadiscountonthelivechickenrate.Aswewillseethis

relationshipwasverydifferentfromthesalesrepresentativesofthepackagedchickenproducers.

Delivery and selective pricing were business practices that involved everyday ethical acts

throughwhich trustwasproduced andmaintained. Theproduction andmaintenanceof trustwas

inseparablefromthematerialityofthefreshchickenproductsthatwereslaughteredandprocessedin

store,and the livechickensupplierswithwhomHassanhadcultivated longstanding relationships.

Besides Hasan’s aversion to supporting beggars and drunkards, there was nothing to indicate a

specifically ‘Islamic’ inspiration forhispractices. Thediscountsheofferedor thedeliverypractices

were not reserved for particular religious’ communities, and traders from other backgrounds in


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Mumbailikelyengagedinverysimilarpractices.Moreimportantthanlinkingtheseactstoaspecific

Islamicdiscursivetraditionofbusinesspracticewasthattheywerecloselytiedtotheproductionof

freshlyslaughteredhalalchicken.AsaMuslimbutcherinMumbaithepracticeofhalalslaughterand

freshchickenprocessinginstorewascentraltohisbusinesspracticeandwasthemeansthroughwhich

hewasabletocultivateandmaintaintrust.

Thedeliveryservice,selectivepricingandtheexpressionofdoubtsoverhalaleachindicatethe

extenttowhichthemaintenanceandproductionoftrustinHassanwasinseparablefromthefresh

chicken.‘Frozen’chicken,incontrast,soughttobypassthetrustthatcustomersplacedintheindividual

butcher.Itintroducedcertaintyofweightandpricingandadifferentmeansforthedeterminationof

halal.Itwasclearthat‘frozen’chickenmanufacturersdidnotcompeteonthesameethicalterrain.

Rathertheywereindicativeofanewregimeoffoodproductionthatwasinseparablefromparticular

ideasabouthygieneandsanitation,convenience,packagingandbranding.

FRESHAND‘FROZEN’ CHICKEN: FRESHNESSANDTASTEVERSUSASPIRATION, HYGIENE

ANDCONVENIENCE

Although both fresh and ‘frozen’ chicken was halal each signified very different sensory

engagements between humans, animals and slaughter. However, far from accepting these new

products,manycustomersexpressedconcernandaversion.Theyfeltthattheimpeccablehygieneof

thepackagedproductssacrificedtasteandwas‘toosoft.’Theabsenceofreliablerefrigerationandan

intermittentelectricitysupplyintroduceddoubtintothestorageof‘frozen’chicken.Thewidespread

association of the immediacy of slaughter with meat consumption meant that informants often

expresseddismayattheseeminglyludicrous‘western’practiceofageingmeat.17However,forothers,

packaged ‘frozen’meatwasmore ‘hygienic’ and convenient. The introduction of ready-marinated

17Ageingisthepracticeofstoringmeatinarefrigeratoratjustabovefreezingtemperaturesbeforesaletoallowthenaturalenzymesinthemeattobreakdownproteins,resultinginamoreflavorfulandtenderproduct.AccordingtosomereportsallsupermarketmeatintheUnitedStateshasbeenagedforaround7days.Thisprocessoftentakesplaceduringstorageandtransport(Prylesn.d.).


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chicken breasts pointed to the extent to which convenience had become an important factor in

consumptionpractices.Thesecustomersappreciatedthe‘softness’andthatitcookedfaster.Forthem

thenewproductdesignandpackagingwereappealing.

For Hassan, these differences were related to the relationship between class and sensory

experience.‘Frozen'chickencustomerswerepreparedtopayapremiumforproductstheyperceived

to be “cleaner andmore hygienic” because it was “more expensive and looked nice.” Theywere

“usuallyrichpeople,theyfeelsickwhentheyseealltheblood,thesmell,eventhesoundofthechicken

andthecutting.”Theytrustedthecorporatemanufacturersandwerewillingtopaythehigherprice

toreceiveaclean,blood-freeproduct.Incontrast,“ourchickenwhenyoutakeithomethereisstill

bloodonit,somefeathersmaybe.Youhavetowashit.Thatone(‘frozen’)istotallyclean.”Onafew

occasions ‘frozen’ chickencustomersapproached the store toplaceorderswith scarvesover their

noses to block the smell. Hassan always mocked them jokingly after they left. Their actions

contravenedtherelationshipof trustandfamiliaritythatwascentral tohalalmeatproductionand

consumptioninMumbai.HowevercontrarytoHassan,wealthorclassdidnotdeterminepreference.

ManyaffluentColabaresidentswoulddrivebyinlargesedanstocollectfreshlyslaughteredchicken,

while others placed orders for delivery. Similarly, with the clearly ‘elite’ women in the opening

vignette. Rather itwas clear that therewas an aspirational value attached to consumingproducts

perceivedasnew,andmodern.

Nevertheless,themajorityofcustomerswereunconvinced.Hassanoftenreceivedcomplaints

aboutastrangechemicaltasteinthepackagedchicken,ofexcesswateroranoff-puttingsmell.He

explainedthistocustomersasevidenceofadditivesinjectedduringtheproductionprocess.Forthese

customers,whatwassupposedtobeamorehygienicformthatavoidedthesensoryengagementwith

slaughter, in fact produced a new set of unsavory sensory experiences. According to ardent fresh

chickencustomersthedividewasclear,“Jofreshkhatehainwohfrozennahinkhate(thosewhoeat

freshtheydonoteatfrozen).Usmetastenahihain,bharosanahinhai(thereisnotaste,andnotrust).”

AsHassanexplained“theaveragecustomer,hedoesn’tactuallytrustthefrozenchicken,theywonder,


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‘whydoesitstaysolong?Whatchemicalsareinthere?Whyisitsosoft?’”Thepreferenceforfresh

chickenseeminglyassuredcustomersagainstthe‘unnatural’practicesofthecorporateproducers.The

widespread awareness of the broiler industry and suspicion about unscrupulous feeding and

medicatingpracticeswereatleastsomewhattemperedbyconsumingfreshchicken.

This distrust of ‘frozen’ chicken was related to a broader ethics of food consumption and

productioninMumbai.Giventhecommonincidenceofstomachailmentsfromconsumingbadfood,I

wasoftenadvisedthatcontrarytowhatImaythink,those“hi-fi”(fancy,middleclass)placespresented

ahigherhealthriskthanevenstreet-foodstalls.Thiswasduetothepropensityoftheformertostore

food.Streetfoodseemeddirty,butatleastitwasfreshandturnoverwasfast.Thiswasexplainedin

thecontextofmeatoneafternoonbyaninformantwhohadpreviouslyworkedasadeliverymanat

oneofthe5-starhotelsinSouthMumbai.Aftersharingamealtogetherforunder30rupeeseach,at

oneoftheold Iranicafes inColaba,hebegantodisclosetheseemingly ludicrouspracticeat5-star

hotelsthathehaddiscoveredwhenworkingthereasadeliveryman.Heexplainedhowhecouldnot

believethattheystoredmeatinthedeepfreezeforupto3monthsbeforediscardingitasunfitfor

consumption!Eventhoughthepoorateatcheapplaces,atleasttheirfoodwasfreshandtasty.The

distrustof‘frozen’chicken,the‘unnatural’practicesofcorporateproducers,andthesuspicionof“hi-

fi”placespointedtoanethicsofchickenconsumptionthatwasinseparablefromthefamiliarity,trust

andimmediacyof‘fresh’chickenproductionandconsumption.

However,assertionsoftaste,textureandqualitywerehighlysubjectiveassessments.Thiswas

evidentinthewaythatthesoftnessof‘frozen’chickenwasvaluedbyitsconsumers,butdenigrated

byitsdetractors.Similarly,assessmentsofproductqualitysuchaswatercontentandtastewerehard

toobjectivelydetermine.Trustwascentraltotheseassessmentsofquality.Aswehaveseenthetrust

customers placed in Hassan had been produced over generations through decades of successful

exchangeandeverydayethicalpractices.Theextentofthistrustwasthatmanycustomerscontinued

topurchaseeventheir‘frozen’chickenfromhisstore.ThetrustplacedinHassanaffordedhimacertain

levelofauthorityovertheirconsumptionpreferences.Thecustomerexperienceofqualitywasinpart


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determinedbytheadvicewhichHasanoffered,andthefamiliarityof thecustomerwiththestore.

Hassan’s authority over customer preference of course overlapped with his interest in sustaining

demandfor‘fresh’chicken.Forhimmorein-storeprocessingtranslatedintohigherprofits.However,

the introductionof ‘frozen’chickenandtheshifttocorporateproductionalsothreatenedHassan’s

positioninthecity.Thepotentialinvisibilityofmeatproductionofferedthepossibilityforhislivelihood

toberenderedasasightofdisgust. ‘Frozen’chickenthusthreatenedbothhisprofitaswellasthe

symbolic relevanceof theMuslimbutcher as an intermediary for the supply ofmeat.Maintaining

customerinterestinfreshchickenwasanethicalpracticethroughwhichHassanremainedprofitable,

relevantandrespectable.

The centrality of trust to assessments of product quality was most clearly evident in the

contestationsbetweenHassan,chickensuppliersandcustomersovermeatconsumptionpreferences.

Despitewidespread reservations about ‘frozen’ chicken, it had obtained a fairly significantmarket

share. However, the choice between fresh and ‘frozen’ chickenwas not stable. Rather it was the

material terrainuponwhichtrustwastestedandstrainedasHassanandhiscustomersnegotiated

theirconsumptionpreferences.

MAINTAININGFRESHCHICKENDEMAND:A S ITUATEDETHICALPRACTICE

Earlyduringfieldwork,Hassanhadbeensellingfarmed‘desi’andbroilerchickensaswellasthe

Godrej‘frozen’packagedchickenproducts.AtsomepointduringtheyearhediscontinuedhisGodrej

supply.Heexplainedthatthecustomerdemandwastoolow,thathehadbeenreceivingcomplaints

aboutproductqualityandthattheproductwastooexpensive.Thecostofspoiledproductswasfalling

onhim,“customerswerefindingthatwaterthatstaysinthepacket,whentheyopenitthereisabad

smell. Then they return it. So I have to give them their money back, and the stock?” he asked

rhetorically as there was no straightforward mechanism for him to return the goods to the

manufacturer.Furthermore,hewasconfidentthathecouldconvincetheexistingGodrejcustomers

tochangetheirpurchasinghabits.Hassanexplained,“Ourcustomersarelikethat,theytrustus,they


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listentous.Anyway,thefreshischeaper.IfIcomparethebestqualityfreshchickentotheirs,then

Godrejisstill15rupeesperkilogrammoreexpensive.SoItellthem,trythisfreshone,thensee.Then

theytryitandrealizethatthetasteisbetter.”AccordingtoHassan,thecostofcomplaintscombined

withhisabilitytocommandpurchasingbehaviorwassufficientbasisforhimtodiscontinuestocking

Godrejchicken.Eventhough‘frozen’customershadchangedtheirtastes,hewasconfidentthathe

couldconvincethemotherwise.Forthenext2months,hesoldonlyfreshchickenathisstore.

DuringthistimeHassanbeganprocessinghisownreadycutandwashedchickenaccordingto

variousspecifications.Oneofthoseitems,forexample,waschickenthathadbeende-featheredbut

with the skin still remaining. Un-skinned chicken was an important selling point of the packaged

‘frozen’chickenindustry.Theprocessingtimeforde-featheringwasmuchlongerthanthetimetaken

toremoveboththeskinandfeatherstogether.Processingplantsutilizedmachinerythatremovedthe

featherswithin seconds.Hassan had to do itmanually. The problemwas that chicken kept in the

refrigeratorlostwateranddiscoloredduringtheday.Thesolutionwastoimitateapracticeofbrining

ofthe‘frozen’chickenmanufacturerswherethecutandcleanedchickenwassoakedinice-coldsalt

waterforaboutanhour.Theprocesskeptthechickenlookingfreshandtheskindidnotdiscolor.It

also facilitated the absorption of water. As Shams one morning, during the soaking operation,

explained,“wegetabout100gramslikethis.”Accordingtothebrothersbriningwasanecessitythat

hadbeen forceduponthembythe largeproducerswhoproducedde-feathered, ready-cut,brined

chicken at competitive rates. In the food industry the process of brining was widely regarded as

improving the texture, moisture content and flavor of chicken. Here the brothers had adopted a

practiceofthe‘frozen’chickenindustryinanattempttocompetewiththelargemanufacturers.They

insisted nevertheless that unlike the “injections” that the industry used, their solutionwas simply

saltwater.ThepracticeofbriningwasfinanciallyandaestheticallybeneficialtoHassaninhisattempt

to remain competitive. Brining was an ethical practice though which he responded to customer

demandandremainedcompetitiveandrelevantinthechickenindustry.


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AfewdayslaterIwasatthestorewhenanelderlyHinduwomencameaskingforGodrejchicken

breasts.Hassantoldherthathewasoutofstockandhadstoppedsellingit.Heofferedherhisown

ready-cutchicken.“Isitsoft?”sheasked.“Youtrythisonceyouwillseehowniceitisandwon’tgo

backtoGodrej!”heassuredher.Sheacceptedhisadviceandleft.Hassanturnedtomeasiftoprove

that his strategy was working. His customers trusted him and would surely not be disappointed.

Interestinglyfreshchickencustomerssuspectedthe‘frozen’productsofbeingtoosoft.Thishasalso

beennotedbyStaplesinhisresearchinTamilNadu(Staples2016).Ontheotherhand,‘frozen’chicken

customerspreferredthetextureofthepackagedchicken,whichHassanandShamswereattempting

toreproducethroughbrining.Clearlythemanufacturingindustryintroductionofpackagedproducts

hadmadein-roadsintotheconsumer’shalalmeatconsumptionpreferences.Textureandtastethat

wereusuallyassociatedwithanimalhealthandagewerenowproducedthroughbrining.Byimitating

thepracticeandexercisinghisauthorityovercustomerconsumptionpreferencesHassanhopedto

convince‘frozen’customersofthevalueoffreshchicken.

However,Hassan’sbusiness,byhisownestimatewas25-30%gearedtowards‘frozen’chicken.

Notallofthe‘frozen’chickencustomerswerewillingtochangeovertohisbrinedfreshchicken.They

had become accustomed to the particular constellation of texture, taste and presentation of the

packagedchickenproducts.OneproblemforHassanwas thatnon-butcherscouldalsosell ‘frozen’

chickens. A nearby kirana dukan (small corner grocery store) was an official supplier of Godrej

products.InMumbai,ashasbeennotedintheU.S.(Striffler2005),thepackagedchickenformsignaled

thepotentialexclusionoftheindividualbutcherfromtheeconomyofmeatproduction.Hassanwas

thusforcedtoresumestocking‘frozen’chicken,exceptthistimefromadifferentsupplier,Zorabian,a

premiumchickenbrand.Itwasonlythenthatherevealedanadditionalfactorinhisoriginaldecision

todiscontinuetheGodrejsupply.

Thefamilyhadenteredaperiodoffinancialdifficultyafterhissister’sweddingearlierthatyear.

Hehadthusbeenstrugglingwithmakingthestockpayments.ThelocalGodrejsalesrepresentative

hadstarteddemandingfullupfrontpaymentupondelivery.Hassanarguedthatwasnotacommon


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practiceinthemarket.Usuallyadownpaymentwasofferedwiththeremainderpaidlater.Unlikehis

livechickensupplierswithwhomhehadanestablishedrelationshiptheGodrejsalesrepresentative

wasayoungcommercegraduate, instructedtomanagecustomerrelationshipsaccordingtoadebt

managementformula.ThesalesrepresentativethoughtthatsinceHassanwasselling6,000rupeesof

Godrejproductsperday,hewouldhavenoalternativebuttoaccede.Hassanhowevermaintained

thathisbusinesswasnotdeterminedpurelybypricenorbrand,“wehavebeenherefor50yearsor

something.Myfather’sfatherstartedthisbusiness.Thecustomersknowus,theytrustus.IfItellthe

customerthatthisproductisbetter,theywillstartbelievingthat.”Henowassessedthatthecustomers

whoboughtGodrejchickenwerealreadypayingahigherpriceandwouldmostlikelynotmindaslight

increase.Hehadofcourselearnedthattheoppositewasnottrueascustomerscontinuedtodemand

‘frozen’ chicken. Importantly, Zorabian was offering him a profit of 35 rupees per kilogram and

reasonablepaymentterms,whereasGodrejwasonlyoffering10rupeesperkilogramanddemanding

up-frontpayment.Thefinancialdecisionwasclear.HassanbegansellingZorabianchicken.

AbouttwoweekslaterHassanandIsatatthestorechattingasasteadystreamofcustomers

cameandwent.Afewaskedforthe‘frozen’Zorabianchickenthathekept inthefridgebelowthe

counter.Theyhadclearlybeenconvincedofthenewproduct.Then,twoteenagegirls,doingsome

shoppingfortheirparentsarrived.TheywerelookingforGodrejchicken.Hassan,withouthesitation,

directedthemtothenearbysupermarketthatstockedGodrejchicken.Soonafter,anotherwomen

cametoaskforthereadycut,Godrejchicken.Hassanexplainedthathehadchangedhissupplier.She

persistedastowhyGodrejwasnolongerinstore.HassanthenexplainedtoherthatZorabianchickens,

thoughmoreexpensive,wereofabetterqualitythanGodrej.Godrejchickenshadahighwaterand

fat content which drained out during cooking. The reason, he said, was that Godrej placed their

chickensincoldwaterafterslaughter,whichrenderedthem100-200gramsheavier.Theresultwas

thattheapparentsavingof20rupeeswasnotrealized.Listeningtohisexplanationsheacceptedthe

Zorabianpacketandleft.


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InashortspaceoftimeIhadwitnessedtwoverydifferentcustomerinteractionswithregards

to the changeofbrand. It turnedout that the twogirlswhomHassanhaddirected to thenearby

supermarket were actually long-standing customers. He knew the family and that they were

specificallylookingfortheGodrejbrand,“somecustomersdon’tliketochange,theystartedbuying

Godrejfrozenchicken,andtheywanttocontinue.”Theextentoftheirrelationshipwithhimwasthat

theycontinuedtoenquirefromhim,butwouldneverthelessnotswitchbrandallegiance.Hehadthus

notbotheredtoexplainthemeritsofZorabianchickentothem.Withthesecondcustomerhehad,as

he often claimed, been able to convince her to change her brand allegiance. He deployed an

explanation of the exact practice,which he conducted eachmorning for his de-feathered chicken

pieces,inordertodiscreditthequalityofGodrejchicken.Exceptnowratherthanofferherhisown

de-feathered chicken he suggested an alternative packaged brand. While texture and taste were

clearly important for customer determinations of quality of chicken these sensory aspects were

inseparablefromthetrustwhichcustomersplacedinHassanandtheirownassessmentsofthemerits

offreshor‘frozen’chicken.

For Hassan, ethical practices of halal chicken production involved attempts to ensure the

continuationof freshchickendemand.Heexercisedauthorityand imitatedproductionpracticesof

corporatechickenproducersinordertoremaincompetitive.Asanimportantsitefortheproduction

ofhalalinMumbaiHassanwasengagedinthepracticeofIslamasalivedtradition.Hewasnotapious

activistorareligiousscholarbutratheranimportantnodeintheMuslimsupplyofmeattothecity.

However,beyondfinancialincentivewasthestigmainIndiaandMumbaithatsurroundedtheMuslim

butcherasapotentialsiteofabjectionanddisgust.Theintroductionof‘frozen’chickenthreatenedhis

market shareandprofitmodelbutalso signaledhisexclusion frompublic lifeand thepotential to

producehislivelihoodasasiteofdisgust.Hassan’sethicalpracticeofremainingfinanciallycompetitive

and relevant as an intermediary for the supply of meat thus entailed practices of concealment,

imitationandduplicitynotstipulatedbyanabstractethicsofMuslimbusinesspracticeasgleanedfrom

authoritativesourcesinatextualtradition.RathertheywerethesituatedethicalpracticesofaMuslim


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butcherinMumbaiengaginginethicaljudgementsandreflectionindevisingaroutetowardshisown

financialsecurityandpublicrespectability.

CONCLUSION

Thischapterhasconsideredfreshand‘frozen’chickenastwomaterialformsfortheproduction

of halal in Mumbai. Muslims widely agreed that both products were halal. However, as two

productions of halal each signified very different relationships between humans, animals and

slaughter. Themeaningsproduced throughhalalproductionwere thereforenot fixed.Rather they

wereinseparablefromthematerialpracticesentailedintheproductionofeach.Thechickenstorewas

animportantsitefortheongoingcontestationovercustomerpreferencesbetweenfreshand‘frozen’

chicken.ItwasalocationforthepracticeofIslamasalivedtraditioninMumbai.

Consumersoffreshchickenchoseaspecificanimalforslaughter.Theywereprivytotheentire

process from live animal to packet-ready product, cut according to their own specifications. The

immediacyentaileda sensoryengagementwith the smell, sight and soundof slaughter. For these

customers the process of meat production and consumption was potentially unpleasant but

unavoidable.Theyvaluedthetaste,freshnessandtextureoffreshchicken.Incontrast,‘frozen’chicken

had been slaughtered in large factories on the outskirts of the city. It offeredmeat consumption

withouttheblood,stenchorviolenceofslaughter.Packagedundersanitizedconditionsandstoredin

refrigerators it altered the sensory engagement between humans and animals. Packaged chicken

offeredconvenience,sanitizedhygiene,appealingpackageddesignandtheaspirationforIndiansto

consumeinnew,modernways.Consumersof‘frozen’chickenappreciateditstextureandtastewhich

wasinseparablefromthepackaginganddesignwhichtogetherurgedthecustomertotrustitsquality.

Forthemthesmellandsightofslaughteratthebutcherstorewasevocativeofdisgust.Thematerial

terrain of halal production, between fresh and ‘frozen’ chicken, clearly involved assessments of

productquality,tasteandlifestylethatwasinseparablefromthedifferentwaysthattrustineachwas

produced.


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Importantly,theencroachmentof‘frozen’chickenintotheMumbaimeatmarketwasfarfrom

complete.Central to thesevaryingassessmentsofqualitywas theproductionandmaintenanceof

trust.Trustin‘frozen’chickenwasproducedthroughappealstohygiene,convenience,packagedesign

andbranding.TrustinfreshchickenwasintimatelytiedtothefigureoftheMuslimbutcher.Familiarity,

generationsofsuccessfulexchangeandeverydayethicalactswerethepracticesthroughwhichHassan

producedandmaintainedtrust that remainedtied to the ‘fresh’chickenproducts.The intimacyof

trustplacedinHassanandfreshchickenproductionwasevidentinhisdifferentresponsestodoubts

overhalal.Queriesabout‘frozen’chickenevokedaresponseandaffirmation,whereasconcernsover

thehalal statusof ‘fresh’chickenconstitutedanoffense.The linkbetweentrustand freshchicken

overlappedwithhisowninterestinmaintainingthefreshchickenmarket.‘Frozen’chickenpresented

a lessprofitablerevenuestreamandsignaledthepotentialexclusionofhismain livelihoodactivity

frompubliclife.Itpresentedthepossibilityforhislivelihoodtobeproducedasasiteofdisgust.

However,thetrustwhichcustomersplaceinHassanaffordedhimacertainauthorityovertheir

consumptionpracticesandqualityassessments.InordertoremaincompetitiveHassanhadbegunto

imitate a few of the practices of the corporate producers. He now offered chicken with the skin

remainingandhadbegunbrininghisready-cutchickeninasolutionofsaltwatereachmorning.The

processofbriningcontributedtotheaestheticsofready-cutchickenandearnedhima10%weight

advantage.Importantlytheexcesswatercontentof‘frozen’chickenwasthepreciseexplanationthat

Hassanofferedtocustomersinhisattemptstodiscreditthepackagedchickensuppliers.Throughthese

contestationsinstoreitwasclearthatremainingcompetitiveincludedpracticesofconcealmentand

deception.Trust in freshchickenproductionalso involved layersofopacitybetweensuppliersand

customers.Iarguethatpracticesofdeception,dishonestyandconcealmentweretheethicalpractices

throughwhichHassansoughttoretaincustomerinterestinfreshchickenconsumption.Asapractice

ofIslamasalivedtraditionHassan’sethicsofbusinesspracticedidnotconfirmtoabstractnotionsof

IslamicethicsfromQuranorHadithsourcesthatemphasizedhonestyandintegrityintrade.Rather

thesewerethesituatedethicalpracticesofaMuslimbutcherengagedinfreshchickenproductionin


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Mumbai,facedwithbotheconomicobsolescenceaswellasthepotentialforincreasedexclusionand

stigmatization. Retaining customer interest in fresh chicken was an ethical effort at remaining

competitive,relevantandrespectable.

Approachinghalal chickenproduction through twomaterial formshasoffered a view to the

ethical practices of aMuslimbutcher inMumbai. As a context for the practice of Islamas a lived

traditiontherewasnoopportunitytooverdetermineethicsasdefinedbysomenotionoftraditionor

a coherent set of rules or values. Any such attempt would ultimately curtail the possibility for

apprehending Hassan’s practice and inevitably point to moments of breakdown or ambivalence.

Rather,thischapterhasshownthatthepracticeofIslamasalivedtraditionemergesinparticulate

contextsasindividualsfromdifferentbackgroundsandwithdifferentdispositionsforgeaMuslimlife

forthemselves.Herethebutchershop,Hassan’sperspectiveandinteractionwithhiscustomers,the

cityofMumbaiandthematerialformsofchickenproductionweretheterrainthroughwhichIslamas

alivedtraditionwaspracticed.Inthenextchapter,weconsidertworestaurantswithintheoldMuslim

quartersofthecityasnodesfortheproductionandtradeofhalalmeals.Ineachweseehowbeing

Muslimintherestaurantindustrymaybelinkedtoverydifferentexpressionsofethicalsubjectivity

andbusinesspractice.


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CHAPTER FOUR: THE NARRAT IVE AND

MATER IAL PRACT ICE OF I SLAMAS A

L IVED TRADIT ION IN TWOMUSL IM

RESTAURANTS

Oneevening,afterameetingwithArshadbhai,theownerofthefamousTajMahalrestaurant

intheoldMuslimquarterofthecity,Ivisited‘uncle’athisittar(perfume)store.‘Uncle,’asIusually

addressedhim,wasanelderlyman inhisearly60’s.Hewasaregulardiscussantofminewhowas

alwayseager tohearofmy researchadventures.Hewas familiarwithmy interest inMuslim food

practicesandthatIwasconductingresearchatbothTajMahalandBukhararestaurants.Bothwere

wellknownintheareaandhadwell-establishedreputations.RecountingmymeetingwithArshadbhai

provoked a response.With a shake of his head he advisedme not to go there since it was “just

business.”Bukhararestaurant,incontrast,was“sufifood”andwasthusabetterchoice.

Thejudgementwasintriguingsinceitcamefromaself-proclaimed“chaubisnumber,”18whoon

numerousoccasionshadwarnedmeagainstattendingThursdayeveningsSufipracticesatlocalshrines

inthearea.Herehoweverhewasnotreferringtosectariandivisions.Byinvoking“Sufifood”hewas

makingajudgementontheintegrityoftheowners,thequalityofthefood,and‘balance’intheamount

ofmasalaandoilused.IncontrasthesaidthatTajMahalusedgenerousamountsofchiliratherthan

masala,“balancehonechahiye,phirtasteaatahai,yehlog(TajMahal)zyadamirchdaltehainaurkam

18“Chaubisnumber”wasacommontermusedtorefertothefollowersoftheTablighJamatandtheDeobandischoolofthought,popularlyknownas‘Wahhabis.’Thesegroupswerewellknownfortheircriticismofpracticesofworshipat shrines. The termwasoriginally coinedby the followersof theBarelwischoolasajibeagainstthe‘Wahhabis’who“thinkthatonlytheyareMuslim,24hoursaday.”Ithassincebeenappropriatedbysomeasatermofself-reference.AsoneDeobandifolloweronedayexplained,“wearesolidgold,properMuslims,weonlyfollowthesharia.”


97

masala”(thereshouldbebalance,thetastecomes,thesepeople(TajMahal)puttoomuchchilliand

lessmasala).Inhisanalysistheimportanceofmasala,asasourceoftaste,fragrance(khushboo)and

medicinalvaluewascomparedtochili,acheaperingredientthatwassaidtooverpowerthedelicate

combinationofspicesthatwasthesignofatrulyrefinedmealandtestimonytotheskillofamaster

cook.Italsoindexedtheintegrityoftheownersintheirwillingnesstoforegoprofitsinexchangefor

theuseofprimeingredients.

Ingredients,theskillofthecook,andfragrancewereallcentraltotheassessmentofrestaurant

foodqualityinMumbai.Importantlybothoftherestaurantswerewellknowninthearea.Despitethe

numerousestablishmentsthatlinedthestreetsofMohammedAliroadtherewereonlyahandfulthat

stoodout.Iwouldoftenreceiverecommendationsfrominformantsaboutspecificrestaurantswhere

particulardishesshouldbeeaten.Ofcourseopinionsdifferedevenamongstfriendsandgreatdebates

tookplaceoverwhichnallinihari(shinstew)ormuttonbhuna(friedmutton)wasactuallythebestin

thecity.However,uncle’sassessmentextendedbeyondindividualtastesordishestoincorporatea

judgementonthemanagementoftherestaurant,theskillofthecooksandtheintegrityoftheowners.

Aswewillseethedistinctionbetween“sufifood”and“businessfood”wasacategorizationthatlinked

restaurantpracticesandownernarratives.

ThischapterpresentsthenarrativesandmaterialpracticesoftworestaurantsintheoldMuslim

cityofMumbai.Eachwasanimportantsiteforthepreparation,tradeandconsumptionofhalalfood.

Asself-declaredandvisiblyMuslimestablishmentstheirIslamicidentitywasclearlydisplayed.Concern

about halalwas therefore never raised.More importantwere question about food quality, bodily

health, price and taste. The reputations which ‘uncle’ alluded to were an assessment that had

congealed over decades of food preparation, social interaction and trade. Although both were

producersof‘Muslimfood’therewerebothdifferencesandsimilaritiesbetweenthetworestaurants.

This chapter considers the narratives and material practices of each restaurant as different

articulationsandexpressionofIslamasalivedtraditioninMumbai.ProducingMuslimfoodandbeing

aMuslimtraderentaileddifferentroutesthroughwhichtoexpressandpracticeanethicalsubjectivity.


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PRODUCING‘MUSLIMFOOD’ INMUMBAI: TAJ MAHALANDBUKHARARESTAURANTS

TajMahal is themorepopularof the two restaurants. Its fameextendswellbeyond theold

‘native’town.LocatednearthebustlingBhendiBazaarintersectionithasanonlinepresenceandhas

beenfeaturedbytheCNNTravellerBlog.Therestauranthasa large25-40 itemmenu,but ismost

famousforthenallinihari,shamikebab(soft,roundmuttonkebabs),chickenwhitebiryani,andan

itemnamedafterafamousmoviestarwhoprovidedtherecipe.Anentiremealinthedownstairsnon

–AC (non-air-conditioned) section costsbetween40–60 rupees.Upstairs theAC (air conditioned)

sectioncharges3-4timesasmuchandattractsamore“hi-fi”19clientele.Bukharaincontrast,isneither

as internationally renowned, nor does its fame extend aswidely beyond the old city into greater

Mumbai.Amongresidentsoftheareaitevokesstrongassociationswithitsfounder,HajjiSahib,who

wasaSufishaikhintheareaandwhomattractedmanyfollowersuntilhisdeathinMadinahin1989.

Hissonandgrandsoncurrentlyownandmanagetherestaurant.Bukharahasamenuoflessthat10

items. A basicmeal of curry and roti20 costs between 30-50 rupees. The restaurant had not been

dividedintoanACandnon-ACsection.

TajMahalhadrenovatedtherestaurantinordertoaccommodateabroaderrangeofclientele

andcapitalizefinanciallyonhigherpayingcustomers.Theyhadalsoexpandedthemenuandincluded

abrandeditemsoldunderthenameofawell-knownfilmstar.Bukharahadchosentoremainindebted

to an image of simplicity and refrained from initiating a spatial separation in the restaurant. This

differenceinthematerialandadvertisingpracticeofeachrestaurantwascentraltotheethicaland

foundingnarrativesofeach.

However,décororfamewasnotnecessarilyindicativeofrespectivefinancialsuccess.Besides

therestaurantbusinesseachoftheownershadexpandedtheirinterestsintootherareas.Arshadbhai

19“Hi-fi”wasacommonterminMumbaithatwasusedtorefertopeopleofmiddletoupper-middleclasssocialstandingaswellastothespacesfrequented.Forexamplethenewshoppingmallsthathadbeenconstructed inthecitysincethe1990’s.Thetermcouldalsobeusedasakindofderogatorystatementtorefertopeoplewhowerefussyorspoilt.20ArotiisafamousIndianflatbreadthatiseatenasadailystaple.Itismadefromflourandwater.


99

ofTajMahalhadrecentlybegunmanufacturingaready-made,boxed,Mughlaispicemix.Heaimsto

competewiththepopularPakistanibrand,ShaanMasala.Otheroperatinginterestsincludedanother

restaurant inMahim, a catering service, a guesthouse and the supply of crafts. Also listed on the

websiteisacompanydedicatedtothemanufactureof“holystickers”aswellasanorganizationthat

providesfreefoodtothepoorinthearea.Incomparison,AminbhaiofBukharawasdevelopingasolar

field that sought to capitalize on the de-regulation of the solar power industry in India. His son,

Muhammad,wasmanaging a townhouse property development in a nearby hill-station and often

discussedplanstoestablishacanningfactoryfortheirfoodforexporttoEuropeandtheUnitedStates.

Bukharawereclearlyengagedinmorecapital-intensiveinvestments.IncontrastTajMahalhadmore

fameandwasengagedinmoreexplicitlyIslamicrelatedenterprises.Besidesthefeedingprogramand

“holystickers,”ArshadbhaiwasthetraderinChapter2whorecountedhissuggestiontoafriendto

openahalalcertificationorganization.

Each restaurant was clearly implicated in broader networks of religious patronage and

obligation.At TajMahal thiswas evident in the family business interests ofmanufacturing Islamic

paraphernalia, aswell as themanagementof a feeding scheme for thepoor.AtBukhara, the Sufi

authorityofitsfounderwaspassedthroughthefamilylineageandhadbecomecloselyconnectedto

thereputationandpracticeintherestaurant.Thefusionofbusinessandfinancewithotherformsof

authority,patronageandobligationisoftenconsideredundertheframeworkof‘moraleconomy.’Two

importantsourcesforthenotionof‘moraleconomy’areMauss’sessayonthegiftandE.P.Thompson’s

1971essayonTheMoralEconomyoftheEnglishCrowdInTheEighteenthCentury.

However, sociologists have critiqued, themorality of ‘moral economy’ for its emphasis on a

generalized,abstractnotionofethical life(Granovetter1985).Allactors inacertaintimeperiodor

place were presumed to fall under the framework of somemoral system. This critique has been

levelledatE.P.Thompsonwhooriginallyusedthetermtoexplainthefoodriotsinthelate18thcentury

as response to a change in theeconomic andmoral orderof thingswherebyamoral economyof

patronage and obligation was being replaced by a new moral order of competition and political


100

economy (Thompson1971). Similarly, anthropologistshaveargued that theanthropologyofmoral

economy,modeledonMauss’sideaofthegift,tendstowardsaromanticismofpersonalsmall-scale

businesspracticesinoppositiontothecoldmarketrationalityofcapitalistenterprise(ParryandBloch

1989).Evoking‘moraleconomy’oftenproducesa“distinctionbetweennonmarketandmarket-based

societies”(Arnold2001a,1). Increasinglyscholarshaverecognizedthat infact“alleconomies–not

merelypre-ornon-capitalistones–aremoraleconomies”(Browne2009,12).Thishasgivenriseto

recentargumentsforcapitalismas“anexplicitlymoralorder”(Ho2015,414),butalsohowparticular

virtuesinspiredbyreligioustraditionsmaybeincorporatedintobusinesspractice(Weeratunge2010,

348).

Thischaptercontributes to these latterstudies throughan investigationof thenarrativeand

materialpracticesoftworestaurants.Businessinterests,materialpracticesandownernarrativesare

notassessedfortherelativemoralityofeachorasameasureoftheirpositiononamoraleconomy-

politicaleconomyspectrum.Proximitytocustomers,religiousaffinityandlocationareimportantbut

dosimplydeterminetradepractices.Rather,throughcomparisonwemayappreciatethesimilarities

anddifferencesbetween twowell-established restaurants in the sameneighborhood.This chapter

argues that rather than assuming a moral economy of Muslim food in Mumbai, or presuming a

particular formof Islamicethics,wemayobservehowthenarrativeandmaterialpracticesofeach

restaurantisadifferentexpressionandmaterializationofIslamasalivedtradition.

BUKHARARESTAURANT: THEJOURNEYOFHAJJ I SAHIB

ThefounderofBukhararestaurant,HajjiSahib,waswell-knowninthearea.Hehadfoundedthe

restaurant in 1957 after spending almost thirty years in Mumbai. His son Amin and grandson

Muhammadnarratedthestoryofhisearlylife,arrivalinMumbaifromUttarPradesh,gradualsuccess

and spiritual transformation. The narrative emphasized Hajji Sahib’s spiritual, business and

technologicalacumen.ThroughoutthenarrativeitwasclearthatHajjiSahibwasthecentralagentin

thesuccessoftherestaurant.AsMuhammadonmanyoccasionsmentioned,“hewaslikeavisionary.”


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TheformofthenarrationincludesinstanceswhereHajjiSahibwashimselfrecountingaspectsofhis

lifetoothers.Reportedspeechwasthetropewherebytheprotagonist’swordswerethemediumof

anethicalmessage.Throughthenarrativewebeginseeanarticulationofaparticularethicsoffood,

cooking,andresponsibilitytothepoorthatbeenpracticeandmaterializedintherestaurant.However,

thefinancialimplicationsoftherestaurantpracticesandthefamily’smaterialsuccessarenevermade

explicit.Aswewillseetheparticularnarrativetechniquewhereintheethicsofbusinesspracticesis

articulatedwhilefinancialimplicationsaresilencedisanexpressionofIslamasalivedtradition.

The early days of Hajji Sahib’s life entailed an almost miraculous change of fortunes. The

narrativeemphasizedhissimple,hardworkingandhonestnature.Hehad,ataveryyoungage,faced

withhisfather’sdeathtakenonresponsibilityforhisfamily.Hehadearnedhisfirstwageattheageof

8byworkingfortheconstructionofamosqueinhisnativevillageinruralU.P.inNorthIndia.According

tothestory,thoseearningsaffordedthefamilymuchneededgrainsandlentilsthatendedathree-

dayhungerthathadfollowedthedeathoftheirfather. Inthenarrative,hisfirstearningswerethe

resultofavirtuousemploymentwhichhethendedicatedtothecareofhisfamily.Herealreadyan

ethics of care and responsibilitywere foreshadowed.He hadworked hard as a young boy, slowly

sharingtheburdenforsupportingthefamilywithhisyoungersiblingsastheytooreachedworking

age.Afterthemosquewascompletedhebegananapprenticeshipasacookunderawell-knownustad

(master/teacher)inBareilly.FollowinghistrainingheworkedataBritishmilitaryencampmentoutside

thetownpreparingtandooriroti’s.Finally,inaround1930hereturnedtohishometownnearBareilly

wherehestartedhisownrotimakingbusiness.Theroti-makingenterprisewasasignificanteventin

HajjiSahib’slifeasitwasthefirsttimethathewasanindependentactor.Hewasnolongerachild,

trainee,oremployee.

Sointhegulley,intheneighborhoodonerespectedmancametofather.He

cameandhesaid,“heretake1kiloofflourandmakerotisforme.”Sofather

tooktheflourandmadetherotisandgavethemtotheman.Butinsteadof

11(whichwastheindustrynorm)heplaced12rotisinfrontoftheman.So


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themanasked,“whydidyougiveme12rotis?”Sofatherreplied,“lookhere,

actually from 1 kilo 12 rotis are made, the hotel (roti shop) owners are

keepingthe1rotiforthemselvesbecauseourcostsaretoohigh.Thecosts

ofmakingtheroti’sthatyoupay,thattheydonotincrease.”Hesaiditlike

that.Sothemansaid“Aha!”andhegothisstick,“youareallcheating,”and

hebeat themall and closedall of the shops.All of theotherhotelswere

closed.So,allof thehotelownersgotangrywith father,“thatMoosahas

disclosedmysecret,oursecret.”Sofathergotveryconfused.Sohesaid,“ok,

Iwillclosemyhotel.”AndheclosedhishotelandcametoBombay.

TherotibusinessthatHajjiSahibhadstartedwascommoninmuchofNorthIndia.Customers

broughtflourtothestoreandroti’swerepreparedforcollectionordeliveredtothehome.Usually

therewasanagreeduponfeeforthelaborandanagreedquantityofroti’sthataparticularweightof

flourwouldyield. In this town theagreedupon ratewaseleven roti’s.Hajji Sahibhadoffered the

customertwelve.HajjiSahib’sethicaljudgementtomaintainabsolutehonestyinhisrotibusinesswas

in factalsoabusiness strategywherebyheunderpricedhis competitors. For thecompetitorsHajji

Sahib’s decision was a betrayal and disclosure of an industry secret. In the narrative, it had dire

consequences for the others in that they were forcefully closed. Importantly neither Amin nor

Muhammedmentioned the financial implicationsorbetrayalas theynarrated the incident.Rather

theyemphasizedtheethicsofhonestyembodiedbyHajjiSahib.Iarguethatweconsiderthisnarrative

strategy as an ethical judgement that proceeded throughout the restaurant practiceswhereby an

ethicsofsimplicitywasmaintainedevenasfortunescontinuedtorise.

Followingtherotimakingincident,Mumbai,aplaceofopportunityandcompetitionfreefrom

thesocialconstraintsofthevillage,providedthesettingfortherecognitionofintegritytotranslate

intocommercialsuccess.HoweveraswithmostmigrationinIndia,HajjiSahib,wasnevercompletely

untethered from his past networks. According to the narrative another incentive for travelling to

Mumbaiwastosearchforabrotherwithwhomthefamilyhadlostcontact.Arrivinginthecityhesoon


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metpastacquaintancesandcolleaguesthatrecognizedhisskillasacook,theauthorityofhisteacher

(ustad),andhispersonalintegrity.Throughtheirsupporthebeganhisfirstroadsiderestaurantonthe

veryfirstdaythathearrivedinMumbai.Throughacombinationofhardwork,integrityand“vision”

hesoonowned10-12businessesinthefoodindustryincludingmilkshops,sweetshopsandanumber

of small restaurants.Hajji Sahibhadseized theopportunityofBombay through integrityand taste

ratherthandodgydealings.Hislargestandmostwell-knownrestaurant,establishedin1940,continues

toberunbyAmin’sbrother.ClearlyHajjiSahibhadbecomeafinancialsuccess.

Itwasmuchlater,in1954,whilevisitingthekhanqah(Sufilodge)ofhisSufishaikh(Sufimaster

orteacher–alsoknownasapir)nearBareillyinUttarPradesh,NorthIndia,thatHajjiSahibbeganhis

spiritualtransformation.Hefellinlovewithhispir(deewanahogaya–tobeinarapture,togomad

withlove)anddecidedtoremainbyhisside.HelefthisbusinessesandfamilybehindinMumbaiand

movedtothekhanqah.Hespentbetween2-3yearsthere.Duringthattime,hereturnedtoMumbai

intermittentlytosellabusinessortwobeforereturningtothekhanqahwiththeproceedswhichhe

donatedforupkeepandmaintenance.Finally,whenhehadonlyonebusinessremaininghispirsaid

tohim,“youhaveonly1hotelremaining,yougo!Golookafteryourbusiness.”In1957,uponreceiving

theseordershereturnedtoMumbai,whereuponheprocuredthepropertydirectlyoppositehislast

remaining restaurant and started Bukhara restaurant. The narrative of Hajji Sahib’s journey from

successfulbusinessmentomureed(Sufidisciple)wasacommontropeintheSufihagiographicalcanon

wheredisciplesmadedecisionstoabandonworldlyenterpriseinsearchofhigherknowledge.

TheestablishmentofBukhararestaurantwasthesecondethicaleventinthenarrativeofHajji

Sahib’s life. Itwashisfirstbusinessventureaftercompletingaprocessofspiritualtraining.Hewas

nowdeemedfitbyhispir(teacher)tore-entertheworld.Theseedsofintegrityandhardworkfrom

hisearlylifehadflourishedintoafully-developedindividualwhowasreadytoguideandcareforthose

aroundhim.BukhararestaurantwasinseparablefromthecharacterdevelopmentthatHajjiAhmad

hadundergone.Itwasarestaurantthatwasintegraltohisnewfound“hamdardi”(senseoffeelingfor

fellowhumanbeings)thathadbeencultivatedduringhisSufitrainingandwhichhepracticedthrough


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the “samjhake baat” (speech and words that were full of understanding) to those that began to

surroundhim.InthenarrativeHajjiSahibembodiedanaltruismthatwascentraltothecultivationof

Sufiethics(Heck2006).Bukhararestaurantwasamaterializationofthisethicaldevelopment.

The restaurant was envisioned as a place that would cater to people from all walks of life,

providingcheap,wholesomefoodthathadnutritionalaswellasmedicinalvalue.AsAminrecounted

HajjiSahib’swords:“thecommonmanwillhavegoodfoodandatacheapprice…wewillpreparecheap

food,foreveryone.”HajjiSahib’squesttoensureaffordabletasteandqualitymeantthat“fromthe

firstdaytherewasaqueoutside,aqueoutsidewithpeoplefightingtogetin.”ButHajjiSahibwasalso

adoctorofUnanimedicine,ahakim.21Hewasnotanofficiallytrainedhakimbuthadcultivatedhis

knowledgebyreadingandlisteningtotrainedprofessionals.Itwashishobbyandpassion(shauq).He

soonbecameknownintheneighborhoodforofferingtreatmentstothoseinneed.Importantly,“also

he used to put such things inside the food so that the foodwas physically beneficial for people.”

Bukhara restaurant became known for tasty, good quality, nutritious and healthy food. It was

“faidamand”(beneficial)foodfor“you,yourself,forthebody.”Theethicsofintegrity,hardworkand

careembodiedbyHajjiSahibwasmaterializedthroughthefoodproductionpractices.

InthenarrativeofHajjiSahib’slife,theseedsofintegrity,hardworkandskillwerethesource

throughwhichhewasabletorescuethefamilyandachievesuccess inMumbai.Lateraprocessof

spiritual training and awakening gave birth to wisdom and altruism that materialized in Bukhara

restaurant.ThenarrativestructureresemblesthatoftheProphetMuhammadhimself,whowaswidely

known as an honest businessman before receiving revelation from God. Here the results were a

restaurant through which an ethics of care and responsibility for the poor was practiced and

materialized. Importantly the ‘visionary’ quality of Hajji Ahmadmeant that his son and grandson

attributedalldevelopments,ideasandinsightstohim.Decadesafterhehadpassedawaythesonand

grandsonwere always quick to point out how specific aspects of the restaurants’ layout, cooking

21 Unani literallymeaningGreek, is an Indo-Muslim systemof Indianmedicine inwhich a balancebetweenfooditems,thebodyofthepatientandtheenvironmentiscentral.Itisbasedonatheoryofbodilyhumors(Alavi2008).


105

methodsandtechnologicalinfrastructurehadallbeeninitiatedthroughhis“vision.”Forexample,the

rotimixingmachinewasexplainedashisinnovation.HajjiSahibhadinstructedalocalartisantomodify

amachineoriginallydesignedtoremovetrucktiresfromtherim.Similarly,the large industrialsize

extractor fan in the cookingareahadbeencommissionedbyHajji Sahib. Even the staircase in the

buildingwheretheofficewaslocatedwassaidtohavebeenmiraculouslyconstructedbyHajjiSahib

oneeveningwith thehelpof just twoworkers,afterengineersandarchitectshadaftermonthsof

tryingfailed.ThedeferralofagencytoHajjiSahibhadproducedadesiretoensurethattherestaurant

remained in the samematerial condition that he had envisioned. In around 2005 when the new

demandforChinese-styleIndianfoodcaughtthefamily’sattention,theybegananewstoreacrossthe

streetratherthantamperwiththemenuatBukhara.

Animportantpracticeoftheethicsofcareintherestaurantwasexplainedasacommitmentto

keepingpriceslow.Therestaurantoperatedonamark-upof20-25%,whichthefamilyexplainedwas

verylowfortheMumbaifoodindustry.ThiswastheoperatingrulethatHajjiSahibhaddevisedforthe

restaurant.The rationalewasexplained throughaProphetic tradition thatemphasized thedutyof

feedingonesneighborregardlessoftheirreligiousorsectarianaffiliation.

soaccordingtohishadith(Prophetictradition)isthatasweareMuslimswe

havetoseeforourneighbor,ifheishungrywehavetofeedhim.Sointhat

mannerwehavetofeedourcommunityalso,ifitisaHinduoraMuslimora

CatholicorChristianorwhatevercommunity...wehavetolookafterallthe

communityasone…

Theprophetic traditionhademphasized the importanceof feeding the less fortunate. In the

restaurant this ethics of care through feedingwas practiced as the provision of good quality and

healthyfood(faidamand)atalowprice.Theabstractpropheticinjunctiontopracticeuniversaland

unrestrainedcareforothersobtainedspecificandcircumscribedmeaningthroughpractice.Thiswas

significantsincetherestaurantwasnotacharityorganizationandhadamassedasignificantfortune

throughthepracticeofofferinglowpricedfoodtothethousandsofsingle,malelaborersinthecity.


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Theethicalprincipleofcareclearlyhadfinancialimplications.However,theseaspectswerenotmade

explicitinthenarrativeoftherestaurantssuccess.

Thepropheticallyinspiredsentimentofcareandresponsibilitytothepoorwasexpressedagain

inrelationtothespaceoftherestaurantandthechoiceofdécor.Atsomepointduringthe1970’s,

once the popularity of Bukhara restaurant had grown significantly, therewere bothworking class

laborersaswellas“hifi”(middleclass)clientelefrequentingtherestaurant,eatingatthesametables

and paying the same amount per plate. A friend had at that point suggested that the restaurant

undergoesacompleterenovationtocapitalizeonthedualmarket.InIndia,acommonpracticewasto

portionasectionoftherestaurantasanAC-section.Literallymeaningair-conditionedtheACsection

wasaspacewherewealthierclientelewereabletoeatinrelativecomfortandquiet,atdoubletotriple

therate.ThereplyofHajjiSahibtothefriendappealedtoconscienceinrefutingtheproposedplan.

“ifwesellsuchexpensivefoodthatwedonotselltothepoor,thenhowwill

weshowourfacetoAllah?”

Segregationwouldnecessarilymeanthatacertainpartoftherestaurant,andthatsectionofthe

menuwouldbecomeinaccessibletomanyoftheclientele.Itthreatenedtointroduceadivideintothe

restaurant that would undermine the ethics of feeding and care that was practiced through the

provisionofaffordablequality.TheestablishmentofBukhararestaurantwasconsciouslydesignedto

emphasizeacommonalityamongstclientele.Herethetemptationformaximizingprofitthroughbrand

capitalizationwasrejectedinfavorofanethicalcommitment.Thenarrativesituatedthesebusiness

decisionsas issuesof conscience thataprofessedethicsofequality, simplicityandcarewouldnot

allow.

Thelinkbetweenchargingalowmarkupasanethicalpracticewithlatentfinancialimplications

andtherefusaltosegregatetherestaurantwaspracticedthroughtheregularconsumptionoftheir

ownfood.BothAminandMuhammadtastedvariousdishesafterboththemorningandafternoon

preparationsessionstoapproveofthetaste.However,theyalsoregularlyservedguestsportionsof

thefamouskeema(mince),muttonbhuna(braisedmeat)ornewChinesestylechicken,ofwhichIwas


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oftenarecipient.Forsometimethepracticeofeatingandfeedingguestsdidnotstrikemeasunusual.

Iwasusedtoreceivingteaandbiscuitsfrominformants,andthiswasarestaurant.Iconsidereditan

instanceof the famed Indianhospitality. InMumbai, however,manypeoplewereoften averse to

eating restaurant fooddue tosuspicionabout theuseofun-fresh ingredientsandpoorqualityoil.

Taste of course drew people back to regular haunts but it was never without complaints about

digestionandconcernsforhealthproblems.Beyondconcernaboutwhetherthefamilyactuallyused

goodqualityingredientstheconsumptionoftheirownfoodwasanethicalpracticethatmediatedthe

relationshipbetweenthefamily,guestsandcustomers.

ThisbecameclearoneeveningduringadiscussionbetweenAminandafewfriendsabout“those

people,”thatdidnoteattheirownfood.Theconversationhadbegunwithageneraldiscussionabout

foodpurity andwholesomeness and reached the rather somber conclusion thatnothingwaspure

(shudh)any longer.Scienceandcorporateprofitshadspoiledeverything.Thediscussionprompted

Amintonarrateastoryofavisittoafriend’sfarmwhereafteratourofthepropertytheyproceeded

tothefarmhouse.Directlybesidethehousewasasmallareathathadbeencordonedoff.Thefriend

explained,“thisisours.”Aminwasperplexedsincehehadjustseenmanyhectaresoffarmlandwhich

wasalsotheirs.Thefriendthenclarified,“nono,thatisforsale,thisisforus!”Thestoryimmediately

drewgaspsofshockanddisapprovalfromthoselistening.Amincontinued,“theyeatonlythatforthe

wholeyear,therestisforselling,imagine?thatwhichyousellyoumusteat!”heexclaimed.Everyone

agreedthatitwasagreatshamethatbusinesspeopleweresellingproductswhichtheythemselves

didnoteat.HearingthisstoryoneofthefriendscommentedonhowrichpeopleliketheAmbani’s

wereprobablyonlyeatingthebestqualityfoodswhiletheyleftthepoor-qualityproductsforthelocal

markets.22Fromthisconversationandtheresponseofthefriendsitwasclearthatconsumingone’s

ownfoodwasanethicalpracticethatwasexpectedfromthefoodindustrybutwhichwasincreasingly

betrayed. In view of this discussion the family’s continued consumption of their own food was a

22 The Ambani family are the majority shareholders of the large Indian conglomerate, RelianceIndustries Limited. One of the brothers, Mukhesh Ambani, had become infamous in the city forbuildinga27story,1billiondollarhome.


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practicewherebytheethicsofcareandfeedingintherestaurantobtainedspecificmeaningthrough

digestion.Thiswasclearlynotacharityestablishment.Careandresponsibility forthepoordidnot

translateintohandouts.Ratheritwaspracticedthroughthecommitmenttocheap,goodqualityfood

that they too consumed. Through these practices explicit discussion of financial implications was

sidelinedandanotionofequalityand“hamdardi”(senseofcareandtogetherness)wasproduced.

ThenarrativeandmaterialpracticesatBukharawereaparticularexpressionofIslamasalived

tradition.TheemphasisontheauthorityofaSufishaikhandthedeferralofagencytohisinsightsand

“vision”werenarrativeformsthathadclearresonancewithanIslamicdiscursivetradition.However,

thewayinwhichthecareandresponsibilityoftheProphetwaspracticedthroughtheserviceoflow

price, high quality food was an example of how abstract notions of unrestrained virtue obtain

specificity.Therestaurantwasafterallnotacharityestablishmentlikethemanylangarkhanainthe

areathatservedfreefoodtothedestitute.Ratherbysellinggoodfoodatalowpricethefamilyhad

amasseda sizeable fortune that facilitated their expansion intomore capital-intensiveenterprises.

However,financialimplicationsofethicalpracticeswereneverexpressed.AtBukhararestaurant,this

particularconstellationofnarrativeandmaterialpracticewasaroutethroughwhichtoestablisha

practiceofIslamasalivedtraditionintherestaurantindustryinMumbai.

TAJ MAHAL: SUCCESS, S IMPLICITY ANDFAME

SituatedwithinakilometerofBukharawastheTajMahalrestaurant.Myfirstintroductionto

Arshadbhai,theownerofTajMahalrestaurant,wasthroughAmin.Giventheproximityofthetwo

restaurants theywere competitors aswell as acquaintances. Theywere eachmembers of awell-

establishedeliteofsuccessfulrestaurateursintheoldcity.ThenarrativeandmaterialpracticesofTaj

MahalarearelatedbutdifferentexpressionandpracticeofIslamasalivedtradition.AtTajMahala

clearMuslimidentityandappealstoablessingreceivedfromasaint,wascombinedwithreferences

tothefamilieshumbleoriginsandArshadbhai’semphasisonhisowninventionandinnovation.Here


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anethicsofcareandresponsibilitytoclientelewasexplicitlylinkedtothefinancialimplicationsofall

businessdecisions.

Arshad bhai’s narrative began with a brief history of his family’s background. Portrait

photographsofhisfatherandgrandfatheradornedhisoffice.Hewasthethirdgenerationtomanage

therestaurant.Hisfamily’sancestralhomewasintheMoradabaddistrictofUttarPradesh.Hisfather

andgrandfatherhadbeenamere20yearsapartinageandhadlivedinDelhiandpartsofU.P.They

werepoorlaborerswhohadonceownedahalwa-parathastall(flakyflatbreadservedwithusually

brightorangesweetsemolina-baseddish)attheannualurs(saintsdaycelebration)atKaliyarSharifin

Uttarkhand.Thisenterprisewastheonlymentionoftheirpastoccupations.In1923thetwotravelled

toMumbaiinsearchofworkinthecity.Failingtosecureemploymenttheydecidedtostartasmall

stallonthesidewalkinamarketknownforIslamicbook-sellers.Theybeganpreparingnallinihari(shin

stew)toselltothepassingtradeoflaborersinthearea.Followinganinitialsuccess,theymanagedto

obtaintherestaurantpremisesdirectlybehindtheirlocationonthepavement.Arshadbhaiattributed

thefamily’sfinancialsuccessinMumbaitoaspiritualblessingreceivedattheshrineinKaliyarSharif.

KaliyarSharifisamajorSufishrineoftheChishtiOrder.Appealingtotheblessingasasourceofsuccess,

Arshadbhai’s narrative also created a linkwith an agencybeyond the self.However, this blessing

receivedwasexpressedasanabstractnotionofbarakatobtainedthroughthespaceoftheshrineand

theresidentSufishaikh,ratherthanaprocessofspiritualawakening.

InthenarrativeofTajMahalanethicsofcareandresponsibilitytoclientelewasarticulated.

However, itdidnot referenceeitherProphetichadithorethicalevents in the lifeofhis fatherand

grandfather.RatherArshadbhaireferredtothe“lessons”thathisfatherhademphasizedasthekey

tosuccess.Althoughnotarticulatedinthesamenarrativestyleofdiscoveryandtransformationasat

Bukhara,itwasclearthatthe“lessons”connectedtherestaurantpracticestothefamily’sownhumble

originsandsubsequentfinancialsuccess.

Arshadbhai’sfather’sfirstlessonwasanemphasisontasteoverdécor.Hehadsaid…


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“son,decorationsandthingsarenotneeded,thattaste,thetongue,ifyour

foodisgoodthenpeoplewilleatsittingonthefootpath,”

Therestaurantwasoriginallyasidewalkestablishmentwherefoodwascookedandcustomers

served.ThishistorywascentraltoArshad’sfather’sresistancetotherenovationsthathadsincebeen

made.Thereportedreferencetothefootpathindexedthefamily’sfrugaloriginsandtherestaurants’

humblebeginningsontheverysidewalkinfrontofthecurrentlocation.Theemphasisontasteover

décor was an expression of an ethics of simplicity as well as a business “lesson.” Eventually the

renovationsweremadeandanAC-sectionaddedupstairs.However,thedownstairsnon-ACsection

waskeptinitsoriginalformandthepricesremainedaffordable.This,Arshadexplained,wasrelated

tohisendeavortostrikeabalancebetweenheritageandinnovation.

Even today, inmy restaurant I havenotmadeanyhi-fi decorations, even

thoughwewerethenumber1peopleinIndiawhoservebeefandhadaAC

section!WehaveanAC section.And thosecelebrities theycomeandeat

there.Butdownstairs,eventodayIhavekeptthatoldheritagelook,sothat

even the one who wears a lungi can come and sit and say, “this is my

restaurant!”BecausewhatwillhappenifImakeit‘hi-fi,’itwillcostonly20-

50lakhsmaximum,probably30lakhs,butyouwillbeabletositthereand

eat,andcelebritieswill comeandeat,but that lungiwala (lungiwearer)?

No….sotheyhaveagreatfeelingthat“Ieatthereweresoandsoreporter

also comes, so and so writer comes, that actor comes, and I eat in that

restaurant.”Soforthosepeopletheyhavethatfeeling.

Kahlil bhai’s language of heritage and innovation clearly bears an awareness of marketing

appeal. However,hiseventualtransformationoftherestaurantandtheinclusionofaseparateAC

sectionhadnotmeantacompleterejectionofhisfather’slessonabouttheimportanceoftasteover

décor.Inthenarrativethememoryofhisfather’sadvicestilllingersinhisappealtothesubjectivityof

thelungi-walla,aeuphemisminIndiaforapersonofsimplemeans.Consideringthesubjectivityofhis


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less well-off customers he suggests that they would not feel comfortable in more spectacular

surroundings.Inhisnarrative,thedividedrestaurantoffersordinarycustomersthepotentialforpride

thatcomesfromeatinginarestaurantwheretherichandfamousalsofrequent.Arshadbhaiturned

thepotentialfordiscomfortintoanopportunityforpride.Customersweregroupedandpatronized

butalsofellowhumanbeingswithwhomthefamilysharedacommonhistory.

However,withthenextbreathArshadwascleartorelatethisidentificationwiththecustomer

tohisownfinancialinterests.

Okalsothereisanotherthingisthatthey(commonman)cometomyplace

andbring50rupees,inonedaytheycomethreetimes,soinamonththatis

4500rupees.Soformetheyaremoreimportant.Peoplelikeyou,hi-fipeople

theycome,onceamonth,every15days,theyeatfor1,000rupees,takea

parcel, but that poor thing (bichara) he comes three times, so he is very

important!

Arshadwascleartodiscussthefinancialimplicationsofhisbusinesspractices.Hisbusinessrelied

onrepeatcustomers.Theywerehisbreadandbutter.Hisconsiderationoftheirexperienceofpride

through the dual pricing strategy had financial incentives since if he had converted the entire

restauranthewouldlosehismostregularandlucrativecustomers.Inthenarrative,therewasaclear

identificationwithpoorerclientelethatreferencedthefamiliesownhumbleoriginstogetherwithan

articulationofthefinancialimplicationsofkeepingpoorerclienteleasrepeatcustomers.

Thesecondlesson,whichArshadbhainarrated,wastheimportanceofremainingattentiveto

customerreactions.Unhappycustomerswouldnotreturn.Thislessonrelatedtotheimportanceof

consistency in taste and quality to the value of word of mouth advertising. Through this lesson

customersubjectivitywasconsidered,andtheprospectofshamearticulated.

…so fatheralsoused tosayanotherverygood thing that tobea success,

whenacustomercomes,eatsandleaves,whetherhecomesback15days

later,amonthlaterortwomonthslater,butwithhimhebringssomeone,


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thatmeansthatyourfoodisgood,andhehasinvitedhisfriends.Andthat

meansthatoneverytime,theexactsametasteshouldbethere!Todayitis

good,tomorrowitisverygood,thenextdaylight(halka)…forexampleyou

havemyNihari,“yesverytasty”thenyougotoyourfriendsandtellthem

aboutit,“‘yesitwasverytasty!”thenwhenyoubringyourfriendsandon

thatdaythetasteisnotgood,thenhowinsultedyouwillfeel!...“comeon

friend,yousaiditwasgoodbutthereisnoenjoyment.Thisisallnonsense,

bullshit.”Thatishowithappens.Sothemostimportantthingtotakecareof

isthattheexacttasteismaintained,constantly.

In Indian cooking traditions the ability to consistently produce the exact same flavors was

consideredthehallmarkofamastercook.Inthis“lesson”attributedtohisfather,Arshadbhairelated

consistency to the importance of maintaining repeat customers and the value of word-of-mouth

advertising. Interestingly the form of the narrative related a scenario between friends where a

disappointingrecommendationmayprovideanopportunityforridicule.Referencingaparticularkind

ofmalesocialityandbanter,Arshadbhaiwasexpressinganidentificationwithhispotentialclientele

wherealackofconsistencyinthefoodhadthepotentialtoinviteridiculeandshame.Forhim,this

wouldthentranslateintoalowerlikelihoodofarepeatvisit.Arshadbhai’snarrationsofhisfather’s

“lessons”wereconveyedthroughanidentificationwiththecustomerexperienceofprideandshame

andtheimplicationsoftheirexperienceforhisownprofitandloss.

Through these two “lessons” the importance of taste, simplicity and consistency was

emphasized.InTajMahalrestaurant,thefinancialimplicationsweremadeexplicit.Goodfoodequals

happycustomerswhichequalssuccess.However,theimportanceoftasteoverdécorclearlyindexed

boththefamiliesownpastandthecontinuedrelianceoftherestaurantonlaborersinthearea.Having

renegedonhisfather’sfirstlessonArshadbhaiarticulatedthepotentialforasenseofpridethateating

at Taj Mahal now afforded its poorer customers. Similarly, the second lesson of consistency was

expressedthroughappealstocustomersatisfactionandrepeatvisitsaswellasanidentificationwith


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potentialcustomersaspeoplewithwhomonesharedtheexperienceofshameandridiculebyfriends

afterofferingafoodrecommendation.Hereanethicsofcareandresponsibilityreferencedthefamily’s

humbleoriginsandanidentificationwithclienteleasfellowtasters,astheroutetofinancialsuccess.

ARSHADBHAIONPRIDEANDINNOVATION

ForArshadpride,shameandfinancialsuccesswereunambiguouslyarticulated.Thiswasalso

reflectedinthenarrativeofhisownlifeandthecontributionsthathehadmadetothedevelopment

oftherestaurant.

Arshad bhaiwas clear to explain that he had received the restaurant “ready-made.” He did

attributeagencyforthesuccessoftherestauranttotheblessingsreceivedattheshrineandthehard

workofhisfatherandgrandfather.However,amajordifferencetoBukhararestaurantwasthatthe

restaurantwasatpresentnot inthesameconditionaswhenhehadassumedcontrol.Arshadbhai

thussupplementedhisacknowledgementofotherswithexpressionsofprideathisown“innovations”

and“inventions.”Althoughhavingfoundedtherestaurant,Arshadbhaiwasclearthathisfatherand

grandfather“didnoinventmuch.”Hedidclaimthattheywerethepioneersofnallinihari(shinstew)

inMumbai,whichcontinuesastherestaurants’signaturemenuitem.However,itwasthroughhisown

initiativethathehadaddedanumberofdishestothemenu,upgradedtherestaurant,increasedits

visibilitythroughadvertisementsandstartedalineofpackagedspices.Hewaseagertopointouttheir

Internetpresence,andwasquicktotellmethat internationalnewsmediaoutletshadfeaturedhis

store.Heexpressedpridethroughtheclaimthattwomenuitems,ChickenWhiteBiryaniandChicken

Hakimi,werehisoriginalcreationsthatotherrestaurants inMumbaihadsincebeguntocopy.The

expressionofpride,innovationandinventionwasathemerunningthroughArshadbhai’snarrativeof

howhebecameinvolvedintherestaurant.

Arshadbhaihadbeeninvolvedintherestaurantfromayoungage.Hehadwith“greatdifficulty”

completedthe10thstandard,buthadalreadystartedworkingintheshopsincestandard8.Herecalled

howhewas“therichestboyinclassbecausewhenIwasbehindthecounterthemoneywouldgointo


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mypocket,1rupee,8ana,likethat,sointheendIhad10rupeesinmypocket.”Afterthe10thgrade

hebegan towork in the restaurantona full timebasis.His father instructedhim to learn various

aspectsofthebusinesstoensureuninterruptedtradeintheeventofemergencies.Itwasduringthis

periodofapprenticeshipthathedevelopedapassionforcookingwhichhedescribedashis“barabara

shauq(big,big,passion)”.

…and then I developed a passion (shauq), howdid that passion develop?

WhenIusedtogoanywherethenpeopleusedtosay,“eyArshadbhai,tell

me,isthismadeproperlyornot?”SoIusedtofeelveryproud,andIusedto

goandtaste,“inherethereistoolittlesalt,”“inheredothis.”SoIbeganto

feelthatthiswasaveryprestigiousjobthatsomanypeoplewouldbesaying,

“checkthis…howisthat?...Whatshouldwedo?”….

Thisstatuswasconfirmedonedaywhenhereceivedacallfromacateringschooltogivealectureto

studentseventhoughhehad“notevenstudied!”Howeverthelecturerinsisted,

…“arehyouhavepracticalknowledge!Socome,youcancomeandtellours

studentsallaboutyourrestaurant.”SoIfeltveryproudthatlookhere,Iam

notliterate,havenotstudiedatall,butfromthisexperiencemyworkisbeing

done...

Arshad bhai’ narrative of his early career in the restaurant as well as his developing passion to

apprenticeinthekitchenwerebotharticulatedthroughtheallureofstatusandpride.Hewasclear

thattheprestigeofthemasterchefinspiredhispassionforcookingwhichwasconfirmedbyhisfeeling

ofprideatbeinginvitedtolectureatthecateringschool.Evenhisearlychildhoodanticsofsiphoning

moneyoutofthetillwerearticulatedinrelationtohisstatusas“therichestboyinclass”.Thetheme

ofpridecontinuedthroughthenarrativefromhiscommunicationofhisfather’s“lessons”tohisown

reflectionsonhistrajectorywithintherestaurant.


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Uponcompletinghisapprenticeshipandslowlyassumingmoreresponsibilityfortherestaurant

he began to introduce changes to the business. He had initiated the invention of recipes, the

renovationoftherestaurant,theimportanceofadvertisingandanewlineofpackagedspices.The

process of overcoming his father’s hesitation towards the renovation of the restaurant had taken

between2-3 years.His fatherwas after all adamant that taste not decorationswere the route to

success.Finally,in1986heagreedandtheyaddedanair-conditionedmezzaninelevel.

Upon completion of the renovations, Arshad bhai had the idea of hosting a ribbon-cutting

ceremonytoannouncetheopening.Hewantedabigfilmstartobeatthegrandopeninginorderto

createpublicity.However,hedidnotwanttopayexorbitantfee’s.Afriendofhiswasthecousinofa

majorfilmstar.Anintroductionwasarranged.Uponmeetingthefilmstar,hefoundoutthathewas

alreadyaregulardeliverycustomerofTajMahal’ssignaturenallinihari.Thefilmstarreadilyagreedto

offerhisservicesatnocharge.Thiswasthestartofadevelopingrelationship.Onedaythestaroffered

Arshad bhai a recipe of his own and said “here, sell it onmy name.”The dishwas a success and

continues to be listed on the menu. The introduction of a branded menu item had produced a

significantamountofpublicityfortherestaurant.Theitemhadbeenmentionedoninternationalnews

websites. I had heard people in the neighborhood ridicule the dish but it nevertheless attracted

countlessothers.WheneverIwasintherestaurantIhadnoticedthatitwasafairlycommonmenu

item.

AnothercelebrityassociationintherestaurantwasaframedpaintingbyMFHussain,afamous

figureinIndianmodernistart.HussainhadbeenbornintoapoorMuslimfamilyinMaharashtraand

waslaterafoundingfigureofTheProgressiveArtistsGroupofBombay(PAG)duringthe1940’s.He

courtedcontroversythroughhisdepictionsofthegreatIndianepicsandwaseventuallyexiledtoQatar

(Samantara).HispaintingshavebeenauctionedinLondonandNewYorkforwelloveramillionEuros

each.ArshadbhainarratedtheincidentoftheeveninghemetMFHussainintherestaurantforthe

firsttime.


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OnedayIsawhimandasked,“sirhowisthefood?”soherepliedtome,“this

isthefirsttimeyouareseeingme,Ialwayscomehere.”SoIsaid,“nosir,but

can youwrite something forme?” So he said ok, “twominutes,” and he

scribbledapainting.Ipreservedthatandframedit.Ihaveitwithme,itisin

therestaurant.Soalhamdulillah(praisebetogod),theyarecelebrities.

Arshad bhai narrated the incident to emphasize the caliber of his clientele but also his own

advertisingandmarketingacumen.Importantlyinthenarrativeofbothcelebrityencountersthestar

inquestionhadalreadybeenregularcustomers.Tasteprecededhisadvertisingventure.Arshadbhai’s

contribution had been to innovate through advertising in order to increase the popularity of the

restaurant.This“innovation”washiscontributiontothelegacyoftheTajMahalrestaurant.

In the narrative of the founding and practices of Taj Mahal, Arshad does acknowledge the

groundworkofhisfatherandgrandfatheringivinghimtherestaurant“readymade.”However,hewas

clear tosituatehimselfasasignificant figure in itscurrentsuccess.Althoughthereputationof the

signaturenallinihariclearlyprecededhisowninfluence,hehadinnovatedandinventedtoextendthe

restaurantsreputationbeyondtheconfinesoftheoldMuslimneighborhoodsandintointernational

news. Arshad bhai’s clear articulation of pride and claims to innovation was combined with his

expressionofthefinancial implicationsofhisbusinessdecisions.Thiswasevidentinthemannerin

which both of the “lessons” of his fatherwere explained through financial incentive. However, in

additiontothefinancialimplicationswerethereferencestothe“lungiwalla,”thepoorlaborer,and

thefootpath.Togetherthesereferencesclearlyindexthefamiliesownhumbleoriginsaslaborersin

Mumbai.Throughconsiderationsoftheshameandprideofhisclientele,andtheidentificationwith

them,Arshadbhaiarticulatesanethicsofcareandresponsibilityinhisownidiom.

Arshad bhai’s narrative did include clear referents from an Islamic discursive tradition. The

family’shumbleoriginsandchangeinfortuneswereattributedtotheblessingoftheirsaintinKaliyar

Sharif.However,theethicsofcareandresponsibilityreferencedthefamily’sownoriginandrise in

fortunesratherthanProphetictradition.Morerelevanttothenarrativewastheimportanceoftaste,


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inventionandinnovationastheroutetofinancialsuccess.However,itwasclearthatTajMahalwasa

Muslim owned establishment that serviced a predominantlyMuslim clientele. The restaurantwas

indeedaveryimportantlandmarkoftheoldMuslimneighborhoods.Arshadbhaiengagedinthesale

ofIslamicparaphernaliaandoperatedacharityfeedingservice.Iarguethatthenarrativeandmaterial

practicesatTajMahalpointtoaparticularexpressionofIslamasalivedtraditionasanexpressionof

pride, worldly gain and innovation combined with a notion of saintly blessings. The comparison

betweenBukharaandTajMahal is crucial forapprehending thedifferentethical subjectivitiesand

practicesofIslamasalivedtradition.

CONCLUSION

Acarefulconsiderationofthenarrativesandmaterialpracticesofthetworestaurantspointsto

verydifferentpracticesandsubjectpositionsentailedinthepracticeofIslamasaLivedTradition.The

restaurants competed in the same neighborhood for the same clientele and have both achieved

significantlevelsoffinancialsuccess.Thereputationwhich‘uncle’expressedintheopeningvignette

wereinfactacategorizationandanalysisofthedifferentrestaurantpractices.“Businessfood”didnot

signify ‘un-Islamic.’Rather itpointedtoaverydifferentexpressionandpracticeof Islamasa lived

tradition.

AtBukhararestaurantthenarrativeofHajjiSahib’shardwork,honestyandintegritywerethe

foundationforhisspiritualdevelopmentunderthetutelageofhispir(teacher).Hehadembodiedthe

authorityandtechnicalskillofamastercook(ustad)andthehumilityandcareofaSufishaikh.Bukhara

restaurantwasthematerializationofthesecombineddevelopments.Nowfoodproductionwasnot

merelyaroutetofinancialsuccessbutanexpressionofcareforthelaboringpoorthatconstitutedthe

majorityoftherestaurantclientele.Thenarrativetropewhereintheseed’sofhonestyandintegrity

flourishedintoamoreexpansivesenseofcareforhumanity(hamdardi)andwisdom,resembledthat

of the ProphetMuhammad. The restaurant’s commitment to the use of good quality ingredients,

masalaandalowprofitmarkupwereexplainedasthematerializationofaPropheticinjunctionofcare


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andgenerositytowardsthepoor.TheresistancetotheconstructionofanACsectionintherestaurant

wasrelatedtotheprospectofshameof facingone’screatorwiththeknowledgeofhavingdenied

people food forwant ofmoney. Through these practices abstract notions of care, generosity and

conscience obtained specific meaning. The restaurant was not a langar khana (food distribution

outlet). Bukharawas a for-profit businesswhere the virtues of care and generositywas practiced

through the preparation of low priced, good quality food. Here conscience was circumscribed in

relationtoresponsibilityandcaretowardsexistingclientele.

Akeyfeatureofthenarrativewasthatallagencyforthematerialformoftherestaurant,the

food production practices and technological achievements were attributed to Hajji Sahib. Hewas

describedasavisionary,anavidreader,amastercookandsomeonewithapassionforengineering.

Hehadcommissionedthemodificationofapieceofmachineryusedfortheserviceoftrucktiresin

ordertomixrotidough.Hehadalsoinstalledalargeindustrialsizeextractorfaninthecookingarea.

Thedeferralofagencywasafactualpossibilitygiventhattherestaurantwasstillinthesamematerial

conditionthathehadoverseen.However,itwasalsoafurtherindicationofthewayinwhichaSufi

practice of humility was narrativized. Bukhara was a restaurant inseparable from the barakat

(blessings) of Hajji Sahib. His son and grandson weremere heirs. They continued to practice the

particularethicalconstellationofcare,generosityandconsciencethroughdeferralofagencytothe

legacyofHajjiSahibaswellastheregularconsumptionoftheirownfood.Eatingthefoodandserving

ittoguestswasapracticethroughwhichtheparticularethicsofcare,generosityandconsciencethat

wasattributedtoHajjiSahibwasre-embodiedthroughingestion.

AtTajMahalthenarrativeoftherestaurants’establishmentandsuccesswasabalancebetween

“heritage” and “innovation.” The restaurant had been established by Arshad bhai’s father and

grandfatherwhohadpreviouslyworkedatahalwa-parathastallattheannualsaint’sdaycelebration

atafamousChishtishrineinKaliyarSharifinUttarkhandinNorthIndia.ArrivinginMumbaiinsearch

ofemploymentthefatherandsonduowereforcedbycircumstancetostartasmallroad-sidestall

servingnallinihari.Thesignaturedishwasasuccessthroughwhichtheyeventuallyobtainedaproper


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restaurantpremises.ThisoriginalsuccessinMumbaiwasattributedtogoodfortune,theblessingsof

theresidentsaintatKaliyarSharifandhisfathers’“lessons.”The“lessons”includedtheemphasison

tasteoverdécorthatreferencedthefamily’shumbleoriginsonthesidewalk,aswellastheimportance

offoodconsistencytoensuresatisfiedandrepeatcustomers.Thelessonsemphasizedtheimportance

oftaste,simplicityandconsistencythatpointedtowardsanethicsofcareandresponsibilitytowards

clientele.Thiswasreferencedbothinrelationtothefamily’shumbleoriginsandfinancialimplications

ratherthanappealstoProphetictradition.

Importantly,althoughArshadbhaihadreceivedtherestaurant“readymade,”hewasquickto

emphasizehisowninventionandinnovation.Herecountedhisowninvolvementintherestaurantas

acomingofagethroughwhichhehadcontributedtothecurrentmaterialformandpracticesofthe

restaurant through the invention of new dishes, the construction of amezzanine level for an AC-

section,andtheemploymentofadvertisingandmarketingstrategies.Theseeffortshadincreasedthe

scopeoftherestaurantsfameanddrawnadiversifiedand“hi-fi”clientele.Originallydrawntowards

hispassionforcookingbytheallureofthestatusofamastercook,heexpressedgreatprideinhis

contributiontotherestaurant.However,inengaginginrenovationshehadtransgressedhisfather’s

emphasis on tasteoverdécor.Here theexpressionof his own senseof pridewas also the feeling

throughwhichheexpressedanidentificationwithclienteleasfellowhumanbeingswithwhomone

sharesasenseofpride.Theconsiderationoftheprideandshameofclientelewastheidiomthrough

whichherelayedhisfather’s“lessons”andwasabletoemphasizecontinuitydespitetherenovations.

Inboth“lessons”hisconcernforclientelewascombinedwithanexplicitrecognitionofthefinancial

implicationsofhisdecisions.

Ineachrestaurant,the idiominwhichthenarrativewasexpressedandthe linkbetweenthe

materialspaceandrestaurantpracticeswereverydifferent.AtBukharathedeferralofagencytoHajji

SahibandtheemphasisonpropheticinjunctionsandaSufiethicsofcarehadbeenmaterializedinthe

restaurantpractices toproducespecificmeaningsof care,generosityandconscience inabusiness

context.ThenarrativeandmaterialpracticesatBukharawasoneparticularexpressionofIslamasa


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livedtradition.AtTajMahaltheattributionofagencytosaintlyblessingsandtheeffortsofthefather

and grandfather was combined with clear expressions of pride and innovation. Arshad’s fathers

“lessons”identifiedwithpoorerclientelethroughthefamily’shumbleorigins.Hereanethicsofcare

wasexpressedthroughtheconsiderationofclientelesubjectivityandtheirexperienceofprideand

shame in the restaurant. However, all decisions and restaurant practices were also explained as

containingfinancialimplications.Alanguageofheritageandinnovation,blessingsandinvention,and

prideandshamewereanarticulationandmaterializationofIslamasalivedtradition.

ThischapterhascomparedtworestaurantnarrativesandpracticesintheoldMuslimquarters

ofMumbai.Abstractanduniversalizingnotionsofan‘Islamicmoraleconomy’wouldfailtocapture

this divergence in practice and ethical subjectivity. Similarly, an over emphasis on Islam as piety

through a language of humility or carewould either elide TajMahal as an important site for the

anthropology of Islam or consider its practices as evidence of fragmentation or failure. Rather by

consideringeachrestaurantasthelocationforthepracticeofIslamasalivedtraditionwehaveseen

howatBukhararestaurantnotionsof Islamicmoralitywereexpressed,butalsohowtheyobtained

specificmeaningsthroughpractice.ThelanguageandmaterialpracticesatBukharawereaparticular

route through which a Sufi ethics was translated into a business context. At Taj Mahal we have

consideredhownarrativetropesofblessingsreceivedfromsaintlyintercessionarecombinedwithan

emphasis on individual efforts of innovation and invention that have in addition to the restaurant

success,alsoincludedthemanufactureofIslamicparaphernaliaandtheestablishmentofafeeding

schemeforthepoor.Ineachcasetheownersandtheirdescendantsdevisedroutesthroughwhichto

conductandexpressthemselvesasMuslimrestaurateursandentrepreneursinMumbai.Thenarrative

andmaterialpracticesofeachindicatethedifferentethicalsubjectivitiesentailedinthepracticeof

Islamasalivedtradition.

ThenextchapterisanethnographyofthepracticesofBakriId(goatfestival)inthisarea.The

chapter approaches the practice of sacrifice as a lived tradition in understanding how different


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practicesatdifferenttimescombineincommemorationoftheIslamicversionofthegreatAbrahamic

sacrifice.


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CHAPTER F IVE : PERFORMINGSACR IF ICE :

AESTHET ICS , PR ICE ANDCARE IN THE

PRACT ICE OF QURBANI

ItwasabustlingFridayevening10daysbeforeBakriId(lit:goatfestival).WalkingthroughDongri

withtwofriendswechanceduponanincreasinglycommonscenewhereinaparticularlylargeblack

andwhitegoatwasthecenterofattentionofagroupofmenwhostoodaroundwatching,feedingand

talkingaboutit.Themanwhowasfeedingitcorncobsnoticedus.Weaskedhimwhetheritwashis

goat.Hemotionedtowardstheowner,Aziz,aquietmaninhismid-40’swhotogetherwith‘uncle,’ran

theittarstoreinfrontofwhichwestood.ThegoatsnamewasKuvran,buthisnicknamewasKurkure

afterthepopularspicysnack.

AzizstoodasidequietlyasthegroupofmenentertainedthemselveswithKurkure.Hesaidthat

easily2hoursof‘time-pass’wasspentlikethiseachevening.OneofthemenwasplayingwithKurkure,

pinchinghishidesothathewouldchargeortappinghisheadtoenticehimtoriseupontohishind

legs into striking position. The sight of a goat standing tall on its hind legs was one that excited

onlookersandalwaysdrewgaspsofdelight.Itwasaposeassociatedwithgoat-fighting,apracticethat

wascommonintheareabutsomewhatfrowneduponduringthedaysprecedingsacrifice.Itoffereda

viewonthegoat’sfullsizeandstaturewhichallowedforcomparisontofullygrownmen.Theother

form of playwas the act of pushing back against the charge of the goat with one or two hands.

WheneverKurkurechasedtooaggressivelyorbecameagitated,Azizwasonhandtopacifyhimeither

bytouchorbysummoninghimawayfromthegroupwiththeclickofhistongue.Azizhimselfnever

engagedinthesepracticesofplay.

Aswewatchedthescenesunfoldadeliveryofteaarrivedinaplasticbag.Theteawaspoured

intoametalcup.AzizmotionedtoKurkuretostepforward.Hethenofferedhimsometea.Kurkure


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drewasipandpulledaway.Azizthenrealizedthattheteawastoohotforhimtodrink.Hebeganto

blowintotheteatocoolitdown,“wohthandahogaya”(“itiscoldnow”)hesaidasheoffereditto

Kurkureagain.Kukuritookanothersip.InbetweensipsAzizcontinuedtoblowontheteatocoolit

down.Kurkuredrankforawhilethen,apparentlysatisfied,turnedtoleave.Beforeallowinghimtogo

Azizgrabbedanearbyclothandwipedhismouth.Goatswereafterallnotcup-trained.

Kurkurewas22monthsold.Hehadbeenborninthealleybehindtheittar(perfume)shop.His

motherhadbeenbought4yearsagoandhisfathersometimeafter.Kurkurehadfoursiblings.One

haddiedsuddenlyatafewmonthsofage,onehadbeenstolenandanothertwoweresoldalongwith

theirmothertosomeoneinthearea.Whilerecountingthestory,Azizofferedtoshowusapictureof

thebabygoatthathadpassedaway.Itwasacameraphotoof2tinytwingoatsof2monthsoldthat

hehadsavedonhisphone.

Kurkurewasduetobesacrificedintwoweekstime.Theplay,careandintimacybetweenAziz

and Kurkure was a practice through which a particular understanding of sacrifice was produced.

Performingsacrifice(qurbani)withfeeling(ehsaas)wasavirtue.Thefeeling(ehsaas)ofpainandloss

wastheultimatetestofsubmittingone’sdesiresandattachmentstothewillofGod.Thiswasahighly

subjectiveexperienceofsacrifice.However,thecelebrationofsacrificewasalsoasocialevent.Notall

individualshadthetime,spaceor inclinationtoraisegoatsfromayoungage.Alsoimportantwere

marketpracticesofpurchasinggoatsthatincludedanarduoussearchandtoughnegotiation.Inthe

neighborhoodsgoatswereparaded,comparedandcaredfor.Asharedaestheticappreciationforgoats

meantthatdiscussionsaboutpriceandadmirationofthebeautyofparticularbreedswascommon.

ThischapterconsidersthedifferentpracticesduringBakriIdthroughthelensofalivedtradition.

Differentactorsdeviseddifferentroutesthroughwhichtocommemorateandcelebratethefestivalof

sacrifice. Importantly the practice of qurbani as sacrifice extended beyond the actual moment of

slaughter to include thepracticesof play, boasting, bargaining, and care that preceded theevent.

Throughthesepracticesattachmentwasdevelopedandthemomentofslaughterwasproducedasan

experienceofa feeling (ehsaas)of loss.Central tothepracticeofqurbani is the interplaybetween


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niyat(intention)intheperformanceofsacrifice,aestheticappreciationofgoatsandthecultivationof

intimacybetweenhumansandanimals.

THESYMBOLICANDETHICALVALUEOFSACRIFICE

Thestudyofsacrificeinanthropologyhasreceivedconsiderableattention.Thefamousstudyby

HenriHubertandMarcelMaussfocusedonVedicandHebrewtextualrepresentationsofsacrificeas

paradigmaticforageneraltheory.Intheiranalysissacrificewasapracticethatestablishedthespheres

ofthesacredandtheprofaneaswellcommunicationbetweenthem.Sacrificewasthusameansof

sustainingthesocialandsacredorderofthings(MaussandHubert1964).Evans-Pritchardwhowrote

theforewordtotheEnglishtranslationofthebookwasinfluencedbyMaussandHubert.However,he

differedinhisanalysisoftherelevanceoftheSemiticmodel.Ratherhesuggestedthat“thesacrificial

roleofcattleamongtheNuer”wastoestablishasymboliclinkbetweenmanandox,clanandherd,

andcowandwomen.ThissymbolicunityhesuggestedwasthebasisforunderstandingNuersociety

(Pritchard1953).Inhisanalysis,heincludesinterestingobservationsofthepracticesofplay,careand

intimacybetweenmenandcattlebutdidnotconsiderthemofrelevanceforhissymbolicanalysisof

sacrifice.

InIndia,thepracticeofanimalsacrificeisalwaysasymbolicallychargedandpotentiallydivisive

event.Sinceatleastthe19thcenturyincidentsofcommunalviolencebetweenHindu’sandMuslims

haverevolvedaroundtheMuslimpracticeofanimalsacrificeandcowslaughter(vanderVeer1994),

(Pandey1983).DuringBakriIdtheHindurightwingdiscoursethatimaginestheMuslimasbutcheris

realizedasindividualhomesandalleywaysinMuslimareasbecomemake-shiftabattoirs.Howeveras

discussedinchapter2,Muslimsdidnotnecessarilyinterpretslaughterascrueltyandtherebyevocative

of disgust. Against these public representations they emphasized the importance of Bakri Id as a

practicethroughwhichMuslimsmadeclaimtothespaceofthecityinthenameofreligiousfreedom.

Iwasoftentoldbyinformantsthatthepracticeofqurbaniwasareligiousobligationthatthestateand

Hindusocietyingeneral,hadtoaccommodate.Beyondpoliticalclaimswastheimportanceofsacrifice


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asasymbolicre-enactmentandcommemorationofthewillingnessoftheprophetIbrahimtosacrifice

hisson,Ismail.23TheeventalsomarkedtheendoftheIslamiccalendarandcoincidedwiththefinal

dayoftheannualHajjpilgrimage.

AnotherimportantsymbolicmeaningevidentduringthefrenziedbuilduptoBakriIdwasthe

associationbetweenmasculinepowerandvirilityandgoatsizeandstrength.DuringBakriIdgoatsize

washighlyvalued.IwasoftentoldthatinMumbaigoatsizeandegoweredirectlyrelated.Pricewas

oftenthefirstquestionaskedbypeopleadmiringanotherperson’sgoat.IntheopeningvignetteAziz’s

friendsplayedwithKurkurebyincitinghimtochargeorriseupontohishindlegs.However,unlikethe

symbolismofgoatsandramsintheMediterranean,inMumbaitherewasnodistinctionmadebetween

a ram and billy-goat, with the former symbolizing masculine strength and virility and the latter

feminineshame(Blok1981),(Pitt-Rivers1965).InMumbai,thepracticeofdoingtime-passwithgoats

in thebuildup to thedayof slaughterbecamepartofaneverydaymale sociality thatwasevident

during the remainderof theyear.However,where largegoatswereadmiredandparaded I never

encounteredacasewheresomeonewaspubliclyridiculedforowningasmallgoatoracheaperbreed.

Aswewillseesizeandpricewerealsoimportantelementsinproducinganethicsofsacrificeasfeeling

(ehsaas).

Theethicsof sacrificehasbeenaddressed inbothContinentalphilosophyandanthropology.

NietzschefamouslyanalyzedtheethicsofsacrificeintheChristiantraditionthroughaneconomiclens

ofdebitsandcredits inorder toexposethe“great ladderof religiouscruelty” (Keenan2003,167).

Similarly, Derrida argued that Abrahams willingness to sacrifice Isaac disclosed the fundamental

paradoxofethics,wheretheethicalobligationtoGodnecessarilyentailedthebetrayalofhissonand

wife(Derrida2008).Botharguefortheimpossibilityofanethicsofsacrifice.MagnusCourseandMaya

Mayblinsuggestthatakeytensionexistsbetweentheanthropologyandphilosophyofsacrifice.Where

anthropologists studied sacrifice through the logic of reciprocity and gift exchange, philosophers

23 In theMuslim versionof theAbrahamic sacrificeGodorders theProphet Ibrahim (Abraham) tosacrificehissonIsmail(Ishmael),thesonofHagar,ratherthatIshaaq(Isaac),thesonofSarah.


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arguedthat“onlyunmotivatedsacrifice,withnoreturn,nofuture,nobeyondcanreallybeasacrifice

ifwearetoescapethelogicofreciprocityofthegift”(MayblinandCourse2013,309).Thevolume

sought to solve the impasse through attention to “how sacrifice emerges beyond the altar, and

becomesembeddedinthefullgamutofsociallife”(MayblinandCourse2013,313).Theyapproach

sacrifice“astrope,aspractice,asdiscourse…beyondtherealmofritual”(MayblinandCourse2013,

313).However,Iarguethatthisapproachoverdeterminestheseparationbetweenritualpracticeand

socalledordinarylifeandsimplyavoidstheissueofanimalsacrificedenigratedbyChristianity.

Dennis Keenan argues that the impossibility or aporia of sacrifice is the product of an

entanglementbetweenphilosophyandanthropology (Keenan2005).Acentralproblematic inboth

fieldshingesonthetensionbetweensacrificeaseconomical(withsomepossibilityofreward)versus

truesacrificeasaneconomical(withoutrewardorfutureconsideration).Keenanidentifiesthistension

as integral to the Christian theology of sacrifice as a “necessary passage through suffering and/or

death…onthewaytoasuprememomentoftranscendenttruth”(Keenan2005,1).However,inorder

forthatmomenttooccur,“sacrificehastobebeyondcalculationandhopeofreward,soasnottobe

construed as self-serving (and, therefore, not a genuine sacrifice)” (Keenan2005, 1). This sacrifice

withoutcalculation“extendseventothesimpleintentionofsacrificing”(Keenan2005,1)meaningthat

anykindofreward,suchassocialprestige,negatesthesacrifice.Hesuggeststhatthisidentificationof

truesacrificewithoutcalculationorrewardwasthebasisforthebiblicalexhortationstosacrificein

secretwhereonlyGodsees.However,sinceGodsees,salvationisthereward.Whatappearedtobe

aneconomical sacrifice, without calculation or reward, was in fact a safeguard against “terrestrial

reward” but “it comes with a celestial reward” of salvation (Keenan 2005, 2). The entanglement

betweenphilosophyandanthropologyheargues isevident in theworkofMaussandHubertwho

arguedthat“normalsacrificewasperformedwithaneyetowardsself-interest”whereasthe“Godwho

sacrificeshimselfgiveshimself irrevocably”(Keenan2005,18).Anthropologicaltheoriesofsacrifice

similarlyheldontoanideaoftruesacrificeunattainablebyordinarybeingsandperfectedbyJesus.


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Furtherevidenceoftheentanglementsbetweenthetwofieldsisnotableinthecentralityofthegift

forthinkingthroughsacrificeinbothMaussandHubertaswellasDerrida.

Recently Michael Lambek has addressed this tension regarding the possibility of sacrifice

throughacloseconsiderationofethicsandexchange.Although“sacrificeisfrequentlyanalyzedwith

respecttoexchange…exchangeisbutonesortofvaluetransaction”(Lambek2008,150).Heargues

foreconomicvalueandethicalvalueastworealmsofconsideration,incommensurabletoeachother

(Lambek2008,145).Economicvalue/priceisrelativevalue.Economicvaluesarecommensurablewith

eachotherandareafunctionofchoice(Lambek2008,135).Theyaremeasurableandcomparable

(OxfordEnglishDictionary2016).IncontrastanAristoteliannotionofvirtuepertainsto“personsor

character”(Lambek2008,134),whereby“ethicalvalues”are“positedwithrespecttosomeabsolute

standard…whichcannotbenegotiated”(Lambek2008,135).Ethicalvaluesareincommensurablewith

eachotheranddefystandardsofmeasure(OxfordEnglishDictionary2016).Determiningabalance

betweentwovirtuesorgoals,likejusticeandcompassion,requirestheexerciseofpracticaljudgment

notchoice(Lambek2008,145).Lambeks’analysisofmeasurementandvaluepointstothelimitsof

economicdiscussionsof sacrifice. Separating theeconomicand theethicalas incommensurable to

eachotherhesuggeststhatweconsidersacrificeapracticethroughwhichethicalvaluesareproduced.

Lambek’sargumentispresentedthroughareadingoftheSaklavamythofsacrificeandisthereforea

largelysymbolicanalysisoforigins.

ThischapterdevelopsLambek’sanalysisthroughcarefulattentiontothepracticesofsacrificein

Mumbai.FocusingonsacrificeasaprocessIdrawattentiontothewayinwhichmarketpracticesof

purchasing goats, the practice of raising and caring for goats, and the custom of charging young

childrenwithresponsibilityforthegoatsareallimportantforpracticingsacrificeasaproductiveact

throughwhichparticularethicalvaluesoflifeareproduced.Approachingthepracticesofqurbaniasa

livedtraditionthischapterconsidershowaestheticappreciation,niyat(intention)andhuman-animal

intimacyentailapracticeofsacrificewhereethicalandeconomicvaluesareintertwinedandentangled


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rather than incommensurable. The practice of qurbani necessitates a series of ethical judgments

concerninggoatsize,price,breedandcaretowardtheperformanceofsacrificewithfeeling(ehsaas).

QURBANIASSACRIF ICE INMUMBAI: A L IVEDTRADITION

TwomajorfestivalspunctuatetheIslamiccalendar.Thefirst,knowninArabicasId-ul-Fitrmarks

theendofthemonthoffasting,Ramadan(Chapter6).ThesecondisId-ul-Adhawhichfallsinthefinal

monthoftheIslamiccalendarandmarkstheendoftheHajjpilgrimage.Id-ul-Adhacommemorates

theIslamicversionofthegreatAbrahamicsacrifice.TheprophetIbrahim,accordingtoparablewas,

uponGod’sorderswilling to slaughterhis son Ishmael.However,at themomentof slaughterGod

providedasheepinexchange.Inasymbolicre-enactmentMuslimsaroundtheworldrememberthe

sacrifice by offering a sacrificial animal in commemoration of the Prophet Ibrahim’s piety, love,

devotionandsubmissiontoGod.

Anothernamefor Id-ul-AdhaisBaqr Id,whichmeansfestivalofthecow. InSouthAsia ithas

beentransformedintoBakriId,meaninggoatfestival.Thenamealludestothepopularityofgoatsand

avoids the religiouslyandpolitically sensitive issueof cowslaughter.Bakri Id is also referred toas

Qurbani-ki-Id,popularlytranslatedasthefestivalofsacrifice.Qurbaniisthewordforsacrificeinthe

sub-continent.Qurbanifunctionsvariouslyasaverb,andnoun,referringbothtotheactofsacrifice,

aswellasaparticularanimalasasacrificialoffering.

FormostinMumbaiperformingqurbaniinvolvespurchasing,caringforandfinallyslaughtering

one’sanimal.TwoweeksbeforethedayofsacrificetheDeonarmunicipalabattoirgroundishosttoa

largegoatmarket.FarmersfromalloverIndiatraveltoDeonarwithavarietyofdifferentbreedson

offer.Eagercustomersflocktothemarketinsearchoftheirqurbanioffering.TheDeonarIdmarketis

thelargestinIndia,withupto200,000goatstradedoveraperiodoftwoweeks.Acommonpractice,

forthosewhohavethetimeandspace,istopurchaseagoatatleast3daysbeforethedayofslaughter

andbringitintothehomeinordertodeveloparelationshipwiththeanimal.Anunmistakablesignof


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Muslimareasduringthistwo-weekperiod is thepresenceofgoatsandpeople invariousstagesof

interaction.

Beginningatleasttwoweeksbeforethefestivalarediscussionsabouttheupcominggoatbuying.

Goatsarebroughtintohousingcompoundstobekeptincourtyardsoronapartmentrooftops.Those

withoutsuch facilitieserectstreet-sidebambooconstructedtaurpalincoveredstalls,calledmandis

(markets).Youngchildren,bothboysandgirls,tendtoandplaywiththeirgoatsintheevenings.Many

eventakeoff fromschoolforthe last fewdaysbefore Idastheexcitementofhavingagoat inthe

homebuilds.Mendopast-timetill late in theeveningwith theirgoats in thevicinity.Muchof the

discussion during this period of “goat-fever” revolve around one’s own goat, the goat market

conditionsandprices,thetypesofgoatsonoffer,andtheparticularly“largeandbeautiful”goatsthat

certainneighborhoodindividualsmayhavepurchasedthatyear.

Theimpetusforthepurchaseofgoatsduringthisperiodwasthedutyforperformingsacrifice

thatwasincumbentonallfinancially-ableMuslims.Qurbaniwasanobligationordered(hukm)byGod

incommemorationofthesacrificeofIbrahim.Adiscursivetraditionofsacrificehadbeenproduced

that demarcated the guidelines through which the obligation for sacrifice on all financially-able

Muslims(sahib-e-nisab)wastobedispelled.DuringfieldworkIhadtheopportunitytostudyUrduwith

alocalBarewlimaulana.DuringclasseswereadthroughabookofshortstoriesandadvicetoMuslims

entitled,‘TheGiftofTwoId’sandtheIssuesofSacrifice.’Thebookhadbeenwrittenandcompliedby

aDeobandiaalim,butwaswidelyacceptedbyvariousSunnischoolsofthoughtinMumbai.Itprovides

abasicoutlineoftherulesandobligationsforperformingsacrifice.

Qurbaniisonlyobligatoryonindividualswithalevelofsavingsinexcessofacertainvalueof

goldorsilver.Thesearepeopleofsufficientfinancialstanding(sahib-e-nisab).Wieldingtheknifewas

preferredbutnotnecessary.Theobligationofqurbanicouldbedispelledthroughanotherperson.This

isusuallyperformedthroughtheservicesoflocalmosquesandmadrasas(Muslimschools)thatcollect

moneyfromcongregantsandperformtheslaughterontheirbehalf.Slaughtercouldalsobeperformed

byafamilymemberorfriend.Anindividualmayalsoelecttoperformqurbanionbehalfofothers,


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usuallyfamilymembers.Boththedelegationandassumptionoftheresponsibilityforothersisenacted

throughtheutteranceofastatementofintention(niyat)throughwhichtherewardforparticularacts

isattributedtoparticularindividuals.

Differentanimalsareconsideredworthyofdifferentsharesofsacrifice.Largeanimalssuchas

camels,cows,bullsandbuffalo’sareworthsevenportions.Thismeansthatsevenindividualsmaypool

their resources together inperformanceof their sacrificial obligation. Small animals like goats and

sheepwereworthasingleportion.InMumbaiwherethepriceofasinglegoatfarexceededthecost

ofanentireBuffalo,theslaughteroflargeanimalswasthecheapestoptionfordispellingtheobligation

of sacrifice. The sacrifice of goatswas a status symbol. It indicatedwealth, awillingness to spend

moneyinpursuitofGod’sorders,andwasameansofshowingoffandpartakinginthe“goat-fever”

thatprecededthedayofsacrifice.Importantlythesizeofagoatanditstemperamentanddomesticity

was important forcultivatingthecare,affectionandattachmentnecessaryforperformingsacrifice

withfeeling(ehsaas).

However,astheobligationforsacrificedependedonfinancialstandingitwasalsorecommended

thatitwasdispelledaccordingtocapacity(istita’atse).Awealthypersonwhochosetoonlyslaughter

largeanimalsmaybeconsideredstingy,whereasapoorpersonwhooverspentwasconsideredfoolish.

Thechoiceofgoatorbullandthecostincurredthusincludedanethicaljudgementthatnegotiated

betweenthevirtueofsubmissiontothewillofGodandtheviceofbeingmiserlyorfoolish.However,

theconditionofcapacity(istita’at)alsomeantthatexcessivedisplaysofspendingwerenotsoeasily

interpretedasprideorostentationsincethewealthywereencouragedtospendmore.Therewasno

absolutemechanismofmeasuretoindicatewhenaparticularpracticeconstitutedavirtueorvice.The

sociality of niyat (intention)meant that people did criticize the excessive spending of particularly

ostentatiousgoatcollectionsasashowofpride.However,thestabilityandultimateopacityofniyat

(intention) forMuslim practice ensured that this criticismwas somewhat limited. The practice of

sacrificeultimatelyinheredbetweenanindividualandGod.Forexample,manypeoplerefrainedfrom


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expressingcriticismthroughtheexplanationthattherichwereobligedtospendmore.Clearlyprice

andwealthwerecentraltotheethicsofsacrifice.

The practice of sacrifice also stipulated that the animal be free from defects. This included

physicaldisabilityandchippedorbrokenhorns.Itwasadvisedthattheanimalbestout(farba)and

healthy(tandurust).Theseguidelinestranslatedintoadesiretopurchaselarge,healthyandbeautiful

goats.Acommongoat-rearingpracticeaimedat increasingthesizeofgoatswascastration.Khassi

goats(castrated)wereverycommonandhighlyvaluedforqurbani.However,therewassomedebate

astowhethercastrationconstitutedadefect.TheauthoritativeShi’ipositioninMumbaididnotallow

for castration. Some Sunni’s also followed this position and I occasionally encountered discussion

amongfriendsaboutthemeritsofeach.AnauthoritativeSunnipositionwasparaphrasedoneevening

byaninformantreadingfromabookoffatawa(legalopinions):

“you seeaccording to this fatwamakinga khassi is adefect, because the

testiclesarecut.Butbecauseofthatthegoatbecomesbiggerandstronger

becauseitssexualpowerisgone,soitgrowsbiggerandmorebeautiful.Also

themeatistastier.Soitmeansthatthegoatismoreexpensive(mehnga)and

isbetterforqurbani.Allahwillmoreeasilyacceptourqurbani.Thebroken

horndecreasesthevalueofthegoatsoitisnotallowed.Thesameiswithan

animalwithonly3workinglegs,itcannotbeofferedforqurbani.”

According to this legal opinionpricewas a testofdefect.A castratedgoatwas larger,more

beautifulandtastier.Itthusdemandedahighermarketprice.Theincreaseinvaluemeantthatthe

sacrificewasmore likely tobe acceptedbyGod. In this legal tradition, itwas clear that price and

aestheticappreciationwereimportantforthefulfillmentofsacrifice.Itwasclearinthesestipulations

thattheethicalvalueofsacrificewasintertwinedwithpriceasaneconomicmeasure.

InMumbaiandindeedmuchofSouthAsiathelivedtraditionofqurbanihaddevelopedfroman

emphasis on aesthetic appreciation, value and financial standing to include practices of care and

intimacybetweenhumansandanimals.Thiswasaninterpretationthatproducedanotionofsacrifice


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asthefeeling(ehsaas)oflossuponslaughter.Thisunderstandingofsacrificewasexplainedtomeone

eveningbyRiazoftheJUM(chapter2).

Riazexplainedthattheperformanceofqurbaninecessitatesthree levelsofmohabbat (love).

ThefirstlevelofmohabbatisforGodwhohasgivenMuslimstheorder(hukm)toperformqurbani.He

thennarratedapopularQuranicversethat“thebloodandmeatoftheanimaldonoreachgod,only

yourpietyreachesgod.”RiazexplainedthattruepietywasonlyattainablethroughloveforGod.He

usedtheexampleofnamaz(prayer)toexplain.NamazwasanorderfromGod,“whenwefollowGod’s

ordersoutoflovethenthatispiety,butifsomeoneismaking5timesnamazjustsothatotherpeople

canseehimdoit,thenthatisnotreal.”HereRiazwasreferringtotheinteriorlevelofintention(niyat)

bywhichactionswerejudged.Therewasapossibilityfordisjuncturebetweenactionsandintentions.

Submission to the orders of God (hukm)with lovewas the correct disposition. Itwas ameans of

quellingtheattachmentsanddesiresofthenafs(ego).

Thesecondleveloflovewasfortheanimalbeingofferedforqurbani.“Wehavetodoitwith

mohabbat(love),withehsaas(feeling),ifyoulovetheanimalthentheslaughterwillbewithehsaas

(feeling)andwewillberemindedofthesacrificethatIbrahimAlayhissalam(peacebeuponhim)was

preparedtomakebeforeGodsentthedumba(ram)inplaceofIshmael.”Riazraisedgoatsforqurbani.

EachyearoncethemarketatDeonaropenedheboughtafewsmall4-5kilogramgoatswhichhethen

raisedoutsidehishomeforthenextyearssacrifice.“Ilookafterthemforthewholeyear,wegrow

attachedtothem.WhenBakri IdarrivesandIhavetodothequrbani,whenIhavetheknife inmy

hand,thenmyeyesstarttotear,”heexplained.Aswewillsee,tearsandsolemnitywereanimportant

expressionof feeling (ehsaas)during the slaughter.They signaled theattachmentand love for the

sacrificial animal that had been cultivated through practices of care and intimacy. Tears were an

outwardmanifestationofthecorrectintention(niyat)forsacrifice.

Finallythethirdlevelofmohabbatwasexemplifiedinthemannerofslaughter.Riaznarrated

another common verse from theQuran that stated something to this effect, “do everythingwith

ehsan,evenifyouhavetokillananimaloraperson,doitwithehsan.”AsRiazexplained,“Ehsanis


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excellence,itisdoingyourbest,itisalsomohabbat(love)forfulfillingGodshukm(order)asbestas

possible.So,wemakesuretheareaisclean,theknifeissharp,sotheanimalfeelsminimalpain.Ifthe

knifeisgettingstuckandthezabiha(slaughter)isnoteasy,thenthatisnotacceptable.”Slaughterwas

anorder fromGod. ThedutyuponMuslimswas toovercome their attachment to the animal and

perform slaughter with excellence. This was understood as reducing the animals pain but also of

ensuringacertainnotionofdignityfortheanimalabouttobesacrificed.

ThediscursivepositionthatRiazarticulatedwasdifferentfromtheinstructionalmanualwhich

stipulated the rules and regulations of compliance. The notion of qurbani performedwith feeling

(ehsaas)wasaninstanceofhowIslamasalivedtraditionwasaterrainofproduction.Thepractices

Riazdescribedtransformedqurbanifromcommemorationandobligationintoapracticeoflove,care

and loss. However, as an articulation of Islam as a lived tradition there was a clear resemblance

betweenthetwodiscursivepositions.Throughanemphasisonhuman-animalintimacyandpractices

of careRiaz’s articulationof qurbani aimed at producing an experienceof pain and lossmeant to

resemblethetormentthattheprophetIbrahimhadexperienceduponreceivingtheordertosacrifice

hisson.

Interestingly theBarelwimaulanawhom I knewwasnot eager to endorse this practice that

linkedqurbanitofeeling(ehsaas)andlove(mohabbat)betweenhumansandanimals.Hesuggested

thattheMuslimdesiretopurchaseanimalsbeforethedayofIdinordertocarefortheminhomes

was inspiredbymarketprices.As thedayof Idapproachedprices rose.Buyingearlywasawayof

savingmoney.Healsodispelledtheconnectionbetweenqurbaniandloveasspecificallyrelatedtothe

careforanimals,“nowadayspeoplelove(mohabbat)theirmoney,soiftheygiveitthenthatisqurbani

aswell,”heexplained.This religious leader’s reluctance toendorse theauthorityofRiaz’spractice

stemmedfromhisconsiderationthatitwasnotabasicnecessity.Theaveragepersondidnothavethe

time,moneyorspacetoengageinthisarduousprocessofraisinggoatsforslaughter.However,he

acceptedthatraisinganimalsforqurbaniwasavirtuouspracticethatearnedextrareward(sawab).

Healsoacceptedthenotionofloveandattachmentasapre-requisiteforthepracticeofsacrifice.


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BetweenthesediscursivepositionsonsacrificewerethepracticesinMumbai.Therelationship

betweenAzizandKurkureperhapsmostclearlyresembledthatwhichRiazdescribed.Mostpeopledid

notengageinthesepracticesofcare.Theydelegatedtheactualperformanceofslaughtertoalocal

mosqueinMumbai,orsavedmoneybysendingtherequesttoaruralvillagearea.Forthemparting

withhardearnedmoneytofeedpoorvillagerswastheroutethroughwhichtofulfilltheobligationof

qurbani.Betweenthesepositionswasthewidespreadpracticeofkeepingagoatinthehomeforafew

daysorweeksbeforeslaughter.ThisentailedvisitstotheDeonarmarketinsearchofagoat,practices

ofcareinthehome,boastingandcomparison.Hereasharedaestheticappreciationforgoatsandthe

desiretoofferthemostbeautifulforsacrificeproducedthenotionofapersonalaestheticattraction.

Aesthetic value, size and price were combined with periods of care and intimacy toward the

performance of qurbani with feeling (ehsaas). The subjectivity of aesthetic appreciation, the

experienceoffeeling(ehsaas)andtheultimateprivacyofniyat(intention)produceddifferentroutes

towardsthefulfillmentoftheobligationtosacrifice.

ANETYMOLOGYOFQURBANI: CULTIVATINGLOVE INTHEPURSUIT OF ‘CLOSENESS’

One evening at Bukhara restaurant (Chapter 4) I met with Amin’s friend Taariq. Taariq had

attendedAligharUniversityasamajorinthenaturalsciencesbuthadsincepursuedhispassionfor

language. He was proficient in Hindi, English, Urdu, Arabic and Farsi and had been working as a

freelancetranslatorinMumbaiforthepast20years.Taariqexplainedthattheetymologyoftheword

qurbani was key to understanding the importance of aesthetics, appreciation, care and love

(mohabbat).

TaariqbeganhislessonontheetymologyofqurbanibyexplainingtheArabicsystemofroots

throughwhichmultiplewordscouldbederived.Inthiscase,therootofqurbanwasq-r-b,pronounced

qaraba.Fromthatderivedqurb,meaning‘close’,qaribmeaning‘hewhoisclose’andqurbatmeaning

‘closeness.’Hethenexplainedthattheadditionofthesuffix,‘aan’indicateddouble.Sobyimplication

‘qurbaan’hadthemeaningof‘doubleclose.’QurbanihoweverwasnotanArabicword.ItwasanUrdu


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wordthathesaidmeant‘ofcloseness.’Thewordwasbestexplainedthroughexample.Hethenoffered

thefollowingdefinitionofqurbanias,“allahkiqurbathaasilkarnekeliye”meaning“tosacrificeoroffer

inordertoseeknearnessorproximitytoAllah.”Theemphasisonsacrificewasimportantsincenamaz

(prayer)andotherreligiousacts(nekkaam)werealsoqurbatbutwerenotqurbansincetheydidnot

entailtheofferingofvaluablethings.Aleemthenrefinedthedefinitiononcemore,“spendingonthings

thatarevaluableandvaluedinonesownviewintheaim(maqsad)ofseekingproximityandnearness

toAllah.”Thisfinaldefinitionbroughtusbacktothesenseof“doublecloseness.”The“closeness”to

theofferingwhichwasthengivenupandsacrificedinordertoseek“closeness”toGod.Aleemthen

addedaseriesofadjectiveswhichwerecontainedinhisEnglishuseofvaluableandvalued,namely

beloved(pyaari),value(qadar),like(pasand)anddesired(chahna).

Taariq was a trained linguist. His etymological explanation resonated with Riaz and others’

explanationofthemeaningofqurbaniassacrificethatemphasizedmohabbat(worldlylove)asapre-

requisite.OftenthisexplanationwasfollowedwithreferencetotheQuranicversewhereinGodhad

orderedtheProphetIbrahimtomakeanofferingofthatwhichwasmostbelovedtohim,his“sabse

pyaaricheez”(mostbelovedthings).Love(mohabbat)andvalue(qadar)wasthekeythroughwhich

sacrificewithfeeling(ehsaas)wasproduced.Theetymologicalemphasisonsubjectivefactorsofdesire

andvaluesituatedtheultimateproofofperformanceintheexperienceofanindividual.Feeling,and

taqwa(piety)hadoutwardmanifestationsbutweremeresignsoffeeling(ehsaas)andlove,known

onlybetweentheindividualandGod.Thesubjectiveaspectsoffeelinganddesirecoincidedwiththe

opacityofniyat(intention)inlocatingtheproofofcomplianceinaninteriorsphereoftheself.

Unlike the arguments of the Barewli maulana this desire for cultivating worldly love was

especiallyreservedforanimalswhowerebroughtintothehome,“treatingthemaschildren”inorder

todeveloparelationship.Thecomparisonwithchildrenreferredtothepracticesofcareandserved

asametaphorforthewillingnessoftheProphetIbrahimtosacrificehisson,Ishmael.Howeveritalso

relatedtoaparticularconceptionofhuman-animalrelations.InIslamicdiscourseahierarchyofbeings

distinguishedanimalsandplantsfromhumansthroughtheformers’ lackofarationalfaculty(Foltz


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2006,15-17).However,sinceallcategoriesofcreationwereundertheauthorityofGod,ananimals

lack of reason did not translate intomere domination. Rather through comparison, animalswere

consideredmuchlikechildren.Adeem,aneighborhoodfriend,explainedonedaythattheywere“be

zaban(withoutlanguage),baddimagh(badmind)andnasamaj(nounderstanding).”Goatscouldnot

speak,thinkorunderstand,“theyaresimpleanimals,theydon’thavetheabilitytochoose,todecide

whatisrightornot.”Thetaskofcaringforanimalswastoensurethattheywerecomfortable,fed,

healthyandobedient.Thishierarchyofbeingthustranslatedintoafurthermetaphorwithchildren

wholearnedhabitsthroughrepetition,instructionandcare.

However, raisinganimalswasalsoconsideredapractice throughwhichethical reflectionson

one’s own life were obtained. As many informants explained, raising animals was considered a

propheticprecedentandethicalpracticethroughwhichitwassaid,“youcanlearneverythingabout

lifebylookingaftergoats,watchingthem,caringforthem,feedingthem.”Thiswasexplainedthrough

the importanceof careandpatiencenecessary for raisinggoats. Itwasoftenemphasized that the

pastoralpracticeswereanexampleoftheProphetMuhammud,JesusandAbraham.Animalswere

creations of God, each with an individual consciousness, set of habits and unique personality.

Becomingattuned to thosehabitswasanethicalpractice.This required raisingone’sanimalswith

tawajjuh(concentration/attention/focus)suchthatfeelingsbetweenthepersonandgoatdeveloped.

Throughthesepracticesthefinalsacrificeofqurbanientailedtheslaughterofananimalaswellasthe

sacrificeofone’sownsentiments,attachmentsandcompanionsinadherencetoGod’sorders.

Thisdiscursiveunderstandingofsacrificeentailedthelossofsomethingthatwasloved(pyaari),

valued(qadar),liked(pasand)anddesired(chahna).Onlythelossofsomethingthatwassubjectively

desired, liked or loved could translate into the subjectivity of feeling (ehsaas) required for the

fulfillmentofqurbani(sacrifice).Togetherwiththeopacityandcentralityofniyat(intention)forthe

fulfillmentofsacrifice,thisproducedanotionofcomplianceasaninternalexperience.Thecultivation

of feeling (ehsaas) through sacrifice entailed a series of practices throughwhich a subjective and

personalsenseofattachmentcouldbedeveloped.However,mostpeopledidnotraisegoats from


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birth.Forthemthedaysorweeksprecedingthedayofslaughterwerecrucialforcultivatingthecare,

loveandappreciationforthesacrificialanimal.Here,aestheticappreciation,timeandtheexpenditure

ofhard-earnedmoneywasanimportantsteptowardstheperformanceofsacrificewithfeeling.

F INDINGTHEPERFECTGOAT: T IME, BEAUTYANDBUDGET

AsIdapproached,mostofthegoatsthatmarkedthestreetsofMumbaihadbeensourcedfrom

theDeonarabattoirgrounds.Asoneinformantexplained,Deonarwasreallyalarge“goat–fair.”The

market operated for 24 hours per day, with farmers sleeping in the pens with their goats. Huge

amountsofcashtransactionswereconducted.TheatmosphereatDeonarwasfestiveandelectric.

Between the goat stalls were women selling goat-food, and entrepreneurs offering garlands and

necklacesasgoatdecorations.Foodstandssoldavarietyofpopularsnacksandsweets.Largerstalls

servedfullmealsofdalgosht(lentilscookedwithmeat)andbiryani.TheeventwassopopularthatI

met two friends that had travelled from Pune, a nearby city about 2 hours away, to revel in the

atmosphereandadmirethegoatsonoffer.OthersfromacrossMumbaialsocamejust“forthefunof

it.”MuchoftheexcitementstemmedfromthewidespreadaestheticappreciationamongsttheMuslim

communityforgoats.24

Manyadmiredthesize,color,stature,headshapeandevenfacialmarkingsofvariousgoats.

Certainbreederswerefamousforbringingprizegoatstomarket.Thatyearaparticularlywell-known

breeder fromGopalwasquoting12.5 lakhs forhisprizegoat (18,000USD).Groupsofmostlymale

friendsaswellaswholefamilieswonderedthemuddiedlanestakingpicturesofparticulargoatsand

posingwiththem.However,inadditiontothissharedcodeofaestheticvaluewastheactualpractice

offinding,negotiatingfor,andpurchasingaqurbanioffering.Hereaestheticappreciationwasabouta

balancebetweenpersonalattractionandindividualbudget.Therewasvirtueinspendinghard-earned

moneyonsacrificebutnotinoverpayingorexceedingone’sbudget.Findingaqurbanigoattherefore

24InIndiaMuslimsaresometimesridiculedasgoat-lovers.


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involvedaninvestmentoftimeandeffortoftenlateintothenightinsearchofthemostbeautifulgoat

thatonecouldafford.

OneafternoonIaccompaniedHussein,JavidandZiatoDeonar.Husseinwasaself-proclaimed

“goat-enthusiast”whohadturnedhispassionforgoatsintoabusinessandhadbegunraisinggoatson

hisfamiliespropertyinruralMaharashtra.JavidandZiawerefriendswhohadrequestedHussainto

accompanythemasasecondopinionongoathealthandtoactasabargainingpartner.Ithappened

tobethreedaysbeforetheIdcelebrationandthelastSundaybeforeId.Themarketwascrowded.

Trafficwasbackedupforatleastakilometerleadingtowardsthearea.

InsideDeonarthousandsofpeoplestreamedupanddownmuddiedlanes.Somehadgoatsin

towhavingcompletedasuccessfuldeal,whileotherswerestillsearching.BythetimeHusseinandI

arrivedJavidhadjustconcludedadealfor25,500rupees($US360)andwasheadingtoanearbyATM

towithdrawthecash.HehadpurchasedapurewhiteRajasthanigoat.Heexplainedthat itwashis

‘prize’goat.Heintendedtopurchaseonemoremedium-sizegoatforunder20,000rupees($US300).

Ziaalsointendedtopurchaseoneprizegoatandonemedium-sizegoat.Hehadhowevernotyetfound

one that both appealed to him aesthetically and matched his budget. Zia complained that over

enthusiasticbuyerswerekeepingthemarketpriceshigh.“Theydoingthis thing forAllah, theyare

giving it to Allah, so they think ok and they pay.” He however, was also a self-proclaimed “goat

enthusiast”whoraisedgoatsonasmalllandholdingnearViral(ontheoutskirtsofMumbai).Hethus

feltthathehadabettersenseofthefairmarketprice.Clearlythejudgementofhowmuchtospend

wasanimportantcomponentofpurchasingasacrificialgoat.Therewasnovirtueinover-paying.

BothZiaandJavidweresearchingforawhitegoat,preferablyofIndorebreed.Ziaexplainedthat

“inallofIndiathemostbeautifulgoatisfromIndore,thatisinMadhyaPradesh.Ithasapurewhite

skin.”Thiswasofcourseaverycommonlyheldassessment.Talesof largewhitehorse-size Indore

goats abounded. However not any white goat would do. The particular goat had to capture the

attentionandattractionofthebuyer.Itsfigure,stanceandevenfacialfeatureswereaspectsthatmay

swayanunsuspectingbuyer.AsIfollowedthefriendsthroughthemarkettheyoccasionallystopped


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attradingpensholding50-60whitegoatseach.Thefriendswouldstopateachpen,butonlyoneor

twowouldcatchtheirattention.Thethreewouldconferwitheachotherandthenapproachthefarmer

foraquote.Thatdaytheywerereceivingquotationsof30,000rupeesandupwards.HusseinandZia

valuedthegoatsatabetween18-22thousand.25Afteranentireroundofthemarketeasilythreeto

fourhourshadpassedwithoutluck.

Thefriendscontinuedtocomplainthatthemarketwas“tight”andwasbeingbuoyedbythe

overzealouscrowds.Ziawastenseandabsorbedbythesearch.Javid,hadalreadyfoundhisfirstgoat

sowasmoreatease.Hedescribedtomethesatisfactionoffinallyfindingagoat–“itmakesyouhappy,

butnotanormalhappiness,aspecialhappiness.Itmeansthatyoucannowfulfillyourqurbani.”Javid

hadbeenatDeonarfor14hoursthedaybeforeandsince12pmonthatday,trudgingthroughthe

famousDeonar sludge. Itwas already 8pmwhichmeant that it had been a total of 22 hours and

counting. Zia had been coming every night for the past 5 nights and not yet found a single goat.

Noticingmyamazementatthetimespentinthemarket,Javidexplained-“yousee,youhavetofind

theperfectgoat,theonethatyouareattractedto,thatyoufindbeautifulbutalsothatyoucanafford.”

Thispersonalsenseofvalue(qadar)anddesire(chahna)exceededthewidelysharedcodesofaesthetic

evaluation.Themarketpracticeentailedchoosingagoatthatinstantlycapturedoncepersonalsense

of aesthetic appreciation andwaswithin budget. The time and effort expendedwere part of the

processofbuildingknowledgeofthemarkettowardsthisexerciseofjudgement.Thefinalpurchase

was an ethical judgement that made the fulfilment of the obligation to sacrifice possible. The

satisfactionthatJaviddescribedwasthefeelingofspendinghardearnedmoneyonanobjectofbeauty

andvaluewiththeintention(niyat)ofperformingsacrifice.

Afterthegoatwaspurchased,“Weliketotakethegoathomeforatleast2-3daystokeepinthe

building,forthechildrentolookafter,feed,playwith.It’spartoftheexcitementofit.Ifwejustbuy

25ThisIlaterfoundoutwasacommonformulaformarketnegotiations.Afatheroftwowhohadjustsuccessfullycompletedhispurchaseandmistookmy interest inhisgoats fora foreignerasking foradvice,advisedmetodividethefirstpricein2andthenadd2-4thousandrupees.


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thegoatthedaybeforetherewillbenothing.Wewanttohavesomeattachmenttotheanimalbefore

qurbani.” This practice was aimed at ensuring that the day of sacrifice was not simply a day of

celebration.JavidexplainedthatitwasnormalforchildrentocryonBakriIdbecausethey“getvery

attachedtothegoatsveryquickly.Butevenadults!”hesaidashepointedtowardsZiawhooftencried

whenheslaughteredgoatswhichhehadraisedhimself.Thestoriesofgrownadultssheddingtearson

qurbani were common. The expression of grief and sadness stemmed from the cultivation of a

relationshipwith thegoatbefore slaughterandwasclearlymost intense for thosewho raised the

animalfromayoungage.However,forotherstheprocessbeganinthemarketwherethedesireto

performqurbaniwithfeeling(ehsaas)entailedtheexpenditureoftimeandmoneyonanobjectof

subjectiveaestheticvalue.

Through feeling (ehsaas), qurbani as an order of God (hukm) became an ethical practice of

reflectionontheephemeralnatureofmaterialandsocialrelations.Asanexperience,itwaslikelyto

beexpressedthroughtearsorsolemnitybutneverfullycapturedbytheseexpressions.Thefeeling

(ehsaas)ofsacrifice (qurbani)wasasubjectiveexperiencethat likeniyat (intention)wasultimately

inaccessibletoothers.Importantlythecultivationofthisfeeling,theaestheticappreciationofMuslims

towardsgoats, and the lessons regarding theephemeralityof lifebeganasa young childwith the

responsibilityfortakingcareofthegoatsbeforeslaughter.

CHILDREN:PRACTICESOFCAREANDTHEPEDAGOGYOFSACRIFICE

Children,bothboysandgirls,wereanimportantpartofthepreparationforqurbani.AsJavid

explained, the practicewas directly related to a desire for children to partake in the pedagogy of

sacrifice.TheyspenthoursinthedaysbeforeBakriIdplayingwiththegoats,feedingthemandtaking

careofthem.Asoneinformantdescribedhisownchildren,“nowadays(duringthebuild-uptoBakri

Id)thechildrenaresobusywiththegoatsthatyoucan’tevencallthemtoeat,theydon’tevenfeel

hungry.Theyfeedthem,talktothemalso,fullconversations!Wholeday.Thenwhenqurbanicomes

theyareall insidesleeping.”Theinitialexcitement,careandfunfollowedbyslaughterandsadness


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wastheprocessthroughwhichthemeaningofqurbaniasthewillingnesstoforegoanobjectofcare

andlove(mohabbat)wasproduced.Forchildren,thiswasapedagogicalprocessthroughwhichthe

ephemeralityofmaterialandsociallifewastransmitted.

Childreninteractedwiththeirgoatsaspets.Thefedthem,scoldedthem,namedthem,petted

themandtookthemonwalksaroundtheneighborhoodtogivethemexercise.Theassociationofgoats

andpetsextendedbeyondqurbaniasthroughouttheyearcertainhouseholdskeptsmallbreedsof

goats in lieu of dogs.Onmy first fieldwork duringBakri Id I chancedupon a particular apartment

buildinginfrontofwhichwerefourgoatsandfouryounggirlsofaround10yearsofageinastateof

greatexcitement. Itwasalreadyafter11pmonaweeknight, twonightsbefore Id.Themostvocal

amongstthemwasscoldingalargewhiteMadhyaPradeshbreedofgoatfornoteating.Themoment

IdrewmycameraIcaughttheirattentionandwascalledinsideforatour.Theybeganintroducingme

totheirgoats,eachofwhomtheyhadnamed.Includedwereastawnyandatawny.Theyhadadorned

thegoatswithsmalldecorations.Thefourthgoatwasnottheirssotheywerenotfeedingit,butthey

hadnameditanyway.Thegirlspossessedavastknowledgeofgoatbreedswhichtheywereeagerto

exhibitastheyboastedabouthowtheytoohadvisitedtheDeonargoatmarketwiththeirfathers.It

was clear that in a short space of time, through constant attention to their goats, the girls had

developedasenseofattachment.

ThefollowingyearIreturnedtotheirbuildingonthenightbeforeId.Thistimetheatmosphere

was farmore subdued. I stood beside some onlookers viewing the goats. A few adultmenwere

arranginglogisticsfortheslaughterthenextmorning.Themosttalkativegirlfromthepreviousyear

recognizedmeandrecalledthatIwas“writingabookongoats.”Shebecameveryexcited,invitedme

insidethegatedareaandranindoorstocallherfriend.BeforesheranoffIaskedherwhathergoats’

nameswerethisyearbutsheexplainedthattheirparentshad instructedthemnottonamethem.

“Theywillhavetogosoon,”shesaid.Shehurriedinsideandemergedmomentslaterwithanothergirl

whomIalsorecognizedfromthepreviousyear.Thetwothenproceededtogivemeatouroftheir

favoritegoats.Mostofthegoatsweresittingdown.Forthegirlsthatwasasignthattheywerealready


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awareoftheirfate,“seetheyareverysadtoday,ourparentstellustheycanseetheknifeintheir

eyes,theyknow,tomorrowtheywillgotoheaven.”OnthatsomewhatsombernoteIenquiredabout

whether theywereplanning towatch theproceedings thenextmorning,onegirl replied, “yeswe

watchbutnot forourgoats,whenourgoatsarebeingdone thenwego inside.”Asonemanhad

previouslyexplained,“wetellthechildrenthatthesearejannati(belongingtoheaven)goats,theyare

notforthemtokeep.”ThenightbeforeIdwasfarlessbuoyantandfestive.Theimpendingslaughter

hadbeenexplainedto thegirls throughan Islamic traditionofdeathandafterlife.However, these

narrativesthoughimportantdidnotsimplyalleviatethefeelingoflossandsadness.Importantly,the

girlshadalreadydevelopedapersonalrelationshipwiththeirfamily’sgoatsthattheycouldnotbear

towatchthemundergothegeneralfate.

Thecompanionshipthatchildrendevelopedwasevidentinanotherconversationwithagroup

ofcousinsofbetween6and12yearsofageastheytendedtotheirgoats.Aswespoketheconversation

alternatedbetweentheirinquisitivenessaboutmeandtheirdesiretoshowmetheirgoats,“seethis

one,seehowitsleeps,”oneboypointedout.Iwasunsureastowhathewasaskingmetosee,“we

sleepinsideonourside,seehowhesleeps,likethis,”hesaid,showingmehowtheywraptheirfeet

underthemselves.Anotherboypointedtoanothertwogoatswhowerelyingsidebysidewiththeir

headsrestedagainsteachother,“andthosetwo,theyarebrothers,”hesaid.Thechildrenwereeager

toknowifIhadpetsandweredisappointedtohearthatIdidnot.Betweenthemtheyhadacat,a

goldfishandaparrot.AsourconversationenteredalullandIwaspreparingtogreetthemfarewell

theyounggirl,inarathersombretoneexclaimed,“kalismandikiyaadayegi”(tomorrowthememory

ofthiswillcome)Ididn’tcatchherphraseatfirstsosheelaborated,“tomorrowitwillallbegone,then

thegoats,themandi,wewillrememberthistime.”

Childrenexperiencedqurbaniasaprocess,frompracticesofcareandfuntosadnessandloss.

Theirparentsofferedthemexplanationsoftheirgoatstransportedtoheaven.Thismayhaveeased

theexperienceofslaughterbutclearlydidnotofferimmediaterespitefromgrief.Transportationto

heavenwasacommonexplanationchildrenwereofferedregardingthedeathoflovedonesandfamily


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members.FollowingLambekwemayconsidersacrificeasonemeansthroughwhichsymbolicvalues

ofheaven,anafterlifeorGodareproduced.However,withqurbaniitwasnotthemomentofsacrifice

thatwasmostpertinentbutrathertheprocessofcare,attachmentandloss.Thechildrenreflectedon

thesimilaritiesanddifferencesbetweenthemselvesandtheirtemporarypets.Theyoungboywho

analyzedthesleepinghabitscomparedthemtohimself.Theotherwhodirectedmetolookatthetwo

brothergoatslyingsidebysidewasclearlypointingtotheaffectionbetweenthetwogoats,likethe

affectionexpectedbetweenhumanbrothers.Throughpracticesofplayandcarethechildrenwere

developingaffectionandintimacywiththeirgoats.Throughtheprocessofcare,attachmentandloss

the ephemeral nature of material and social relations was produced. Nothing belonged to them.

Everything ended in heaven. The importance of this practice of qurbani for the production of

reflectionsondetachmentandtheinstabilityof lifeweremostevidentintherelationshipbetween

AzizandKurkure.

SACRIF ICE: COMPANIONSHIP, LOVEANDLOSS

TwodaysbeforeIdIwasonmywaytovisitAzizandKurkure.Giventhesurgeofactivityand

goatsonthestreetsthateveningInearlywalkeddirectlypasttheIttarstore,onlyforAziztocallme

back.“WhereisKurkure?”Iasked,expectingtoseehim.Azizrepliedsomberly,“afteronemoreday

thereisnomoreKurkure.”HepointedtohisrightwhereKurkurewasbeingtendedbysomeofthe

regulars.Iwastakenabackbyhisresponseanddidn’thaveaneloquentreplysorathercrudelyasked

him if he was already becoming a bit sad, “well, it’s been two years,” he replied. The discussion

changedwithmetellinghimaboutmypreviousday’sexperiencesandaskingabouthisittarbusiness.

SuddenlyKurkurestartedbleating.Azizimmediatelyturnedtolookandsaidthathewasfeelingwarm.

Aswechattedsometeaarrived.Aswasthecustomsomewaskeptaside.ThistimeAzizalloweditto

coolproperlybeforefeedinghim.HewentovertogiveKurkurethetea.AsAzizwalkedoverKurkure

stoodup.Afriendhandedhimsomecrackers.HefedKurkuresometeaandafewcrackers,keeping

someforhimself.


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TheapproachofBakriIdwasbeginningtoweighonAzizasthelossofacompanion.Duringthe

pasttwoyearsAzizhadcaredforKurkure,payingcarefulattentiontobothhisdietandbehavior.Aziz

sharedteaandbiscuitswithKurkuredaily.Onafewoccasions IhadseenhimscoldingKurkurefor

chewingonsomethinginappropriateandcalledhimtowardshimforacaresswhenhebecameover

excited. Care included affection and reprimand. Kurkure had become an important part of Aziz’s

everydaylife.

ThenextnightIwasagainatAziz’sstore.Manyintheareawerebusypreparingtheirknivesfor

thenextmorning.Theatmospherewaspalpablylessbuoyantthanthepreviousdays.WhenIarrived,

AzizwasaloneintheshopsittingwithhisarmaroundKurkureinawarmembrace,strokinghisneck.

AfterIstartedspeakingtoAziz,Kurkurebeganmisbehavingbyattemptingtochewthecardboardon

theshopcounter.Azizreprimandedhimandtookhimovertotheledgeafewmetersaway.Manywho

passedmentioned that itwasKurkure’s lastday.Azizwas clearlynothappyathaving tohear this

repeatedly,andshookhisheadeachtime.Heseemedpensive.

Thatevening‘uncle’wasnotinthestorebecausehehadgonetotheDeonargoatmarketwith

agroupoffriendstoexperiencethefinalday.Sittingatthestore,hissonImraanarrived.Hewasa26-

year-oldadvertisingprofessionalinAndheri.Hedidnotenjoythepracticeofraisinggoats,“thiswhole

thingistoomuch,it’stoostressfulattheend.Ihadonegoatafewyearsback,butitwastoomuch,I

decidedthennevertodoitagain.”Onthatoccasion,hewasunabletowieldtheknifenorbeinthe

vicinityofthehomeduringslaughter.Healsorefusedtoeatthemeatuntilafewdayslaterwhenthe

memoryoftheanimalhadsubsidedandwhenthemeathadbeenmixedwithothermuttonandwas

nolongeridentifiable.Ahmed’ssentimenttestifiedtothetormentthatsacrificecouldentailandthat

hewasnotpreparedtoundergo.Hisdecisiontochangehispracticeofqurbaniandtonotconsume

themeatuntilafterithadbeenmixedwasanindicationofthepracticeofIslamasalivedtradition

whereindividualsdeviseddifferentroutesthroughwhichtofulfilltheobligationofsacrifice.Hedid

notdoubtthepracticeandobligationtoperformqurbaniasanorderfromGod.Ratherhefeltthatthe

tormentinvolvedinthisparticularkindofpracticewasmorethanhecouldendure.


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ThethreeofusspentthefinaleveninginthestorewithKurkure,occasionallyjoinedbyafriend

oftheirsortwo.Soon itwas1am.ThecarreturnedfromDeonar. Itwasa largeLandroverwith10

peopleinit.Asitarrivedthepassengerwindowwasrolleddownandthenewsannounced.Theirfather

hadboughttwobabysheep.Therewasmuchexcitementasthesheepwereoffloaded.Theywere3

monthsoldandhadcost3,000rupeeseach.Ahmed,thoughannoyed,understoodthathisfatherhad

purchasedthegoatstofillthevoidthattheslaughterofKurkurewasgoingtoleavebehind.

Uncle’s trip to Deonar and his return with replacement goats point not simply to the

substitutabilityofanimalsasconduitsforhumanpractice.Ratherweneedtounderstandthewayin

whichpurchasinggoatsatayoungageincludedtheintention(niyat)toraisethemwithcareandlove

andtodeveloparelationshipintheaimofultimatelysacrificingthemtoGod.Thiscontinuousprocess

of cultivating love, attachment and loss was an ethical practice through which reflections on the

ultimateinstabilityandimpermanenceoflifewereproduced.

THESLAUGHTER:TOTALSURRENDER

OnthedayofIdslaughterusuallybeganafterthemorningprayers.Somemosquesperformed

theprayersupondaybreaktoavoidhavingtoperformslaughterinthesearingmiddayheat.Afterthe

prayers,ImetAhmedoutsidethefamily’sapartmentbuildingandfollowedhimupstairs.Thefamily

livedonthethirdfloorofanoldchawlbuilding.Atoneendofeachfloorweretwotoiletsandashared

washingareawheretheslaughterwasgoingtotakeplace.Therewerefourgoatsthatweregoingto

beslaughteredonthethirdfloorthatday.

Arrivingupstairs,Azizinformedusofaproblemintheday’sproceedings.Thekasai(laborerwho

assistswithskinning,andcutting),whomhehadcontractedthedaybeforeandagreedonapriceof

2,000rupees,hadarrivedinthemorning,takenonelookatKurkureanddecidedthathewouldnotbe

abletodotheworksinceKurkurewastoolarge.Kasai’schargedmoretochop,skinandcleanlarger

goats.However,theywerealsoknowntothreatentoleaveajobunderthepretextthatthegoatwas

largerthantheyhadexpected.Azizwasnotwillingtonegotiate.Thekasaiworkingonthefloorabove


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agreedtoassistwithKurkureoncehisworkwascompleted.Thedelaywouldeventuallycosttwohours

duringwhichhewasbecoming impatient.Hewanted the slaughterbeoverasquicklyaspossible.

Whilewaiting,hewasmostlyquiet,periodicallyreturningtoKurkure’ssidetofeedhimbyhandand

strokehimaffectionately.

Eventually,asthemorningdrewonandtheworkupstairswascompleted,thekasaiannounced

thathewasreadytoproceedwiththeslaughterofKurkure.Therewasadiscussionaboutwhowould

holdKurkuredownwhilethequrbaniwasperformed.Ahmedflatoutrefused.Hecouldnotevenstand

tobeinthebuilding.Heleftwithhisfriendforasmokeoutside,sayingthathewouldbebackinhalf

anhour.Ahmed’stwobrothersagreedtoholdKurkurewiththehelpofthekasai.Azizsaidhewas

unabletodoit,andwouldnotdothezabiha(slaughter)either.‘Uncle’wasgoingtodotheslaughter.

Aziz,visiblytense,posedwithKurkureonelasttimeashisbrothersandItookpictures.Heremoved

Kurkure’sdecorativecollarandpassedhimontothebrotherstoleadhimtowardstheslaughterarea.

Azizurgedmeforwardbutsaidthathecouldnotwatch.Isteppedforwardforabetterview.Azizpaced

nervouslybehindme.

Kurkurewasdroppedtothegroundandheldfirmlyinplacebythebrothers.Onegrabbedthe

hindlegsandplacedpressureonthebody.Theothergrabbedthefrontlegsanddidthesame.The

kasaigrabbedKurkure’shead,pulleditbackandtwistedittothesidetorevealtheneckandmakethe

skintaut.Thiswasalwaysdonewhenslaughteringtoensurethattheknifewasabletopenetratewith

ease.Kurkurebleatedandwrithed.Azizwastense,“Ekdamzabihakaro,”(slaughterquickly,inone

go)heshouted,ashecameovermyshouldertoseewhatwastakingsolong.Thebrothersandthe

kasaiincreasedtheirgripand‘uncle’laidtheknifeonKurkure,buthedidnotapplyenoughpressure

andtheknifewasnotassharpasitshouldhavebeen,soanincisionwasnotmade.Kurkurestruggled

andbleatedagain.“Ekdummaro,”(strikenow,quickly)Azizagaincriedoutashepacedbehindme.

‘Uncle’firmedhisgripandrecitedthetakbir(Allahuakbar)again,loudly,andthistimetheincisionwas

cleananddeep.Thebloodgushedforth.Hesteppedbacktofetchthewaterwhichwasnearby.Water

waspouredoverthenecktoassisttheblood-flowandtorevealthearteries,veinsandwind-pipe.The


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kasai took theknifeandmadesure thatall veinsandarterieshadbeen severed.Thisensured the

quickestreleaseofbloodfromthebody.ThebrotherscontinuedtoholdonasKurkurewentthrough

hisfinalconvulsions.WiththeslaughtercompleteKurkurewasnomore.Azizimmediatelyturnedto

leavethebuilding.

Through Aziz we see how the virtue of performing sacrifice (qurbani) with feeling (ehsaas)

deriveditsmeaningandethicalimpetusfromthehuman-animalrelationshipofcompanionshipbefore

slaughter.However,inseekingtocultivateaparticularpracticeofqurbani,Azizdevisedhisownrules.

Hewasnotpreparedtowieldtheknife,assistintheslaughterofKurkurenoreatthemeat.Intimacy,

careandaffectionhadprecludedhisdirectinvolvementinslaughterorconsumptionofthemeat.Both

slaughterandconsumptionwereexplicitlyadvised.Thecommonpracticewastopreparetheliverfor

breakfast,andthenhaveamoreelaboratedishofbiryanifordinner.HoweverforAziztherelationship

ofcareandcompanionshipmeantthatthepracticeofqurbaniinvolvedhandingoverpermissionto

slaughtertoacloserelativeanddesistingfromtheconsumptionofthemeat.Theintention(niyat)to

sacrificewassufficientforthefulfillmentoftheact.Azizpartookinthewillingnesstoletgoofworldly

attachments infavorofanorder(hukm)byGodthroughaslightlydifferentpath.Althoughhewas

clearlysolemn,pensiveandultimatelyconcernedwiththeswiftnessoftheslaughter,hedidnotshed

tears.

CONCLUSION

This chapter has considered the different practices of qurbani in Mumbai towards an

understanding of Islam as a lived tradition. The practice of qurbani was not uniform. Therewere

differentroutesthroughwhichtheobligationtoperformqurbaniwasfulfilled.Differentindividualsof

differentagespracticedqurbaniindifferentways.Throughoutthesepracticeswasaresemblanceof

thedesiretocommemoratethewillingnessoftheProphetIbrahimtosacrificehissoninlieuofGod’s

orders.


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An Islamic discursive tradition outlining the rules and obligations of qurbani points to the

importanceoffinancialcalculationandaestheticvalue.Qurbaniwasonlyobligatoryonfinanciallyable

Muslimsandwassupposedtobedispelledaccordingtocapacity.Therewas thusaminimumlevel

abovewhichqurbaniwasperformed,butnoabsolutemaximum.Fortheindividualconcernedover-

spendingpresentedthepossibilityforostentation,prideandfoolishnessandunder-spendingasignof

miserliness.Thechoiceofhowmuchtospendthusentailedanethicaljudgmentthataccountedfor

individual wealth levels, and that struck a balance between ostentation and stinginess. However,

anotheraspectofthediscursivetraditionofqurbaniwastheimportanceofdefect-free,healthyand

beautifulanimals.Castration,arearingpracticewhichcontributedtogoatsize,tasteandmarketprice

wasconsideredacceptable.Pricewasthusanindicationofasharedcodeofaestheticvalue.Elements

ofmeasureandcomparison in sacrificewere commonandclearly central tomarketpractices,but

ultimately limitedthroughthesubjectivestipulationof financialcapacity.Therichwereallowedto

spendmorethanthepoor.Measureandcomparisonbetweenindividualswasultimatelynotatestof

theworthofsacrifice.ThispracticeofqurbaniemphasizedcompliancewithGod’sorders(hukm)from

withinone’sindividualfinancialpositionincommemorationofthesacrificeoftheProphetIbrahim.

InMumbaiandmuchofSouthAsiaadevelopmentofthistraditionemphasizedtheimportance

ofperformingqurbani (sacrifice)with feeling (ehsaas). This entailedoffering anobjectof personal

attachment,valueandlovetowardtheexperienceofpainandloss.Thecultivationofhuman-animal

intimacywas central to this productionof sacrifice. Rearing animalswas expressed as a Prophetic

precedentofMuhammad,JesusandAbraham.Animalswerecomparedtochildrenintheirneedfor

attentivecareandguidance.Raisinganimalswithconcentration,attentionandcarewasimportantfor

thecultivationofpatience.ThispracticeofsacrificesoughttoreproducethepainthattheProphet

Ibrahimwaspreparedtoundergoinhisreadinesstosacrificehisownson.Thisparticulartraditionof

sacrificemeantthatitwascommonforMuslimstopurchaseyounggoatsandcareforthemforupto

three years before offering qurbani. Tears and solemnity were outward expression of the feeling

(ehsaas)ofsacrifice.


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However, most people did not raise goats from a young age. Rather they endeavored to

purchaseagoatattheDeonarmarketafewdaysinadvanceinordertobringitintothehometocare

foranddeveloparelationship.Inthemarkettheimportanceofaestheticappreciationwascentral.A

sharedcodeofaestheticvaluemeantthatmanyMuslimsarrivedatthemarkettoadmirethegoatson

offer. However, for those practicing qurbani the importance of personal attachment and value

translatedintoadesiretopurchaseagoatthatappealedtoapersonalsenseofaestheticappreciation.

Thegoatpurchasedhadtobothcapturetheattentionofthebuyerandbeaffordable.Marketpractices

includedhoursspentinsearchofabeautifulgoatattherightprice.Inthemarketapersonalaesthetic

appreciationwasanimportantmeasureofvaluethroughwhichqurbaniwithfeelingwasproduced.

Purchasingagoatthatappealedtoasubjectivesenseofbeautyandwaswithinbudgetentailedan

ethicaljudgementthroughwhichthepracticeofqurbaniwasfulfilled.

Thepracticeofpurchasinggoatsaheadofslaughterwasespeciallyaimedatchildrenwhowere

taskedwith the responsibility to care for and feed their goats. The children treated their goats as

temporary pets. They named, fed and playedwith them. This practice of care was a pedagogical

processthroughwhichtheyreflectedonthedifferencesandsimilaritiesbetweenhumansandanimals.

Itwasalsoarguablythemeansthroughwhichthewidespreadaestheticappreciationforgoatswas

produced.Forthechildren,theinevitabilityoftheslaughterwastheend-pointofaprocessthrough

whichtheyweretaughtabouttheephemeralnatureofthisworld,andtheimportanceofanafterlife.

Through these different practices a particular set of meanings of qurbani were produced.

SubmissiontotheordersofGod(hukm),thefulfillmentofobligationandthecommemorationofthe

sacrificeoftheProphetIbrahimwereallimportant.ForpeoplelikeAzizandRiaztheprocessfromcare

and attachment to slaughter produced qurbani as a feeling (ehsaas) of loss and sorrow. Like the

childrentaskedtocarefortheirgoats,theslaughterwasamomentthroughwhichreflectionsonthe

ephemeralityoflifewasproduced.

Theemphasisonpietyaslove,throughthefeelingofloss,situatedthefulfillmentofqurbaniin

aninteriorrealm.Liketheniyat(intention)toperformqurbani,feeling(ehsaas)wasnotfullycaptured


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byexternalexpressionsof tearsandsadness.Togetherwithmarketpractices thatemphasized the

importanceofsubjectiveaestheticappreciation,sacrifice(qurbani)asfeeling(ehsaas)wasproduced

as an experience.Measurable elements of qurbani such as price, goat size and a shared code of

aesthetic appreciationwerenot incommensurablewith the ethical valueof sacrifice. Rather these

elements of measure were intertwined with immeasurable aspects of individual aesthetic

appreciation,intimacyandfeeling(ehsaas).Throughethicaljudgementpractitionersdevisedaroute

throughwhichtoperformthesacrifice,ofanobjectofethicalandeconomicvalue,withfeeling.The

economicsandethicsofsacrificewerenotincommensurableinthepracticeofqurbani.

This chapter has sought to illuminate how theMuslim festival of sacrifice entails a range of

practicesallaimedatthefulfillmentofGodsorders(hukm)tocommemoratethegreatsacrificeofthe

ProphetIbrahim.Howeverdifferentpracticesofqurbanipointtodifferentroutesthroughwhichthe

obligationwasfulfilled.ThenextchapterconsidersthefestivalofRamadantoconsiderhowadifferent

ethicaldispositions,timesandplacesproducedifferentroutesthroughwhichtheblessings(barakat)

ofthemonthareobtained.


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CHAPTER S IX : FAST ING ANDFEAST ING

DURING RAMADAN IN MUMBAI

RamadaninMumbaiisfamousforthevarietiesoffoodsonoffer.MinaraMasjidlane,asit is

commonly known, is the locus for a host of food stalls that offer festive delicacies including titar

(partridge), nalli nihari(spicy shin stew), Hyderabadi chicken (deep-fried tandoori chicken), haleem

(thickmeat andwheatbroth),malpua (dee-friedpancake servedwith cream) to the thousandsof

revelersthatdescendontheareaeacheveningaftersundown.Asthemonthdrawsonsothecrowds

increase.Finallyduring the last10days thestreetsarehost toaconstant throngofcrowdsas the

marketsextendacrossvariousofthemainstreetsandbylanes,andMuslimsfromacrossthecityvisit

eacheveninginsearchofIdclothingandtoenjoythespecialtyfoodsonlyavailableduringthemonth.

Visitingtheareaintheeveningsitishardnottobedrawnintothetangibleexcitementthatit

exudes.Thesights,smells,soundsandcrowdsproduceamanicatmospherethattantalizesthetaste

buds,seducestheolfactorysensesandassaultstheeardrums.Thedaytimecannotbemoreclearly

markedbyabsence.Manyofthesamestoresthatremainsopenuntilwellaftermidnightdonotre-

openuntilmidday.Thedaytimestreetsarerelativelyquietforanormallyverybusyarea,andthetired

facesandparchedmouthscontributeasubduedatmosphere.Thedullmorningandafternoonlullare

punctuated around 2 hours before the eveningmeal (iftar) when roadside stalls begin trading in

populariftarsnackssuchascutfruit,friedmeatandvegetablecutlets.Afterthefastisbrokentimeis

spentrejuvenatingandrehydratingbeforealateeveningmealafter10pm,whichiswhenthestreets

begin to come to life. The timeof theeveningmealusually coincideswith theendof theevening

prayersevenforthosewhodonotattend.

Therhythmsofactivityinthecityduringthemonthareclearlymarkedbyfeastingandfasting

that has long characterized various forms of religious abstinence. The observations described are

commonthroughouttheMuslim-majorityworldduringRamadan.Toanobserverthestarkcontrasts


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mayappearstrange.IfRamadanisaboutprayerandabstinence,whyistheresomuchconsumption

involved?However,aswewill see thisobservationofanapparentdisjuncture isalsoperceivedby

members within the community. For example, religious leaders often castigate congregations for

excessiveconsumptionandfestivityduringthemonthattheexpenseofmorepiouspursuits.Asan

anthropologist,toposittheconjunctionofabstinenceandconsumptionasacontradictionistochoose

sidesregardingthepracticeofRamadan.Thischapterapproachestheongoingprocessofconsumption

and abstinence during Ramadan as a practice of Islam as a lived tradition.Different individuals at

differenttimesdeviseddifferentroutesthroughwhichtoparticipateinthemonth.

THEANTHROPOLOGYOFRAMADAN

EthnographiesofRamadanhaveemphasizeditasasacredtimemarkedbyheightenedpractices

of piety, adherence to norms and altered behavior. Two important ethnographies have been

conductedbySarahTobininJordanandSamuliSchielkeinEgypt.

Tobin argues that an “Islamic” framework of morality and a “cultural” one is in tension

throughouttheyear.Shepointstotheongoingdebatesaboutappropriatedress,musicandalcohol

consumption. However, during Ramadan the “Islamic” framework “eclipses anothermore diverse

‘cultural’framework”(Tobin2013,292).Duringthemonth,ascontentiousformsofconsumptionare

prohibited, other forms of consumption emerge through which the “practices associated with

Ramadanareembeddedandentrenchedinthesocialandculturallandscapes”(Tobin2013,314).Of

thoseshenotedanincreasedexpenditureonfoodandclothingandlessontravelandmusic.Novel

items noted were “Ramadan lights” and “Ramadan decorations” (Tobin 2013, 305). For Tobin,

Ramadan was a month of consumption and celebration dominated by an “Islamic” framework.

Schielke’sethnography,discussedindetail inChapter1,ispresentedasacritiqueofthe‘discursive

approach’topietyofSabaMahmood.Hepointstosocialityandamusementasimportantaspectsof

Ramadanasareprayerandfasting(Schielke2009,24).HoweveraccordingtoSchielkeplayingfootball

duringRamadanisan“ambivalentexercise”thatmixestheasceticdisciplineoffastingwithfunand


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entertainment.TakingplaceduringRamadanasasubstitutefordrinkingandsmokingitis“temporally

limited” (Schielke 2009, 25) and therefore “legitimizes less consistent approaches to religion and

moralityfortherestoftheyear”(Schielke2009,25).Inanattempttodrawattentionawayfromoverly

sincere piety he focuses on an ethics of ambivalence and fragmentation. For Schielke practices of

charityandpietyduringthemonthareinspiredbyutilitariannotionsofparadiseandsalvation.

There are key similarities between these two approaches in that they both emphasize the

importanceofRamadanasakindofsacredtime,setapartfromordinarylife.ForTobinthatmeansa

triumphofIslamicmoralityandthepursuitofnewformsofacceptableconsumption.ForSchielkethe

monthinspiresutilitarianpietyandservesasascapegoatforunacceptablebehaviorfortheremainder

oftheyear.Thischapterbuildsontheinsightsofthesepapers intotheimportanceoffestivityand

celebrationduringthemonth.However,inMumbaithevariousactivitiesobservedduringRamadan

didnotnecessarilyproduceambivalence.Amusement,laughter,joyandcamaraderiewereintegralto

the practice of Ramadan. Pious contemplation, reflection and prayer was not the only form of

Ramadanpractice.Ratheraswewillsee,differentindividualsdeviseddifferentroutesthroughwhich

toparticipateinthepracticeofRamadanasalivedtradition.

ThischapterwillconsiderhowadiscursivetraditionofRamadanthatemphasizesthevirtuesof

piety,generosityandcareobtainspecificmeaningthroughpractice.However,beyondtheemphasis

onvirtueorrewardarethewaysinwhichthesignificanceofRamadaninheresindifferentpractices.

Forshopkeepersorrestaurateursprofitwasperhapsevenmoreimportantthanprayer.Ramadanin

Mumbaiwasthe‘highseason’forshoppingandconsumptionthatTobinobservedinJordan.Also,the

monthofRamadanwasnothomogenousandspecifictimeswereimbuedwithparticularsignificance.

Differentindividuals,withdifferentoccupations,ethicaldispositionsandatdifferenttimesoftheday

ormonthdeviseddifferentroutesthroughwhichtopracticeRamadan.PetervanderVeerhasargued

thatunderstandingthepracticesofplayingandprayingataSufifestivalnecessitatesaconsideration

of“multi-vocality”asdifferentactorsandgroupsattendandcelebrateindifferentways(vanderVeer

1992).ThischapterdevelopsthislineofanalysisthroughthepracticeofRamadanasalivedtradition.


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Thecentralityandopacityofniyat(intention)forMuslimpracticeensuresthatdifferentindividuals

maydevisedifferentroutesthroughwhichtoreaptherewardsofRamadan.

A DISCURSIVETRADITIONOFRAMADAN

AccordingtotheIslamicdiscursivetradition,RamadanisthemonthduringwhichtheProphet

Muhammad first received Quranic revelation. The origin of the Quran and the Prophet-hood of

Muhammad thus both stem from this month. During the month able-bodied Muslims of sexual

maturity are required to abstain from all food, drink and sexual activity from before sunrise until

sunset.Itisalsoadvisedthatfoullanguageandimpurethoughtsbecontrolled.Fastingisprescribed

asanexerciseinrestraintfromworldlydesiresduringthedaylighthours.AQuranicverseoftenquoted

explains that the aim of fasting is so that Muslims may become righteous (Quran, 2:183).

Righteousnessisvariouslyunderstoodasself-control,remembranceofGodandgenerosityandcare

for the poor. Muslims are implored to engage in the remembrance of God through prayer and

recitationoftheQuran.AcommonpracticewastocompletetheentirerecitationoftheQuranduring

themonth.Also importantaretheeveningprayersknownastaraweeh.Thesearenon-compulsory

prayers that follow the final evening prayer of isha and are only performed during the month.

PracticinggenerositythroughsharingandcareforthepoorareemphasizedandRamadanisoftenthe

monthduringwhichMuslimsperform their annual obligatory zakat distributions. Another popular

narrativeisthenotionthatthedevilislockedawayduringthemonthofRamadan.Gooddeedsare

thus easier to adhere to and rewarded in excess. This produces the common understanding that

RamadanisagiftfromGodduringwhichMuslimsmayaccumulatemerit(sawab).

However,fastingislimitedtothedaytimehours.UnliketheLentfastintheChristiantradition,

prohibitionsarenotinplacefortheentiremonthasawhole.Eveningsarethusatimeofrelieffrom

thearduousdaytimeabstinence.Thesunsetmealofiftarmarkstheendofthefastingdayandisan

importantcommunalmeal.Awell-knownProphetictraditionadvisesthattheiftarmealshouldnotbe

eatenalone.SharingisthusanimportantpracticeduringRamadanasaretheendeavorstofeedthe


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pooraswellasfriendsandneighbors.Thenotionofrighteousnessasgenerosityandcaremeansthat

much time is spent preparing and eating a variety of food. Ramadan evenings theworld over are

famousforstreetfoodmarkets,specialRamadandelicaciesandlargeeveningbanquets.

AsmuchasthemonthofRamadanisdividedbetweendaytimefastinghoursandeveningsof

respite,therearealsocertaindaysduringthemonthwhichareconsideredmoreauspicious.Laillatul-

Qadr,(thenightofpower),wasthenightonwhichtheProphetreceivedthefirstQuranicrevelation.

Theexactdateisunknownandthereareconflictinghadithreportsaboutwhenitfalls.Accordingto

oneProphetictraditionitisononeoftheoddnumberednightsduringthelast10daysofthemonth.

Anotherstatesthatitisonthe27thnightofthemonth.ThenightofLaillatul-Qadristhetopicofashort

Quranic chapter. An important verse therein, Lailatul qadri khairummin alfee shahr (The night of

Laillatul-Qadrisbetterthanathousandmonths),isinterpretedasmeaningthatworshipduringthat

nightaccruesrewardsequivalent toonethousandmonthsofprayer.Theoddnightsof the last10

nightsarethustimesofincreasedprayerasMuslimsseektoreaptherewardsonoffer.

Fromthisbriefoverviewof thediscursivetraditionofRamadan it isclear that thenotionof

righteousness or virtue with which the practice of fasting is associated, has different meanings.

Practicesofprayer,reflectionandremembranceofGodincludefasting,congregationalprayer,and

recitationoftheQuran.However,righteousnessasgenerosityandsharinginvolvescareforthepoor

aswellthepreparationoffood,andcommunalfeastswithfriendsandfamily.Besidesthesedifferent

routesthroughwhichnotionsofvirtuearepracticed, isthetemporalityofthedayandmonth.The

abstinences of fasting are prescribed only during the daytime hours. Sexual activity and food

consumptionarenotprohibitedintheevenings.Congregationalprayerssuchastaraweehareadvised

but not compulsory. Finally, other important times within themonth include holy nights such as

Laillatul-Qadrwhenprayerandrecitationisintensified.AsapracticeofIslamasalivedtraditionthere

aredifferentroutesthroughwhichtopartakeinthepracticeofRamadan.

A MONTHOFGREATBLESSING: BLESSINGSOFALL SORTS


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BeyondthetextualreferentsfromanIslamicdiscursivetraditionarethewayinwhichMuslims

communicateandproducemeaningsofRamadanthroughpractice.Aswasclearfromthedescription

intheopeningvignette,smokingshishatilllateintheevening,doingtimepass,shopping,giftingand

feastingwereimportantpracticesduringthemonth.ForMuslimsinMumbaiRamadanwasclearlya

kindofsacredmonth,setapart fromtherestof theyear. Itwasamonthofrevelationandexcess

reward.However,thespecialsignificanceaccordedtothemonthdidnottranslatedirectlyintouniform

expectations of piety, prayer or charity. The practice of Ramadan included festive enjoyment and

revelryaswellasprayerandfasting.Animportantinsightintothedifferentroutesthroughwhichthe

Ramadanispracticedwasrelayedtomebyaninformantoneeveningthroughthenotionof“great

blessings”(barabarakat).

QadriwastheownerofanannualRamadanstallonthefamousMinaraMasjidlanewherehe

soldreligiousmusicrangingfromlectures,naat(instrument-lesssongsofpraisefortheprophet)and

qawwali (poetry and praise accompanied by a singing troupe and instruments). Hewas amureed

(disciple)ofaSufishaikh(leader/teacher) inChembur.Duringtheremainderoftheyearherented

soundequipmentforweddingsandotherprivateevents.Hewasalsooftencontractedtoprovideand

installsoundequipmentatsaintsdaycelebrationsatshrinesinMumbai(urs).Throughnumerouslate

night conversations and continuous cups of tea I struck up a relationshipwithQadri and his son,

Mohsien,a20yearoldengineeringstudent.

Oneweekendmorningataround2am,Mohsien,QadriandIwereatthemusicstall.Mohsien

andIwereplanningtoleaveforourrespectivehomes.Qadriwouldkeepthestoreopenuntilthefajr

prayersataround4amatwhichtimethecrowdsinthebustlingmarketareawouldfinallysubside.As

weexitedthestreetwepassedtheSulemanMithaiwalasweetshop,oneoftheoldestandmostwell-

known sweet sellers in the area. Mohsien expressed an interest in purchasing something. I was

surprisedthatsweetswereeatenforsehri(pre-dawnbreakfast)asIavoidedsugarinthemornings

convincedthatthesugarspikeresultedinmid-morninghungerpangs,“wehavesweetforsehriand


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iftar, it is Ramzaan,”26 he laughed. Waiting for his order amidst the early morning sehri rush I

commentedonhowbusythelanewasatthisearlyhour.Mohsiens’replywasinsightful,“overhere

wehaveasaying,‘Ramzaankamaheenaekbarabarakathai(themonthofRamadanisamonthof

great blessings)’ That is for everything. Food, sweets, people, prayer, business. There is lots of

everything!”Mohsien’s statement resonatedwithme for the following fewdaysas Iobserved the

variousformsofexcessallaround.Someprayeduntillateintothenight,whileothersshopped.Some

visitedthevariousfoodstalls intheareawhileotherswhiledthenightaway intimepassamongst

friends.Itoftenhappenedthatmyattemptstoretirefortheeveningatanytimebefore3amweremet

withgesturesofdisapprovalandinvitationstostayon.Thereweremanyroutesthroughwhichthe

blessingofRamadanwereobtained.

AfunnytwisttoMohsien’sexplanationoccurredoneeveningthreenightsbeforeId.Ihadjust

attendedalargemosque-sponsorediftar(mealtomarktheendofthefastingday)thatwasaregular

featurearoundthecity.Aftertheprayers,IdiscoveredthatmysandalswerenotwhereIhadleftthem.

Afterashortsearchinvein,andfindingthatmyattemptstoaskanyofthecaretakersweremetwith

looksofdisbelief,Isurrenderedandventuredintothewet,sloshymonsoonstreets.Repulsedbythe

dirtofthecityIwasremindedofMohsien’sexplanationaboutblessingsandwonderedifitappliedto

thievesaswell!Ofcoursegiventhemarketsthatlinedthestreetsoftheareaitwasn’tlongbeforeI

hadacheapreplacement.Laterthatevening,withnewsandals,Iventuredtowardsthestallandwas

pleasantlysurprisedtofindMohsieninthestore.Irecountedmymisfortuneathavinglostmysandals

andthatIwasremindedofwhathehadsaidabouttheblessingsofRamadan,helaughed,“youseeits

true,evenforthethieves,butmaybesomeonejusttookthembymistake,andwhatcouldhappen?

Eithertheywilluseitortheywillgiveittosomeone,soitisok.”PerhapsbecauseitwasRamadan,

Mohsienpreferredtodispeltheaccusationoftheftinamosque.Nevertheless,throughthecirculation

oftheftorcharitysomeonewouldreceivetheblessingsofmylostsandals.

26 In Urdu, the Arabicword Ramadanwas pronounced as Ramzaan. I havemostly used thewordRamadaninthischaptertoenableconversationwithothercontextsintheMuslimworld.


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Mohsien’sattitudetowards lossandcirculationwasreflected inthemoodthatpervadedthe

month.Therewasindeedmuchmoneyandtimespentonpersonalconsumptionandenjoyment,but

also on charity and prayer. The excess of prayer, charity and consumption was characteristic of

Ramadanandreflectedthe“greatblessings”ofthemonth.Blessingsdidnotnecessarilyindicatenor

excludepracticesofabstinenceandprayer.Ratheritwasawayofunderstandingthedifferentpursuits

atdifferent times,bydifferentpeople,during themonth.People fastedand feasted, shoppedand

shared,prayedandplayed.Themarketsthatemergedduringthemonthfacilitatedthedesiretospend

andshare.TheblessingofRamadanincludednotionsofmerit(sawab)forprayer,fastingandcharity,

profit for thosewhoownedbusinesses and food stalls, and comradery for friendsand familywho

associated the month of Ramadan with late night time-pass, and of course feasting. The “great

blessings” of the month encompassed various practices under the process of consumption and

abstinenceandextendedconsiderationofRamadanbeyondpiety.Ramadanwasamonthofsacred

significance.However,theshapeandformthatauspiciousnessacquireddependedonthewayinwhich

differentindividualsdeviseddifferentroutesthroughwhichtopartakeintheblessingsofthemonth.

Importantlythedifferentpracticesthroughwhichtheblessings(barakat)ofRamadancouldbe

pursuedwereclearlyvariedandsometimesatodds.Forexample,aparticularindividualwhochoseto

pursue acts of generosity through assistance to the poor by volunteering to take part in feeding

programsorclothingcollectiondrives,maynecessarily forgoparticipation intheeveningtaraweeh

prayer.Atothertimesshopping,time-passandthepreparationoffoodimposedonotherformsof

virtuouspractice.However, informantsdidnotnecessarilyconsiderseeminglyapparentconflictsas

such.Sermonsinmosqueswouldoftenre-iteratetheimportanceofprayeroverotherpursuits,and

overzealousfriendsmaytakeituponthemselvestocastigateothers.However,feastingandfasting

andprayingandplayingcontinued.DifferentindividualsengagedindifferentpracticesofRamadan.

FASTING


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Scholarly consideration of Ramadan has foregrounded practices of fasting. This attention,

combined with widespread media coverage of Ramadan across the globe, has produced the

representationoffastingMuslimsinRamadan.ConductingresearchinMumbai,andgivenmymiddle

class Indian-origin South African background where fasting is widespread, I too held these

expectations.Iofcourserememberthetemptationasateenagertosneakadrinkorchocolateduring

the school daybut the thrill of that transgressionhad fadedwith adulthood.Myexpectation thus

foregroundedthenotionofRamadanasa‘pillar’ofIslam,obligatoryonalladultMuslims.

However,asRamadanbeganIwasoftenaskedbyregularacquaintancesaswellasinfleeting

interactionswhetherIwasinfactfasting.AtfirstIassumedthatmyregularinformantsmightbetesting

myobediencetothenormsofRamadan.However,Isoonrealizedthatthereasonthatsomanyasked

thequestionwasthatmanydidnotfast.AccordingtotherulesofRamadan,fastingiscompulsoryon

all able-bodied adults with exemptions applicable in cases of necessity. The definition of what

constitutesnecessityandthereforeexemptioniswheremuchdiscussionanddebatetakesplace.The

sickandtheelderlyarespecificallyexemptfromfasting,asaremenstruatingwomen.Formany,the

exemptionofageandweaknesswasnotadeterrentforcompliance,whileforothersargumentsabout

illhealth, infirmityor labordemandswere.Adiscussed in the introduction, thedecisionofhowto

applytheexemptionforfastingwasanethicaljudgement.

OneafternoonIwassittingoutsidetheColabachickenstorediscussingtheimpendingstartof

Ramadanwithafewfriends.Sanjay,wasaneagerparticipantinthediscussionsoIassumedthathe

wasalsoMuslim.Afewminuteslaterasweexchangednamesheexplainedthathewasnot,“butIfast

also,”headded.Perplexed,Ienquiredhowhehadcometothatdecision,“wearefriendshere,soour

friendsdoit,soforafewdaysIjoinintoo.Itisasunnat,”heexplained.Havingusedtheword“sunnat,”

whichinIslamicdiscoursereferstothepracticesoftheProphetMuhammad,Iwaseagertounderstand

what “sunnat”meant to him. He struggled to explain, “you know, good things,” he said.When I

explainedtohimwhattheIslamicconnotationswereheclarified,“ohok,nohereitisnotlikethat,it

isjustthosethingswhicharegoodtodo,goodpractice.”Sanjaydidnotfastfortheentiremonth.He


160

usuallyfastedduringthelastfewdaystobepartofthefeelingand“joinintoo”.Incontrast,Hassan,

throughwhomwehadmet,didnotfastall.Hassanexplainedthathehaddecidednottofastsincehe

alwaysendedupbecomingilleveryyearduringRamadan.

A fewdays laterwithRamadanunderway Imethis brother, Shams.He toodidnot fast.He

explainedthathehadastomachailment,whichbecameexacerbated fromfasting.At thatpoint it

seemedthatmanyoftheMuslimswhomIknewwerenotactuallyfasting.Thesamewastrueofthe

workersinthechickenshop.Salahuddin,explainedthattheheatintheshopmadefastingimpossible.

Hefastedwhenhewasinhisnativevillagebutnotinthecity.InMumbaitheworkinghoursandheat

weretoointense.Asthemonthcontinueditwasincreasinglyclearthatmanyinvolvedinhardlabor

didnot fast. IncontrastmosttraderswhomIknewdid.Theyofcoursehadthe luxuryofadjusting

business hours for themonth. As a practice of Islam as a lived tradition individualsmade ethical

judgementsabouttheexemptionsforfasting.Howevereventhosewhodidnotfastrefrainedfrom

eating in public. Hassan and Shams, for example, did not have tea during the day in full view of

customers.ThepracticereflectsTobin’sobservationaboutapublicmoralityduringRamadaninJordan.

Importantly,however,thefactofnotfastingdidnotmeanthattheseMuslimswereexcluded

fromthemonth.Otherabstinencesincludedalcoholconsumptionandvisitstothered-lightdistricts,

anddailyprayerswereperformedwith increasedregularity.Theyreveled in latenightvisits tothe

lanesaroundtheMinaraMasjidtoenjoythevariousdelicaciesonofferandmadepreparationsforId

thatincludedshoppingforgifts.EvenforthemRamadanwasatimeofspecialsignificance.Thoughnot

fastingtheytooparticipatedinthe“blessings”ofthemonththroughthepracticeofprayer,feasting

andshopping.

Forthosewhodidfastthe“monthofgreatblessings”waslinkedtobodilypracticesofhunger

andcare.Qadrielaboratedtheconnectionbetweenhungerandcareoneeveningaswesatathismusic

stall.Henarratedaproverbthatevokedtheconnectionbetweenfasting,hunger,andcare,“bhook

aurpyaasehsaasdilatehain(hungerandthirstgivesrisetofeeling).”Heexplainedthatwhenonehas

anemptystomachthensuddenlytheworriesandconcernsofotherpeoplebecomeveryreal.“No


161

matterifoneisrichorpoor,hungerisfeltthesame.Soyouseeatiftarpeoplefeedeachother,give

eachotherwater,thatisthefeelingthatcomesfromhunger.Fortheotherelevenmonthswehaveno

hunger,wearefull,sowecannotfeel.”Schielkeconsideredthecharityandsharingthatheobserved

asafeatureofEgyptianRamadanasaninstrumentalapplicationofapropheticnarrativethatpromises

doublerewardforallgooddeedsduringthemonth(Schielke2009,27).HoweverforQadri“feeling”

wasnotaproductofcalculationandrewardbutabodilysensationofhunger.Linkingfastingtothe

experienceofhungerQadriarticulatedaparticular“blessing”ofRamadanthatproducedasenseof

careandgenerosityabsentatothertimesoftheyear.ForQadrithespecificityofanincreaseincare

and generosity during Ramadan was a proof of the “blessings” of the month rather than an

instrumentalsearchforreward.

ThepracticeofRamadanasamonthof“greatblessings”encompassedarangeofpractices.Each

practiceproduceddifferentmeaningsofthe“blessings”ofRamadan.Pervasivethrougheachinstance

wasasenseofpiety,care,generosityandafeelingoftogetherness.However,theseabstractnotions

were always circumscribed through practice. For Sanjay, a non-Muslim, fasting referred to “good

things” between friends. For Hassan, Shams and others onwhom fastingwas obligatory butwho

consideredthemselvesexempt,the“greatblessings”translatedintoincreasedobservationofprayer,

theenjoymentoflate-nightfeastingandshoppingforgiftsforfamilymembers.ForQadri“blessings”

inheredinthefeelingofcareandgenerositytowardsothersthatemanatedfromtheexperienceof

hunger,andwhichwasexpressedtowardsfellowfastingMuslimsthroughthesharingoffoodduring

iftar.Clearlythevirtuesofpiety,generosityandcarewerealwayspracticedandmaterializedinspecific

ways,inregardstoparticularpeopleatcertainmomentsintime.

IFTAR: PRACTICINGGENEROSITYANDCARE

Time during Ramadan was not homogenous. There were various practices through which

specifictimesoftheday,nightandmonthwereimbuedwithsignificance.Ofparticularimportance

werethemealsthatmarkedthestartofthefastingday(sehri)and it’send(iftar). Iftar,thesunset


162

meal, was socially the most important meal of the day. Following a Prophetic tradition it was

commonlyexplainedthatiftarshouldnotbeeatenalone.AsQadrihadindicatediftarwasunderstood

asacommunalmealmarkedbysharingandcamaraderie.DuringRamadan,mostofthemosquesin

Mumbaiprovidedmassiftarmealstowhoeverchosetoattend.Thesewerefundedbydonationsfrom

traders and business people in the area. Two important virtues associated with the practice of

communaleatingandsharingwasgenerosityandcareforothers.

IntheMuslim-dominatedareassurroundingMuhammadAliRoad,thetwohoursprecedingiftar

wasmarkedbyasuddensurgeinroadsidestreetstallssellingiftartreats.Therushwouldpeakaround

45minutesbeforehandbeforesubsidingassnacksweretakenhomeortoroadsidegatherings.Itwas

commonforgroupsoffriendstoeachbuyafewitemsbeforemeetingtosharetogetherataspecified

placeonthepavement,or insomeone’sstore.OnthesecondeveningofRamadanIwasinvitedto

haveiftarwith‘Uncle’andAhmedattheittarstoreinDongri.Arrivingattheshopanhourandahalf

beforesunsetIfoundthatAhmedwashome,fastingbutill,while‘Uncle’andAzizbusiedthemselves

withpreparations.Fruitandafewfriedsavoryitemswereprocuredfromnearbystallsthatlinedthe

streets.Falooda(refreshingroseflavoreddrink)wassenttothestorefromthefamilyhomenearby.

‘Uncle’andAzizwerebusysettingthefood,platesandglassesontoatableclothonthefloorinthe

backroomoftheshop.

WithtimetospareIwentovertogreetLiaqat,whoownedtheclothingstallnextdoor.Hewas

anacquaintanceofthefamily,“agoodman,”whohadbeenofferedsomespaceinfrontofanunused

property of theirs. He greeted me warmly and said that I should sit with him. At first I did not

apprehendwhathemeant,“comehere,youstayhere,”herepeated.Atthatmomenthewasbusy

dealingwithsomeinterestedcustomerssoIindicatedthatwewouldcontinuespeakingoncehewas

free,“no,no,youhaveiftarhere,”heclarified.UpuntilthatpointIhadassumedthathe,‘Uncle’,Aziz

andAhmedweregoingtohaveiftartogether.Thiswasclearlynotthecase.Iawkwardlyattemptedto

walkawaytowardsAhmed,whohad justarrived fromhometo join the iftar,butLiaqatcalledme

again.IthenexplainedthatIhadbeeninvitedspecificallyby‘Uncle’tojointhemforiftarbutthatI


163

would join him (Liaqat) the next day. Having expected commensality between neighbors I was

surprisedbytheseparation.Clearly,providingiftarconferredhierarchyandreward(sawab)associated

withtheactoffeedingduringRamadan.

Aroundtwentyminutesbeforeiftarwewereallbeckonedintothebackstoreroom.About7of

uswereseatedonastrawmataroundaspreadoffoodthatincluded2platterseachoffruit,samosas,

aloovada’s(spicy,friedpotato),andchickencutlets.Thereweredates,sharbat(roseflavoureddrink)

andsomesweetmeats.AfriendofAhmed’sstoppedbywithagiftofsavoriesbeforecontinuingtohis

ownhome.Forthetwentyminutesbeforeiftarwesataroundthefoodinalmostcompletesilence.

ThemeagerdiscussionrevolvedaroundthehighcostofthefoodduringRamadanwhenthepriceof

fruitwasasmuchasdoublethenormalrate.Ahmedthoughtthatweshouldjustbeeatingdal-chawal

(lentilsandrice)andbedonewith.Hearingthis,‘Uncle,’whohadbeensilentfortheentiretimefinally

joinedthediscussion,“nahinnahin,phalzaroorihai(fruitisnecessary),”hedisputed.Therewerelong

periods of silence as we all sat in a kind of respectful observance of themeal to come. Finally a

discussionbeganovertheexacttimingofiftar.Someonesaiditwas19:24whileotherssaidno,itwas

19:25.Withthedebatestillunsettledtheazan(thecalltoprayerthatmarkstheendofthefastingday)

beganandwebrokeourfastwithdatesandwaterfollowedbyfruitandsavories.

Most iftar’s followedavery similar routine.Therewasa jostling forclientsaspeople invited

friendspassingbytojoin.Finallyoncethegroupforthedayhadsettled,therewasaperiodofupto

20 minutes of almost complete silence. I soon realized that this was a common practice across

Mumbai.Boththedesiretoinvitefriendstojoiniftarandthesilencehadutilitarianreward-inspired

incentives. It was said that therewas reward forwhoever fed a fasting person and that the final

minutesbeforeiftarwerewhenprayersweremostlikelytobeheard.Howeverthepracticeofsilence

wasalsounderstoodascultivatinganethicaldispositiontowardsfood.Afteradayoffastingitwas

suggested, according to a Prophetic tradition that one should drinkwater in small sips, and chew

slowly. Haste when eating was thought to indicate and produce the vices of greed and gluttony.

Understoodfromwithinthisdiscursivetraditionthepracticeofsilenceandprayerwasalsoamoment


164

totakeaccountofthedaysfastandtoreflectwithappreciationonthemealtocome.Thediscussion

Ahmedinstigatedaboutexcessandthesimplicityheadvisedthroughhissuggestionofbreakingthe

fastwith“dal-chawal”(lentilsandrice)shouldbeunderstoodfromwithinthispractice.Thecostof

foodwasafter all a result of thehighdemand,which tohimat that timewas seemingly counter-

intuitive. Later, after the evening prayer, we would happily tour the back lanes surrounding

MuhammadAliRoadinsearchofvariousRamadanfoodsonoffer.

Thepracticeofsilencedemarcatedaparticulartimeofreverenceafteralongdayoffastingand

before the timeof feasting.Therelevanceof the timeofsilencewas inseparable fromthetimeof

bodilyhungerduringthedaythatwasdrawingtoanend.Thetimeofsilencethuspointedtotheway

inwhichthevirtueofrestraintobtainedspecificmeaningthroughamomentofreflectiononthefood

about tobe consumed.Thismoment soonpassed, andover indulgenceduring iftarwas common.

Similarly through this practice of iftar it was clear that the virtue of generosity was highly

circumscribed. Friendsand familywerepartof the circleofotherswithwhomoneendeavored to

sharedfood.Ahmed’sfriendwhovisitedthestoreonhiswayhomewasanexampleofhowgenerosity

at the time of iftar obtained specificmeaning in relations to close friends and family. Liaqat, as a

relativelymoredistantacquaintancewasnot included. Importantly itwasonlyaftereveryonehad

eatentheirfullthattheremainderofthefoodwasdistributedtobeggarsintheneighborhoodwho

walkedthestreetscollectingiftarleftovers.Throughthepracticeofiftarinthestoreaparticularroute

forRamadanasalivedtraditionwasestablished.Hierarchy,statusandautilitariansearchforrewards

(sawab)wereclearlyanimportantpartofthepractice.Howeverreducingouranalysistoanethicsof

utilitywouldnecessarilymissthewayinwhichaparticularreflectiononfood,sharingandexcessin

themomentprecedingthefeastofiftarwasinseparablefromthebodilypracticeofhungercultivated

throughfastingaswellasthepracticeofsilence.

Adifferentpracticeandexpressionofgenerosityandcareduringiftarwasexplainedafewdays

laterwhen I finally joinedLiaqat tobreak the fast.Hearticulatedaconceptionof fateand fortune

(naseeb)producedthroughthesharingoffood.ArrivingforiftarwithLiaqatitwasclearthatwhathe


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hadtoofferwashumblerthanhisrelativelymoreillustriousneighbors.Thefruitforexamplewasless

variedandhadbeencutinthehomeandsenttohimbyhiswiferatherthanboughtfromoneofthe

roadsidevendors.Aswebrokeourfastandatehenarratedacommonproverbthatrelatedfood,fate

andfortune,“harinsaanapnanaseebkhatahai(everypersoneatstheirfate).”Onemeaning,Liaqat

explained,wasthateveryonegetswhatishisorherdue.Heexplainedthatinthecontextofsharing

foodandofferingandacceptinginvitationsformealsitpointedtothedisparatefatesoftwoindividuals

entwined around a meal. It was my fate to have his food and it was his fate to offer it to me.

Furthermore,sharing foodwasapracticewherebythe fortuneofan individual thathadultimately

been received due to the grace of God could be shared with others. The generosity of iftar was

thereforealsoawayofgivingthankstoGod.Liaqatexpressedameaningofsharingandgenerosity

during iftarthatwasawayofofferingthanksaswellasamomentwherethefateofthegiverand

receiverbecameentwined.SharingamealtogetherLiaqatreflectedonthemeaningofourinteraction

duringRamadanthatexceededaconcernwithutilitarianaccumulationofrewards(sawab).Givenhis

humblemeans,theopportunitytosharewasexpressedthroughareflectiononlife,fateandfortune.

DuringRamadanwhenboththeutilitarianrewardsassociatedwithsharingwereemphasized

and thebodilyexperienceofhungercultivated,concernsabout fate, fortuneandprovidencewere

expressedthroughthedesiretosharefood.Sharingwasapracticecultivatedinrelationtothevirtue

ofgenerosity,aswellasdetachmentfrommaterialwealth.Attheendofthefastingdaytheiftarmeal

had the potential to confer a moment of heightened sensitivity towards others, food and fate.

However,thisdesiretosharewasclearlynotuniversal.Therewashierarchyassociatedwiththeactof

hostingiftar.Thesharingpracticedduringiftarwasnotreducibletoanabstractnotionofcharityor

obligationtowardsthelessfortunate.Rathergenerositywascircumscribedtofamilyandfriendsand

thepoorwereonlyincludedastherecipientsofleftovers.Importantalsowasthatthepotentialfora

momentofreflectionwasnotnecessarilyallencompassinginexplainingtheentiremonthorevenday.

For example, Ahmed’s comment on excess did not extend into our late-night trawls through food

marketsinsearchofhisfavoriteRamadantreats.Similarly,Liaqatsreflectiononfood,fateandfortune


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shouldbeunderstoodfromwithinhisownparticularpositionasahumblestreettrader.Asthepractice

ofIslamasalivedtraditiondifferentindividualsengagedinethicalreflectionandjudgmentthrough

which they developed different practices, reflections and routes to partake in the “blessings” of

Ramadan.

PRAYER

Besidesfasting,prayeristhepracticemostcloselyassociatedwithpiety.Howeverevenduring

Ramadanattentiontopracticesofprayerwasnothomogenous.Thetimeofthedayandmonthaswell

asindividualethicaldispositionwereimportantforthemannerinwhichprayerwaspracticed.Besides

theobligatoryfivedailyprayerswasthesupplementaryprayeroftaraweeh.Taraweehprayerbegan

afterthefinaleveningprayerofisha,andlastedforadurationofbetweenonetotwohours.Other

important times of prayer during the month were the night of Laillatul-Qadr when Muslims

endeavoredtoreaptheexcessrewards(sawab)onoffer.

Taraweeh prayers commenced on the evening before the first fast began. Even though not

everyoneperformedeithertheobligatoryoroptionalprayersfortheentiremonth,itwasclearthat

there was an increase in compliance during Ramadan. The urge to pray was surely related to a

utilitariandesiretoobtainmaximumreward(sawab)fromthemonth.Oneparticularrecommendation

through which reward was earned was the complete recitation of the entire Quran. Differences

aboundedastowhethertherecitationshouldbecompletedinprivateorincongregation.Mostmen

abidedbythelatter,whilewomen,whomusuallydidnotattendprayerincongregationrecitedfor

themselves at home. The recitation required around 1 hour of time per day either at home or in

congregationalprayer.

TaraweehprayerwasanimportantmediumforachievingtherecitationofacompleteQuranbut

wasnotobligatory.Duetoworkconstraintsorasajudgementaimedatachievingmaximumrewards

(sawab)inminimaltime,therewasadesiretocompletetheQuranwithouttheneedtoattendprayer

fortheentiremonth.Therewerethusspecial taraweehprayersheld inprivatehomesandsmaller


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mosques where the entire Quranwas completed two to three times during themonth. At these

gatherings,theprayerleader(imam)recitedatamuchfasterpace.Manyofmyinformantsattended

theseprayersforthefirst10dayssothat“thenthesunnatisdone,ourdutyisdone.”Whilethisclearly

resonatedwithautilitarianapproachtoprayerandrewarditalsoreflectedthepassageoftimeduring

themonth.The first10dayswerea timeof feverousdevotion thatwasmatchedonlyby theodd

numberedeveningsduringthelast10nightswhenexcessrewardswerepromised.Iobservedthatthe

middleofthemonthwasthetimewhenthemosqueswerefarmorequietevenfortheweeklyFriday

prayer. During this period the practice of Ramadan had become quite routine and many were

becoming fatigued by the irregular eating and sleeping hours. Finally, the final 10 days, as the Id

approaches,witnessedacombinationofimportantnightsofprayeraswellasincreasingexcitement

andpreparationforthecelebrationofId.

However, these rhythms of prayer, devotion, reward and anticipation did not capture the

experience of those forwhom the inclination to attend prayers did not even arise. An alternative

RamadanpracticewasevidentoneeveningIspentwithagroupoffriendsandcousins.Wemetabout

anhourbeforeiftar,collectedsomefoodandcongregatedattheir‘office,’whichwasasmallempty

ground floor property in amarket area that they used for time-pass. Aswewaited for iftar to be

announcedbytheazan(calltoprayer)fromthenearbymosque,therewasnopauseorprayer.When

IpointedthatoutReyhaan,thefriendwhohadinvitedmeoverjoked,“overherenooneprays,they

justtalk.”Itturnsoutthatofthefourfriends,twohadperformedtherecommendedcompletionof

theQuranduringthefirst10nights.Theother2hadnotcompletedtheQurannorattendedtaraweeh

atallthatyear.Thatevening,afterbreakingfastandenjoyingthelargevarietiesoffoodthathadbeen

amassed in frontofus,wecontinuedtosocializeright throughthetwoeveningobligatoryprayers

(maghriband isha).Weeventuallyproceeded toanotherof their friends’homes foraneveningof

hookah smoking, tea and chatter. The only reference to Ramadan that eveningwaswhen a non-

Muslim friendAmit came to visit andwas castigated for thepost-sehri (earlymorningpre-sunrise


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breakfast)photographofamodel’scleavagethathehadcirculated,“aftersehritime,hesendsthe

pictureofcleavage!Ey….Fastingtime!”afriendchimed,inajovialmanner.

ThesesortsofRamadanpracticewerenotexceptional.Havingspent timewith these friends

outsideofRamadanitwasclearthatthiswasnotaspecialkindoftemporallylimited‘halal’practice.

During the remainderof the year theyalsodidnotpartyor gooutdrinking. In factmanyof their

weekendswerespentexactlylikethis.AdifferenceduringRamadanwasthatthispracticeofhanging

outwas faremoreregular.Also,giventhevibranteveningmarkets thatextendeduntil justbefore

dawntherewasmuchmoreactivityandfoodtoenjoy.Ifanything,itwastheexcessofconsumption

ratherthanprayerwhichdistinguishedRamadanfromtherestoftheyear.Forthesefriendsthejoys

of latenight consumption togetherwith friendswasanexpressionof camaraderie,generosityand

care. As a practice of Islam as a lived tradition they produced their own route through which to

participateinthe“blessings”ofthemonth.

Fromthesetwoverydifferentvignettesitwasclearthattimeaswellasindividualdisposition

wasimportantforunderstandingprayerduringRamadaninMumbai.Ithasoftenbeenobservedthat

religiouspracticeandlife-cyclestagearecloselyrelated.Acursoryobservationatavarietyoftaraweeh

prayersduringthemonthindicatedthatthecongregationwaspredominantlyover30,andmostwell

intotheir40’s.Importanttoowasthatmanywhooptedintothequick-firetaraweehduringthefirst

10 days were younger. However, within these groupswere themultitudes of individuals who for

whateverreasondidnotactuallyprayatall.Forthemfastingoractsofcareandsharingwerepractices

throughwhichtheyparticipatedinRamadan.Forthosewhodonotpray,butonlyeat,thereduction

ofRamadanpracticetoutilitariannotionsofrewardisnotclear.Ratherthroughthecentralityofniyat

(intention)inIslamicdiscoursewemayappreciatehowdifferentpracticesmaybetheroutethrough

whichtomakeclaimtothegood.Itwasclearthattherewereavarietyofethicaldispositionstowards

Ramadanpracticeandmanymeansofaccessingtheblessingsofthemonth.Manyinformantsdidview

thesepositionsascontradictory.Indeed,religiousleaderscastigatedthelessausterefortheirrevelry.

Itwascommontohearmosquesermonsandpostprayertalksthatcomplainedtothoseinattendance


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oftheexcessconsumptionthatRamadanintroduced.However,thesewerecommontropesalmost

theworldover.Theirmentionwasevidenceofexceptionratherthancompliance.Moretellingly, it

was often joked that the samemaulanawho gave speeches in themosquewould later be found

orderingmalpua(deepfriedpancake)fromthenearbystall.Eventhemostpiouswereafterall,over

time,inclinedtoenjoysomeofthecullinary“blessings”ofRamadan.

Theprevalenceofdifferentpracticesandthelackofconcernorambivalencebytheseemingly

lessattentivepractitionersduringthemonthof“greatblessings”pointtothewayinwhichIslamasa

lived tradition was practiced and materialized in different instances by different individuals. The

judgementofwhichblessingtoconferandwhethertofast,pray,feastorshopwasamatteroftime

ofthemonthanddayaswellasindividualethicaldisposition.Thiswasexemplifiedbythefactthat

thosewhodidnotfastnorpreydidnotdenounceRamadan.Forthemcamaraderie,timepassand

feastingwerewaysinwhichthe“blessings”orRamadanwereconferred.Thiswasmostevidentduring

the last3eveningsofRamadanwhenthemosquesweremostlyempty,themarketswerefull,and

eventhepracticeofpre-iftarsilencehadfallenaway.

SHOPPINGANDGIVING

DuringRamadansignificantamountsoftimeandmoneywerespentonshoppingandcharity.

ManyMuslimsconsideredRamadanthemonthduringwhichtheannualobligatorycalculationand

distributionofzakatwasperformed.Thiswasclearly reflected in the influxofbeggars fromacross

IndiawhoconvergedonMumbaiduringthemonth.AmongstthosewhomImetwereindividualsfrom

Bihar,GujaratandKashmir.Therewasspeculationthatsomemayearnupto50,000rupeesduringthe

month alone. The “begging business” during Ramadan was well established and agents from

communitiesacrossIndiaearnedcommissionsfromcollectionactivities.Forthemthe“blessings”of

Ramadaninheredinthecashreceiptsandcommissionearned.

Theothermainspendingactivitybesidescharity,wasclothing.Itwasthepeak-shoppingseason.

PartofthatfervorwasinspiredbyaProphetictraditionwheretheProphet,returningfromthemorning


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Iddayprayeradoptedanorphanandtookhimhome.Hetheninstructedhiswife,Ayeshatoarrange

newclothingforhim.Thisnarrativewasoftenexplainedthroughtheimportanceofcareforthepoor

aswellasthepurchaseofnewclothingforEid.As‘Uncle’onedayexplained,“evenifit’sjustonepiece,

itshouldbenew.”Theideathatshoppingfornewclotheswasa“sunnat”wasappliedespeciallyto

young children who often received an entire outfit on Eid day. InMumbai the emphasis on new

clothingincludedcharityeffortsbycommunityorganizationsthatendeavoredtoprovidepoorMuslims

withnewclothingtocelebrateId.

TheemphasisonclothingandshoppingmeantthatthecoincidenceofRamadanwiththe“high

season”wasnot incidental. The surge inmarketactivity intensifiedduring the final10daysof the

monthwhenthestallsonlystoppedtradingjustbeforethepre-dawnprayer.Duringthistimetraders

broughtlargeamountsofstocktotheRamadanmarketsatratesfarbelowretailprices.‘Uncles’son

Ahmedandhisfriendstookadvantageofthestreetlinedshoppingfestivaltodotheirentireyears’

clothingpurchases.Oneevening, sitting at the ittar store,Ahmedandhis friends returned froma

shoppingspree.Theyhadforthepreviousfewhoursbravedthemonsoonrainsinsearchofclothing

dealsatoneofthemanystallsthat linedMuhammadAliRoad.Afriendhad informedthemthata

particulartraderhadjustreceivedalargeconsignmentofbrand-nameitemsthatwerebeingsoldat

significantdiscounts.Fiveofthemhadwithgreatexcitementreturnedwith25shirtsand15pairsof

pants.Ahmedwashappywithhispurchaseandexplainedtheshoppingfestivalthatwastakingplace,

“businessisgreatforeveryone,meat,food,clothing,catering…evenbeggars!”Ahmed’sexclamation

resonatedwithMohsiens’explanationofthe“monthofgreatblessings.”AsthepracticeofIslamasa

livedtradition,thecelebration,excessandconsumptionthatmarkedthefinal10daysofthemonth

wereanexpressionofthe“blessings”ofRamadan.

Duringthefinaldaysofthemonth,asthedayofIdapproached,shoppingandcharitywerein

ascendance.Peoplehadsavedtheirannualincometodisburseascharityandtospendonnewclothing

andotheritems.TheProphetictraditionthatwasinterpretedtorefertotheimportanceofnewclothes

clearlyalsocontainedaninstructionofcareforthelessfortunate.Charityandconsumptionwerenot


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separate endeavors. Thewillingness and desire to spend on oneself and familymemberswas the

practice throughwhich it was possible to reflect on the dire condition of the poor.While charity

donation incurred reward (sawab) I argue that it was also a practice borne from the excess of

consumption and the eager anticipation of the approaching festival of Id. During these last few

evenings ‘Uncle’ found itmuchharder toherdall ofus into thebackof the shop for thepre-iftar

practiceofsilence.Ononeeveningtheusualgrouponlyfinallyassembledaroundthespreadoffood

once the call to prayer had already begun. During these final days of Ramadan consumption and

excitementsupersededprayerorcontemplationasthepredominant“blessings”ofRamadan.

CHANDRAATANDID

Chandraat(lit:moonnight)isthefinalnightofRamadan.Thesightingofthemoonsignalsthe

endofthemonthoffasting.Followingtheannouncementofthesighting,thetaraweehprayeriscalled

off, andexcitement reachesa crescendo.Markets remainopen throughout thenightandMuslims

fromacrossMumbaiflocktotheareatoconductlastminuteshopping.Themeatmarketsexperience

a surgeofactivity. Largedelivery trucksof livechickensareseenentering thearea, thatgiven the

preferenceforfreshmeat,isnecessarytocaterforthelast-minutedemand.Partoftherushforfood

andclothingwasexplainedbytheuncertaintimingofId.Theannouncementdependedonthesighting

ofthemoon,whichwasinturndependentontheearth’srotationaswellaslocalconditions.Withthe

finaleveningsignaled,preparationneededtobemade,giftsboughtandafinaltasteofthefamous

Ramadandelicaciessavored.

ThecommonpracticeinMumbaiwastonotsleepfortheentireevening.Sittingattheittarstore

with‘Uncle’,Ahmedandafewfriends,therewasageneralsenseofrelief.Ithadbeenalongmonth

andcontrarytotheofficialmoralcodethatsanctionedarticulationofreliefthatRamadanwasnow

over,thecelebratoryatmospheretestifiedotherwise.FollowingtheannouncementofIdyoungboys

andgirlsstreamedupanddownthestreetsblowinghornsandshoutingwithjoy.Theatmospherewas

electric.Throughouttheeveninggreetingsof“chandraatmubarak(lit:blessingsofthemoonnight)”


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wereexchangedbetweenfriends.ThateveningIspentmostofmytimeintheittarstorewiththeir

friendsandfamily.Ataround2amIbeganvainattemptstoexcusemyselfonaccountoffatiguebut

wasconstantlydissuadedbynewtopicsofdiscussion.Theeveningwaswhiledawayintime-passand

teauntilfinallyat5ameveryoneagreedthatitwastimetoreturnhometoprepareforthemorning

prayer.Onlythenthemarketswereslowlybeginningtowinddownasrevelersheadedhome.

AfterashowerandbarelyhalfanhourofsleepIreturnedtoDongri. Ihadbeenwarnedthat

punctualitywaskeysinceitwasrainingsoitwouldbeunpleasanttobeleftoutside.Findingaplace

amongst themanymenandchildren incleanandsometimesnewkurtas (traditionalMuslimdress

wornfortheIdprayer)andtheairfragrantwithperfume,Isettledtolistentothelectureaboutthe

meaningofIdandtheimportanceofbeingpiousandprayingrathereatingandpartying.Theimam

quotedAbdulQadirJilani,assayingthat“Idisnotforthosewhohaveeatenanddrunkallmonth,but

for thosewhohave sat in prayer and respected themonth of Ramzaan.” Therewere a fewmore

comparisonsofwhomIdwasforandforwhomitwasnot.ThemessagewasthatIdwasnotmeantas

adayoflibidinousindulgencebutshouldalsobetreatedasadayofprayer.Thiswasacommonrefrain

inmanymosquesallovertheworld,cautioningcongregationsnottoforgetthegoodpracticesofthe

pastmonth.ThequoteendedwithacomparisonoftheIdofthenon-MuslimstothoseoftheMuslims,

withtheformerindulginginalcoholandsinswhilethelatterrefrained.Thistoowasdirectedatpeople

whohadrefrainedfromalcoholforthemonthbutwhocontinuedoncethemonthhadended.The

messagesooftrepeatedwasclearlyanindicationthatmanydidnotdoastheImamandAbdulQadir

Jilanibeforehim,hadexpected.ThedayofIdwasafterall,thetalkhadexplainedatthebeginning,a

“dayofpermissibility.”

ExitingthemosqueIjoinedAhmedandafewfriendsfortheirannualkeema(mince)breakfast

at a nearby restaurant. After a few cigarettes and some time-pass they returned home to sleep.

ExhaustedbutstillneedingtofulfillonemoreinvitationIvisitedanotherfriendforthetraditionalId

breakfast of sheer korma (sweet almond, cardamom, and saffron milk). Everyone was tired but

relieved. The daywas formost passed in a half slumber. The streets in the areaweremarked by


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emptiness.Theonlyshopsremainingopenwerethesweetmeatstoresandthesmallcatererswho

werebusypreparingtheafternoonmealforclients.Alsobustlingwerethefairridesthathadbeenset

upinparticularlocations,wherechildrencametospendtheIdmoneythattheyhadreceivedfrom

theirparents.

TheexuberanceofChandRaatthaterupted inanticipationofthe“dayofpermissibility”was

clearly not an aberration. Rather the common explanation to not express relief with the end of

Ramadan, and the local religious leaders’ exhortations to exercise restraint were but one kind of

expressionandpracticeofIslamasalivedtradition.Theneedtocontinuouslyrepeatandemphasize

restraint,pietyandprayerpointstothefactthatmostdidnotfollowthemessage.Ratherthanassume

ameaningandpracticeofRamadanasauthorizedbythereligiousleader,wehaveseenhowRamadan

practiceincludestheethicalreflectionsandjudgmentsofdifferentindividualswhoatdifferenttimes

andindifferentplacesproduceverydifferentroutesthroughwhichtopartakeintheblessingsofthe

month.

CONCLUSION

InMumbai, as with elsewhere in the world, Ramadan was marked by fasting and feasting.

AnalysesofRamadanthrougheithercoherenceorambivalenceandcontradictionmisstheprocessof

consumptionandabstinenceaswellasthevariouspracticesofIslamasalivedtradition.

ThediscursivetraditionofRamadanemphasizestheimportanceofvirtue.Thisistakentomean

practicesofprayerandpietyaswellascareandgenerosity.Forpractitioners,thejudgementofhow

to practice Ramadanmay necessarily exclude other forms of participation. However, beyond this

particulardiscursivetraditionarenotionsofRamadanasamonthof“greatblessings(barabarakat).”

Thiswasexplainedasaconsiderationofhowdifferent individuals fromdifferentoccupationswere

likely to reap the rewards of themonth in differentways. For business people and restaurateurs

Ramadanwasamonthofprofitandtrade.Forothers,themonthwasspentinmomentsoffasting,

prayer, camaraderie, shopping, eating and time-pass. ThepracticeofRamadanas a lived tradition


174

meant that different individuals established different routes throughwhich the “blessings” of the

monthwereobtained.

During Ramadan, there were multiple conceptions of time. The month was considered

auspicious,holyandordainedbyGodandrewardsweresaidtobereceivedinexcess.However,within

themonth other times were important. During the day, the time of fasting was a time of bodily

sensationofhunger.Thisdrewtoanendwiththetimeofiftarwhichwasatimeofsharingamong

friends and family. Preceding iftarwas a practice of silence duringwhich the time of hungerwas

connectedwiththeimpendingfeast.Thismomentconferredreflectionsonthehungerthatwasabout

tobeassuagedandthefoodtobeenjoyed.Duringtheeveningweretimesofprayerfollowedbytime-

pass,camaraderieandfurtherfeasting.Theeveningwasatimewhentherestrictionsofthedaytime

fast were lifted. Other important times during themonth included the auspicious odd-numbered

nights,especiallythe27thnight,duringthelasttendayswhentheQuranwasbelievedtohavebeen

revealed.Onthesenights’prayerwasthoughttoaccruehugemultiplesofreward(sawab)fromGod,

and soprayer aswell as sharinganddonationswere increased.However, these last eveningsalso

markedtheendofthemonthandsocoincidedwithanincreaseinshopping,donations,feastingand

excitementtowardstheimpendingcelebrationofId.Idas“thedayofpermissibility”wasanticipated

asreliefandcelebration.

Throughthepassageoftimeandthepracticesofdifferentindividuals,differentmeaningsofthe

“blessings”ofRamadanwereproduced.Evenpracticesmostcloselyassociatedwiththe virtuesof

piety, generosityor carewerenotuniform.Exemption from fastingdidnotoccludeMuslims from

participatinginother“blessings”ofthemonththatincludedtherewardsofincreasedprayeraswell

as feasting and gift shopping for friends and family. The virtue of generosity and care that was

emphasized during the sharing of iftar food was circumscribed between friends and family. Only

leftoversweredesignatedforthebeggarsthatflockedtothearea.Thepracticeofsilencepreceding

iftarwasareflectionproducedatthemomentthatbodilyhungercoincidedwithanticipationoverthe

impendingmeal.Itdidnotnecessarilyextendovertheentiredayormonth.Similarly,throughpractices


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ofprayerpractitioners devisedmeans toobtain reward (sawab)without constant compliance. For

others,howevertheinclinationtoprayerneverarose.Forthemthe“blessings”ofRamadansignified

practicesoffeasting,time-passandcomraderybetweenfriends.Finally,asthemonthdrewtoanend

auspicious evenings of prayer were emphasized. These coincided with the increasing festivity,

shoppingandexcitementastheimpendingcelebrationofIdapproached.Eachofthesepracticeswere

theroutesthroughwhichblessingsofRamadanwereembodied,ingestedandexpressed.

ApproachingthepracticeofRamadanasalivedtraditionhasallowedforconsiderationofthe

ethicsoffastingandfeasting,prayingandplaying,andshoppingandgiving.Emphasisonprayerand

pietybyreligiousleadersorcertainindividualsisonlyonepracticeofRamadan.Equallyimportantare

other timesandpracticesof celebration, comradery, feastingand shopping. Seemingly incomplete

performancedidnotnecessarilyproducefeelingsofambivalenceoruncertainty.Forpractitioners,the

centralityofniyat(intention)forpracticeensuredthatthereweremanyroutesthroughwhichtolay

claimtothe‘good.’RatherthanfixingthepropermeaningofthepracticeofRamadaninadvancethis

chapter has shown howMuslims inMumbai were engaged in a process of ethical reflection and

judgementthroughwhichtoproduceparticularpathsofpractice.Utilitariannotionsofrewardwere

clearlypresentbutnotexhaustive.Bodilysensationandmaterialpracticesaswellastimesoftheday

and month were important for the way in which particular individuals related to their Ramadan

practice. However, although different practices produced different meanings and routes of

compliance,a resemblancepersisted.Abstractnotionsof virtue suchaspiety, careandgenerosity

wereemphasizedandclearlyimportant.However,thespecificpracticesspanningprayer,shopping,

time-passandfeastingcautionagainstlinerassociationsofpracticewithpiety.ThepracticeofIslam

asalivedtraditionduringRamadaninMumbaientailedaprocessofethicaljudgmentandreflection

onwhich“blessings”tobestow,whenandhow.


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CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUS ION

Thereisneitherafirstnoralastwordandtherearenolimitstothedialogic

context (it extends into the boundless past and boundless future).

Evenpastmeanings,thatisthoseborninthedialogueofpastcenturies,can

neverbestable(finalized,endedonceandforall)-theywillalwayschange

(be renewed) in the process of subsequent, future development of the

dialogue. At any moment in the development of the dialogue there are

immense,boundlessmassesofforgottencontextualmeanings,butatcertain

momentsofthedialogue'ssubsequentdevelopmentalongthewaytheyare

recalledandinvigoratedinrenewedform(inanewcontext).(Bakhtin1992,

170)

This thesishaspresentedanethnographyof theethicsofMuslim foodpractices inMumbai.

ThroughthelensofIslamasalivedtraditionithascontributedaninsightintothewayinwhichpractice

isaterrainofdebateanddifference.Drawingontheoryfromwithintheanthropologyofethicsand

Wittgensteinonlanguagegames,ithasofferedaviewtounderstandinginnovationwithinhistorically

informed practices. The notion of tradition is important for understanding why people bother to

engage in particular practices and for apprehending the basis upon which their arguments and

practicesrest.However,therulesoftheIslamicdiscursivetraditionarenotboundariestobecrossed

but rather signposts (Wittgenstein 1953) that guide conduct. This, it has been shown, does not

precludethepossibilityforshortcutsandinnovations.

DevelopmentswithinthelivedtraditionofIslamincludethoseinitiatedbyfiguresofauthority

suchasulamaandlayactivistswhoareengagedinaconstantprocessofinterpreting,andtranslating

Islamic norms of practice in the contemporary world. Also important are background level

developmentsinitiatedbynationstatesthroughchangesinstatepolicyandeconomicorganization.


177

Newconditionsoflifeinthecontemporaryworldproducenewchallengesandopportunitiesthathave

tobeaddressedbypractitionersofalivedtradition.Authorityfiguresmayclaimtobeactingwithina

particularlysetofrulesasdefinedbyagloriouspastbuttheyareinfactaddressingnewdevelopments

astheyarticulateanewnotionofbeingMusliminthecontemporary.OrdinaryMuslimsfacesimilar

challengesastheynavigatetheirsocialreality.IneverydayconductMuslimsfaceamyriadofsituations

inwhichtheyarerequiredtoarticulateandpracticewhattheyfeelisacorrectmodeofliving.They

may draw on particular authoritative positions for guidance but inevitably the practice of a lived

tradition entails the constant process of reflection and ethical judgment through which new

expressionsandpracticesofIslamasalivedtraditionemerge.However,thisprocessofemergence,

developmentandinnovationisnotentirelyrandom.Ratheritentailsaseriesofbothcontinuitiesand

rupturesasdifferentindividualsarticulatedifferentroutesforpractice.

Overthepastdecadetheevocationofthenotionof“discursivetradition”intheanthropology

of Islam immediately brings to view the image of a particular kind of pious ethical subjectivity

authorizedbythetextuallegacyofsomeobjectcalledIslam.Thisapproach,initiatedbyTalalAsadand

putintoethnographicformbySabaMahmood,elidedthesubjectpositionsandpracticesofallMuslim

who did not conform to this authoritative model. The goal was to provincialize Western liberal

assumptions of personhood. An unfortunate result of thismode of enquiry is thatMahmoodwas

compelled to compartmentalize all opponents of the pietymovement as contaminated by liberal

modernity.TheanthropologyofIslamdevelopedintoananthropologyofMuslimpiety.Opponentsof

thisviewquiterightlypointoutthatMuslimsarenotallobsessivelyconcernedwithpiouspursuits.

However,theirapproachismostlyinclinedtosidelinetheofnotiontradition.Thisisunderstandable

giventheweightofmeaningandassociationthatthetermevokes.

However,Ihavebeenhesitanttodiscardthediscursiveturn.AsAsadhadindicated,theideaof

adiscursivetraditioncaptures theway inwhichmemories,historiesandaffectiveattachmentsare

relevantforunderstandingcontemporarypractice.Itallowsforacloseconsiderationofhowdifferent

people in different parts of the world have engaged in critical reflection and produced textual


178

commentariesandanalysisoftheirplaceintheworld.Andcallsforacloseconsiderationofhowthat

textualgenealogyofthoughtandpracticeinheresinthepresent.Asad’scritiqueofErnestGellneron

thequestionoftranslationwascrucialforreflectingonthewayinwhichthetraditionofBritishSocial

Anthropologyhadapproachedtheknowledgetraditionsofotherpeople(Asad1986a).Theideaofa

discursivetraditionasexplicatedbyAsadthusintroducedamuch-neededcautionagainstthetendency

ofAnthropologiststoeitherreducethethoughtsandpracticesofotherpeopletomeregibberish,or

toexpectconformancewiththetrajectoryofWesternEuropeanexperience.However,inengagingin

the critique of both Anthropology and later Secularism, Asad emphasized coherence within and

differencebetweendiscursivetraditions.IntheanthropologyofIslamthiswasachievedthroughthe

representationofIslamthroughaparticularformofpiouspractice.

THECOMPLEXITYOFNIYAT( INTENTION)FOR ISLAMASAL IVEDTRADITION

This thesis has sought to present the complexity of Muslim practice in the contemporary.

DrawingonAsad’sinsightsregardingtherelevanceofadiscursivetraditionforpractice,Ihavesought

toprovideanethnographicaccountofdebate,differenceandchangewithinMuslimfoodpracticesin

Mumbai. Thishasentaileda serious considerationof the centralityof niyat (intention) forMuslim

practice.AProphetictraditionthathasbeenofparamountrelevancethroughoutMuslimhistorystates

that“actionsaredefinedbyintentions,andtoeverypersonwhatheintends.”Analysisofintention

within the study of the Islamic legal and ethical tradition have pointed to the complexity of this

statement.

Ontheonehandthestabilityofintentionsubjecttothewillhasensuredthatthestatementof

intentionbeforepracticeensurescompliance.Obligationsaredispelledthroughthepriorutteranceof

intention.Thisaffordsniyat(intention)ataxonomicfunctionindetermininghowidenticalactsmaybe

awardeddifferent status. For example, in thepractice of prayer the samebodilymovementsmay

eitherdispelanobligationorearnadditionalnon-obligatoryreward(sawab).Thedifferencedepends

onthestatementprecedingtheact,whichdetermineswhatkindofpracticeitis.Arelatedaspectof


179

niyat(intention)hasbeenhighlightedbyAsadandMahmood,wherepractitionersareencouragedto

cultivate the correct disposition for pious practice. In this reading niyat (intention) is not merely

taxonomic, but rather integral to the cultivation of the self. Here the proper fulfillment of pious

practicerequiresthecorrectdispositionwhichisinturngraduallyproducedthroughpractice.

However, the subjective stability and cultivation of intention (niyat) does not exhaust its

relevanceintheIslamicdiscursivetradition.Fromaclosereadingofthestatementitisclearthatwhat

isimpliedisapotentialgapbetweenanact,andinnerstate.Performanceisnotguaranteedthrough

practice or utterance. AsMessick has explained, “neither knowledge of God Almighty nor of the

intentionsandmeaningslocatedintheinteriorsofotherhumansarefullyattainableandascertainable

by interpreters.” However, “these locales of truth, remained the identified objects of interpretive

efforts”(Messick2001,178).Incasesofpublicdisputethejudgewasthustaskedwithdetermining

throughanassessmentofvariousfactorswhetherpeopleactually intendedwhattheyhaddoneor

said.Hereit isclearthatpracticeorutterancedidnotensureperformance.Theniyat(intention)of

others,althoughultimatelyunknown,couldnotbedeterminedsimplythroughformalcomplianceand

wasthesubjectofinterpretativeefforts.Ihavearguedthatthisaspectofniyat(intention)isofcrucial

socialsignificanceinMuslimsocietieswherepeoplemayjudgetheoutwardlypiousasinsincerewhen

consideringtheiractsofpietyinconjunctionwithotherlessvirtuousaspectsoftheirlives.

LessdiscussedintheliteratureisthesecondhalfofthePropheticstatement,“andtothosewhat

they intend,” that seems to suggest a complete disjuncture frompractice. This potential for niyat

(intention)topresentasourceofsalvationintheabsenceofpracticeorasadefenseagainstcriticized

practice,hasbeennotedinethnographiesofMuslimsociety. InEgyptSchielkehasmentionedhow

claims to having the correct intention was the basis through which practitioners of the Prophets

birthdaycelebrationsdefendedthemselvesagainstcriticism.InZanzibarErinStileshasnotedhowthe

intentiontoonedaybeginprayinginthefuturewasthebasisthroughwhichpeopleexplainedtheir

currentnon-compliance.Similarly,acolleagueworkinginMumbai,SanaGhazi,hasgenerouslyshared

an interview with a self-declared non-practicingMuslim who combines a hypothetical critique of


180

peoplewhoprayregularlybutalsocheatothersorhurtpeople,withtheclaimthat“GodknowsI’m

notabadperson.”Thiswasprefacedbythephrase(Allahniyatdekhtahaina,Godseestheintention).

Intheseexamplesthesubjectivestabilityofintentionallowedindividualstomakeaclaimtothegood

throughwhichtheymaydeflectattentionfromcriticizedpracticeornon-compliance.

Throughthecentralityandcomplexityofniyyat(intention)forMuslimpracticeandsalvationit

is possible tounderstandhowan affective relation to thediscursive traditionsof Islam is possible

withoutproducingexpectationsofhowthatrelationshouldbeembodied.Islamasalivedtradition

canaccommodateavarietyofethicaldispositionsandformsofpractice.Inmyresearchinformants

werecomfortabletoexplaintheirpracticeandeventheirown inconsistenciesor lapses inpractice

withoutnecessaryexperiencingmomentsofdoubtandambivalence.Asisclearfromthediscussion

aboveMuslimsengagedwiththediscourseonniyat(intention)tocriticizeoutwarddisplaysofpiety.

ContrarytoMahmood,thedistinctionbetweenaninteriorselfandexternalpractice,asexpressedby

“middle-class”or “secular liberalMuslim” criticsof thepietymovement inCairo is notnecessarily

evidencethatthey“shareanorientationtowardsnationalist-identitarianpolitics”(Mahmood2011,

146-52)whichforherrendersthemlessauthenticintheirpracticeofIslam.Ratherwemayappreciate

how the secular liberal and Islamic discursive traditions share a notion of a possible disjuncture

betweentheexternalityofpracticeandtheinteriorityoftheself.

Aswehaveseenthismulti-faceteddiscourseofintentioniscrucialforunderstandingtheethics

ofMuslimfoodpracticesinMumbai.ThepracticeofIslamasalivedtraditionisaboutappreciatingthe

relevanceofdiscourse,authorityandpowerbutalsothewayinwhichMuslimsmakeuptherulesas

the go along. As a lived tradition niyat is important for appreciating the link between seemingly

disparate or incomplete practices togetherwith the affective commitment and attachment to the

discursivetraditionofIslam.

L IVEDTRADITIONASA METHODOLOGY


181

ApproachingMuslimpracticeasa lived tradition isalsoamethodical contribution.Following

Wittgenstein,wemayappreciatethatexactnessisapraiseandinexactareproach.Hethuscautions

againstlinearassociationsbetweenrulesandcomplianceandwordsandmeaning.Practitionersand

figuresofauthoritymayattempttodeterminetherulesandpatrolpractice.However,throughthe

discourseonniyatwehaveseenhowcomplianceisnotexhaustive.Thepracticeofalivedtraditionis

not a coherent entity with clear boundaries. As anthropologists, we should therefore be wary of

introducingfixedexpectationsaboutwhatshapeandformMuslimpracticeshouldtake.Thismeans

cautionagainsttakingsidesoninternalpositionsanddebateswithinalivedtradition.Ratherweshould

observe,discussandunderstandthedifferentways inwhichdifferent individualsdevise routes for

practice.Thisnecessitatesattention to themultipleways inwhich theirarticulationsproduceboth

continuitiesandbreakswithpastpracticeandcontemporarydevelopments.

AllowingforthecomplexityofcontemporaryMuslimfoodpracticesinMumbaiasthepractice

ofalivedtraditionhasmeantquestioningthewayinwhichanthropologyoftenapproachesquestions

ofchange,modernityandits‘others.’Inanthropologyanearliermodeofthinkingwhichconsidered

non-WesternpeopletheprimitiveprecursorstomodernWesternsocietyhasgivenwaytoanotionof

multiplemodernities.Inthisview,differentpeoplearoundtheworldarenolongernon-modernbut

justdifferentlymodern.AparticularhistoryofEuropeandevelopmentisstillretainedasparadigmatic.

However,aswehaveseenthroughoutthethesis,encountersbetween‘cultures’orlivedtraditionsdo

not necessarily induce total transformations or moments of crisis. Rather than holding particular

technologicaloreconomicdevelopmentsasthesolidgrounduponwhichallchangesflowweshould

approach these discursive and material formations of power as lived traditions. For example,

neoliberaldevelopmentsinglobaltradehavebeenparticularlypowerfulinintroducingnewspacesof

consumption, new careeropportunities andnew formsof ethical subjectivity.However, as a lived

tradition the new norms and rules of conduct intersect with alternative traditions of practice,

producingnovelandsometimesidiosyncraticexpressions.Appreciatingthesemomentsofcontinuity


182

andchangeaswellsamenessanddifferencerequirescloseattentiontowhatpeopledoandsayas

wellasthecomplextraditionsofthoughtfromwhichtheyemerge.

MUSLIMFOODPRACTICE INMUMBAI

Theethnographicchaptersinthisthesishaveelaboratedontherelevanceofalivedtraditionfor

understandingtheethicsofMuslimfoodpracticeinMumbai.IneachchapterIargueforthewayin

whichtheapproachofIslamasalivedtraditioncontributestobroaderquestionsinanthropology.

InChapter2IdiscussedhowthepracticeofhalalinMumbaihadbeenundergoingaprocessof

change. Halal certification was emerging as a response to developments in global trade and the

establishmentofinternationalfast-foodchainstoresasplacesofMuslimconsumption.Itsoughtto

introducecertaintyoverhalalpractice inplaceswhereMusliminvolvementwasnolongerassured.

However,thecentralityofniyatfortheMuslimpracticeofhalalprecludedquestionsofcertainty.In

thechapter,wesawhowMuslimsdevisedmultipleroutesforthepracticeofhalalinnewcontexts.

Contrary to arguments that connect halal certification to audit cultures, and the expectations of

neoliberal developments as inducing a total transformation in local practice, Muslims had an

alternativediscourseforthepracticeofhalaluponwhichtodraw.

Chapter3presentedanethnographyoftheinteractionsbetweenaMuslimbutcher,Hassan,and

hiscustomersatachickenshop.Itconsideredtheavailabilityoflivechicken,freshlyslaughteredin-

storeand‘frozen’packagedchickenastwomaterialformsfortheproductionofhalal.Eachsignified

verydifferentengagementsbetweenhumans,animalsandslaughter.Contrarytoarguments inthe

anthropology of meat that view slaughter as inherently problematic and evocative of disgust the

chapter showedhowan Islamic lived traditionunderstood slaughter as violentbutnotnecessarily

cruel.Corporate-produced‘frozen’halalchicken,throughitsappealtosanitation,packagedesignand

hygiene,presentedthepotentialforthesight,smellandsoundoffreshchickenproductionandthe

bodyandoccupationoftheMuslimbutchertobeproducedasasiteofdisgust.Thiswasparticularly

relevant in Mumbai where a Hindu-nationalist discourse emphasized the body of the Muslim as


183

butcherasasiteofabjection.Inthiscontext,ethicalbusinesspracticewasnotaboutconformanceto

some notion of ethics and integrity as informed by an Islamic discursive tradition. Practices of

concealment, deception and imitation of corporate chicken production were the situated ethical

practicesthroughwhichhesoughttoretaininterestinfreshchicken,ensuringhisrelevance,profitand

respectability.

InChapter4Ipresentedtheethicalnarrativesandmaterialpracticesoftworestaurantsinthe

oldMuslimquartersofthecity.Throughcloseattentiontothenarrativeformandidiomthroughwhich

thepracticesandhistoryofeachrestaurantwasexpresseditwasclearthatthereweredifferentethical

subjectpositionsof Islamasa lived tradition.A languageofhumility, careandcontinuitywasone

expression.Anothercombinedanemphasisonpride,innovationandinventioninarticulatingaroute

throughwhichtoengageinaMuslimbusinesspractice.Throughthecomplexityofalivedtraditionthe

chapterhighlightedtheextenttowhichafocusonpietyorsomenotionofanIslamicorIndianmoral

economywouldmisstheinterplayofsimilaritiesanddifferencesbetweenthetworestaurants.The

chapter drew attention to the need for closer attention to the specific constellation of ethical

narrativesandbusinesspracticeinunderstandingtheethicsoftrade.

InChapter5IapproachedthepracticeofQurbani(sacrifice)inMumbaiasthepracticeofalived

tradition.Theimportanceofperformingsacrificewithfeeling(ehsaas)waswidelyemphasized.This

necessitatedpracticesofhuman-animal intimacyandcare in thebuild-upto thedayofsacrifice in

order to cultivate attachment to the sacrificial animal through which a feeling of loss would be

produced. The chapter showed how a series of ethical judgements regarding price, budget and

bargainingaswellasapersonalsenseofaestheticvalue,andpracticesofcareinthehomewerethe

route throughwhichQurbaniwith feelingwaspracticed.Through this constellationofpracticesof

sacrificeasaprocessitwasclearthattheethicsandeconomicsofsacrificewereintertwinedrather

thanincommensurable.ViewingQurbanithroughthelensofalivedtraditionofferedananalysisthat

wentbeyondconcernwiththepossibilityorimpossibilityoftheethicsofsacrifice.


184

The finalChapter6presentedanethnographyofRamadan inMumbai. It showedhowtime,

individualethicaldispositionandoccupationwereimportantforthepracticeofRamadanasalived

tradition.Piety,careandgenerositywereimportantvirtuesemphasizedduringthemonth.However,

theparticularroutethroughwhichthevirtuesofRamadanwerepracticedpointedtotheimportance

ofethicaljudgmentandreflectionascentraltopractice.Asamonthoffastandfeastingtherewere

differentpracticesthroughwhichtheblessingsofthemonthwereachieved.Ratherthananalysesof

Ramadanthathaveemphasizedtheutilitariansearchforrewardor thetriumphofsomenotionof

Islamic morality, the chapter showed how different individuals engaged in different practices of

Ramadan.Abstractnotionsofthesacredmonthandutilitarianemphasisonreward(sawab)wasnot

absentnorexhaustiveofthecomplexpracticesofalivedtradition.

ThroughfiveethnographicchaptersIpresentedaviewoftheethicsofMuslimfoodpracticesin

Mumbai. Focusing on a selection of important times and places of Muslim food production and

consumption I sought to offer a novel view onMuslims in India. Neither political developments,

economic change nor sectarian difference could fully account for the practice of Islam as a lived

tradition. Muslims in Mumbai engaged in ethical reflection and judgement through which they

produced,consumed,tradedandabstainedfromfood.Viewedfromtheperspectiveofalivedtradition

therewasnoopportunitytomakedirectcomparisonsandcontrastswithcertainidealWesterntropes

ofpersonhoodorpractice.Atthesametime,changeandchallengesforpracticedidnotnecessarily

producemomentsofambivalenceanduncertainty.Debateanddifferencewasintegraltothepractice

ofIslamasalivedtradition.

FUTURERESEARCHDIRECTION

Thescopeofalivedtraditionnecessarilycallsforfurtherresearchindifferentcontextsandfor

theexplorationofnewquestionsanddevelopments inMumbai.Sinceconcludingmy research the

politicalsituationinIndiaandMumbaihaschangedsignificantly.Therisetopoweroftheright-wing

BJPgovernmentat thenational level, and thebanonboth cowandbull slaughter inMumbaihas


185

placedadditionalpressureontheMuslimcommunity.Thecurrentgovernmentsfusionofright-wing

sentiment andmodernization reforms is potentially detrimental to the livelihoods ofmany ofmy

informants. In the increasingly politicized context it would be important to account for new

developmentsandexpressionsof Islamasa livedtradition inthecity.HowareMuslimrestaurants

respondingtothenewregulationofmeatinthecity?Whataretheimpactsofnewmeatregulation

on dietary practice and commercial enterprise? I am interested in further exploring the historical

narrativesofmyinformantsastheytracetheirarrivalinthecitywithinthechangingpolitical,religious

andculinarylandscape.BeyondIndiaIhopetodevelopanIndianOceanresearchprojectthatconnects

tomypreviousresearchonhalalcertificationinSouthAfrica.Theconnectionsanddisjuncture’salong

the Indian ocean basin offer a fascinating site through which to explore the expansion of halal

certification between Indian trader networks, global organizations based in Dubai, Malaysia and

Singapore,andeverydaypractice.InSouthernAfricathepresenceofcentury-oldtradercommunities,

recentSouthAsianmigrants,MuslimsfromSoutheastAsiaandAfricanMuslimspresentsauniquecase

throughwhichtoviewtheemergenceofIslamasalivedtradition.


186

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Promotor: Prof. dr. P.T. van der Veer

Islam as a Lived Tradition

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