History of Concepts Newsletter 3

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Mailing Address Karin Tilmans I Wyger Velerna, University of Amsterdam, Department of History, Spuistraat 134, 1012 VB Amsterdam, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected]. n1 http://www.hum.uvalnll- huizingalnieuws Colophon Editors: Karin Tilmans, Wyger Velema, Anna Voolstra Lay-out: Bas Broekhuizen HUIZINGA INSTITUU T Onderzoek school voor Cultuurgesc hiedenis Research Ins titute and Grad uate School of Cultural History History of Concepts Newsletter Nr 4 Spring 2000 In this Issue: Fennomanians in the European Context: Report on the History of Concepts Conference in Tampere Report on the International Conference of the History of Social and Political Concepts Group in Paris Begriffsgeschichte in Italy; on the logic of political concepts Agenda Updated addresslist

Transcript of History of Concepts Newsletter 3

Page 1: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

Mailing Address Karin Tilmans I Wyger Velerna,

University of Amsterdam,

Department of History,

Spuistraat 134, 1012 VB Amsterdam, The Netherlands

e-mail: [email protected]

http://www.hum.uvalnll- huizingalnieuws

Colophon Editors:

Karin Tilmans, Wyger Velema,

Anna V oolstra

Lay-out:

Bas Broekhuizen

• •

HUIZINGA INSTITUUT Onderzoekschool voor Cultuurgeschiedenis

• Research Institute and Graduate School of Cultural History

• History of Concepts Newsletter

Nr 4 Spring 2000

• • •

• • In this Issue:

• Fennomanians in the European Context: Report on the

History of Concepts Conference in Tampere

• Report on the International Conference of the History of Social and Political Concepts Group in Paris

Begriffsgeschichte in Italy; on the logic of political concepts

Agenda

• Updated addresslist

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Fennomanians in the European Context: Report on the History of Concepts Conference, Tampere, Finland, ·15-18 September 1999 Pasi Ihalainen, Department of History, University of Jyvaskyla, Finland

T he on-going national projects make the history of

concepts a dynamic field of lllquny. TIris dyrnurusm

became visible during four days of intensive scholarly

discussion in a history of concepts conference organised

by the University of Tampere in mid-September 1999.

The initial purpose of the conference was to present some

preliminary results of the Finnish project on the history of

concepts to representatives of other national projects for

criticism and comparison. Thanks to commentators from

Sweden, the Netherlands, Germany, the United Kingdom

and Denmark, however, the discussion also concerned

issues that interest historians of concepts in any country.

Britain and the Continent: Diverse methodological approaches to past political thought One reoccurring issue in conferences on the history of

concepts is the existing methodological diversity in the

study of past political thought Whereas the German

model of Begriffsgeschichte has been successfully applied

to the history of continental countries such as the

Netherlands and Finland, the Anglophone world remains

strongly dedicated to its rather different tradition of the

history of political thought. As lain Hampsher-Monk, one

of the visiting speakers in the conference, pointed ou~

studies on the history of political thought characteristically

concentrate on nation states. Such concentration on

national history is, of course, completely natural, as a

shared history of political thought is an essential element

in the national political culture of any country.

Without disputing the linkage between the history of

political thought and present political culture, one might

add, however, that a strictly national perspective tends to

ignore comparisons between different political cultures

which might make the peculiar features of each political

culture more visible. Some continental scholars continue

to suggest that an application of the conceptual approach

to British political culture might also provide interestingly

different perspectives. Furthermore, Anglophone

historians do also write histories which focus on

developments in a particular concept.

Hampsher -Monk's review on the history of concepts

pointed to some important methodological problems that

remain unsolved in many conceptual histories. Though the

practitioners of the history of political thought also

consider conceptual change as central to history, many

remain doubtful as to the justification of selecting

concepts as the major objects of scholarly analysis.

Undoubtedly, difficulties arise when scholars attempt to

identify concepts undergoing change. Yet few historians

of concepts would question the necessity of discussing

concepts in their proper contexts. The Anglophone history

of political thought, however, lays stress more distinctly

on the dependence of the language use on the user of the

language. It underscores the character of politics as

linguistic human action.

The conceptual approach, and the perspective taking the

potential of international comparisons seriously, gained

support from the Dutch speakers in the conference who

have already done considerable work in the field. In their

approach, concepts are studied in simultaneous use in a

high variety of contexts. The comparative history of

concepts, as seen by Pim den Boer, wishes to demonstrate how, when and why certain key concepts were translated

from one language to another and what sort of problems

and diversity of meanings were connected to such

transmissions or simultaneous conceptualisations of

historical phenomena. The Dutch case is, of course, particularly interesting from the point of view of the

comparative history of concepts because of the ability of

past Dutch scholars (and present for that matter!) to speak

several languages fluently. This cosmopolitanism of the

Dutch considered, it is surprising that the otherwise open

Dutch society seems to have adopted a cautious attitude

towards concepts offoreign origin and thus emphasised its

particular character.

The tolerant pragmatism of the Dutch project provides an

inspiring model for future applications of the history of

concepts. Practical solutions that might be followed

concern the criteria of choosing the analysed concepts, the

source material, the composition of the research group,

and the chronological boundaries of the project. Firstly, as

Wyger Velema pointed out, the Dutch project has

con!,entrated on concepts that were not only central to

Dutch public discourse but also enable international

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comparisons. Secondly, the source basis, including

images, is unusually varied when compared to any earlier

project. Thirdly, the plurality of approaches applied to the

study of each concept diminishes the risk of one-sided

interpretations. And fourthly, the widened chronological

boundaries contribute to an emancipation of the history of

concepts from an excessive dedication to Reinhard

Koselleck's original Saltelzeit thesis.

The case of the creation of Finnish political vocabulary The main contribution to the conference originated from

the team of scholars who have studied the conceptual past

of the Finnish political culture. The members of the

Finnish project have done an invaluable service to the

scholarly community when communicating their findings

in the English language. Translations are essential for

international comparisons, and the translation process

itself - one is inclined to believe -- is likely to strengthen

their analyses further.

What makes the Finnish case particularly noteworthy in

the European context is the fact that one can, with

considerable justice, argue that the Finnish political

vocabulary was consciously created by the so-called

Fennomanians in the ntid-nineteenth century and not

merely inherited from the political languages of foreigo

rulers, whether Swedish or Russian.

The speed and success of the introduction of new words to

the Finnish political language appears as quite exceptional

in Europe. When searching for explanations for this

uniqueness, the participants pointed to the widespread

literacy in a homogeneously Lutheran country, to the pre­

modern traditions of local self-govermnen!, and to the fact

that creating new words seems to have for long been a

part of Finnish cultural practices. The Swedish

commentators also quite rightly pointed to the influence of

conceptual changes in the eighteenth- and nineteenth­

century Swedish language.

Kari Saastamoinen's work on the variety of political

vocabularies in early-modem Sweden, though remaining

at a rather general level because of the lack of previous

work on the theme, provides essential background

information for the conceptual study of the rise of a

Finnish political culture in the nineteenth century. What

one ntight wish from the other members of the team is a

more serious consideration of the potential significance of

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the early-modem political vocabularies of aristocratic

constitutionalism, Lutheranism and the borgerligt

samhiille, for instance, for the nineteeoth-century project

of the creation of a Finnish political vocabulary, that is,

the Fennomanian "translation programme" from the 1840s

to l870s.

The Finnish political concepts discussed during the

conference include power (valta) by Matti Hyvarinen,

revolution (vallankumous) by Risto Aiapuro, party

(puolue) by Eeva Aamio, representation and parliament

(edustus, eduskunta) by Ismo Pohjantamnti, people

(kansa) by llkka Liikanen, citizen (kansalainen) by

Henrik Stenius, state (valtio) by Tuija Pulkkinen, society

and community (yhteiskunta, yhteiso) by Pauli Kettunen

and politics (politiikka) by Kari Palonen. Without going

into too much detail in each of the scholarly papers, some

observations shared by members of the audience are

worthwhile.

Hyvarinen's solution to the study of the unusually multi­

dimensional Finnish concept of power was to approach it

through nineteenth-century Finnish literary sources, to

carry on the analysis to the language struggles of the latter

part of the century, and to finally summarise conceptual

developments during the time of independence. Aiapuro's

discussion on the concept of revolution pointed to the

absence of a domestic revolutionary tradition in

nineteenth-century Finland, to the original translation of

revolution in Finnish as "the overthrow of power" -­

without a sense of progress - and to the importance of

Russian revolutionary events and the civil war in conceptualisations of revolution in twentieth-century

Finland. Aamio analysed changing attitudes towards the

phenomenon of political party, including the

transformation from references to "the voice of the

people" to an acceptance of the plurality of parties and to

the adoption of an idea of party as more systematic action.

Pohjantammi approached the concept of political

representation by examining its relationship to the creation

of the nation, to monarchy, to republic and to democracy.

The analysis of the concept of people by Liikanen

appeared as particularly interesting from the point of view

of international comparison. Liikanen demonstrated that

the Finnish language, following a collectivist Hegelian

tradition, does not draw a clear distinction between ethnic

people and the political nation but implies that people and

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state have a close connection. Similarly, Stenius pointed to

the specifically Finnish conceptualisation of citizenship

which excluded allusions to urban traditions and rights

and he turned nationality and citizenship nearly identical.

Pulkkinen's discussion on the peculiarly Finnish concept

of state strengthened such conclusions, pointing to the

development of state towards being an increasingly active

agent. Likewise, Kettunen emphasised the typically

Nordic conceptual confusion between the concepts of

state and society. Finally, Palonen demonstrated that the

intemational concept of politics lacked some peculiarly

Finnish features when being adopted to an increasingly

"European" Finnish political language within a relatively

short period of time.

In commentaries on the findings of the Finns, questions

emerged conceming the criteria of choosing the analysed

concepts. Importantly, the research group did not claim

that the chosen concepts were the key concepts of the

Finnish political culture. In the beginning of the project,

the emphasis was rather laid on analytical concepts,

whereas nonnative concepts were left for future projects.

However, the chosen concepts, or at least the way they

were studied, suggested to some observers that, in the

Finnish political language, collectivities appear as more

important than individuals. This emphasis on collectivity

at the cost of individuals may not be that surprising taken

the German rather than Anglophone cultural influences in

Scandinavia. Finland, together with other Scandinavian

countries, adopted Gennan conceptual traditions in which

the concepts of rights and liberty, for instance, have not

played such a dominant role as in the conceptual worlds of

Britain and the Netherlands. The Finns do have their

"Liberty Street" as opposed to the former ''Nicholas

Street!! and their "War ofFreedomll as an alternative term for the civil war, but freedom in these cases refers to the

freedom of the entire nation rather than to the freedom of

individuals.

At least for those unfamiliar with Finnish history,

surprising may also have been the almost total absence of

eastern elements in Finnish political vocabulary. Russian

presence in Tampere featured more in the additional

program of the conference, with visits to the Lenin

Museum (a sort of a museum of a museum), to a Russian

ethnic restaurant and to a Neo-Byzantine Orthodox

church, than in the papers themselves. This absence,

though somewhat self-evident to most Finns, certainly

calls for a clearer explanation, whether concerning the

separate Swedish character of the Finnish administration

in the imperial period, or the inability of the Soviet

foreign-political influence to fundamentally alter Finnish

domestic structures and political language during the Cold

War.

A note conceming interdisciplinarity needs to be added.

As the variety of approaches shows, the Finnish group is

genuinely multidisciplinary, consisting of political

scientists, historians, philosophers, and a sociologist. The

undeniable differences between the approaches of history

and political theory, for instance, mostly remained under

the cover of an existing concensus among the Finnish

scholars, humorously suspected for sharing the ideals of

the Fennomanians. Yet certain friction between various

approaches did occasionally come up during the

conference. Tolerance and open-mindedness between the

divergent approaches of history and political theory is, of

course, essential for fruitful cooperation and comparative

work in the future.

Necessity of further comparisons between and within political cultures: Or, was the Finnish case that unique after all? The Finns, like most nations, readily identifY themselves

as a special case in the European context. As far as their

political concepts are concerned, this belief in peculiarity

carries some truth in it, but it may also lead to a neglect of

wider contexts.

For many an outside observer, the impression may have

been that most Finnish scholars also remain dedicated to a

belief in the nniqueness of Finnish experiences. The

scholars seem to remain excessively cautious in

integrating Finnish conceptual developments within wider

European contexts. Undoubtedly, already before the

co~erence, the members of the team were conscious of

the impossibility of analysing conceptual change in

merely one language. As Matti Hyviirinen pointed out in

his opening speech, the scholars were aware that the

particular features of the Finnish political language only

become visible in comparisons with other political

cultures.

However, the European context - and the enormously

important Swedish context above all -- cannot be left

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merely to foreign commentators to provide. The context

should be more clearly reconstructed by the researchers

themselves. At this stage, some papers most obviously

failed to take Europe-wide late eighteenth- and

nineteenth-century conceptual developments into

considerations in a way that would have made Finnish

developments more uoderstandable to an international

audience and would probably have made them appear

rather less unique than the Finnish scholars see them.

Swedish historians Torkel Jansson and Lars Pettersen in , particular, pointed to the uodisputable fact that several

nineteenth-century innovators of the Finnish language (or,

Fennomanians) continued to speak Swedish as their

mother tongue and to be involved in Swedish-speaking

public discourse both in Sweden and Finland. In other

words, Finnish conceptual developments can hardly be

distinctly separated from simultaneous developments in

the Swedish language. The Swedish language in Sweden

and the Swedish language in Finland deserve further

comparison. As Jansson pointed ou~ a common Swedish

translation of EU-documents was acceptable to both the

Swedish and Finnish governments still in the 1990s. Such

uniformity is revealing as to the close relationship

between the Finnish and Swedish political vocabularies.

Hence a strengthened comparative aspect of conceptual

research was called for. Scandinavia with her Swedish­

Finnish and Danish-Norwegian historiographical

traditions was seen as a fruitful starting point provided

that the specific circumstances of each couotry were taken

into consideration.

Finally, a strengthening of the contextual (i.e. historical)

dimensions of the papers was called for so that the risk of

writing anachronistically history of such concepts that

were not important to the contemporaries themselves

could be avoided. Still after this conference, the difficult

question of the proper relationship between social history

and the history of concepts seems to remain unsolved.

The Tampere Conference thus left scholarly work to be

done both as far as the Finnish political language and

international comparisons are concerned. All in all, it was

a most successful and uousually well-organised

conference which provided, with the excellent conference

facilities of the Tampere Hall and an inspiring evening

program, a perfect starting point for genuine international

comparisons between political cultures. I believe that for

all the participants the days in Tampere were intellectually

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rewarding. One may only wish that parallel conferences

on national and comparative projects in the history of

concepts will be organised frequently also in the future.

Social Controversies in Political Language: Political and Social Concepts, use and abuse of words. Saint-Cloud! Paris; 14-16 October 1999 Raymonde Monnier

B etween 14-16 O~tober 1:99, the ~ " Analyses de corpus lingulSllques of the Ecole Normale

Superieure of Fontenay/Saint-Cloud (equipe "Pratiques

du langage au 18' siecle ") and the Laboratory of Social

Sciences of the Ecole Normale Superieure of Paris, rue

d 'Uhn, hosted the second International Conference of the

History of Political and Social Concepts Group, organized

by Kari Palonen and Melvin Richter. The chief foci of

discussion concerned "Use and abuse of words",

Comparative History of Socio-political Concepts, and

Contemporary Debates on the History of Concepts. The

Conference consisted of five panels and was closed by a

Rouodtable over the Handbuch politish-sozialer

GrundbegrifJe in Frankreich (1680-1820), with the

participation of Hans-Jargen Liisebrink, co-author of the

Handbuch with Rolf Reichardt.

After a word of welcome by Michel Blay, Director of the

Research of the Fontenay/ Saint-Cloud ENS, Jacques

Guilhaumou (CNRS) opened the first session on 'Use and

abuse of words' by developing the idea, in the Handbuch

perspective, that the question of" l'abus des mots" in 18~

century France of great interest is as a methodological

criterium for an empiricist and historicist problematization

of the history of concepts. A historical revival of concepts

is based here on the empiric connection between language

and reality. He developed the link between the study of

the partition of language ("langue commuoe" versus

"langue politique") and the characterization of linguistic

events (by example "Assemblee nationale" in 1789) in the

engagement against "l'abus des langues" during the 18~

century.

'Despotism', a basic political concept in l 8~ century

French political discourse, was treated by Melvin Richter

(New-York City University) as a contested concept with

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both pejorative and ameliorative senses, and as a concept with a long history, inclucting the permeable boundaries

separating it from 'tyranny'. Anyone seeking to add a new

meaning or application to the concept had to fight against

a diachronic thrust, which this history had created. The

concept often produced political consequences

unanticipated and undesired by those using it. TIris was to

be the case in the context of the Maupeou crisis and in the

years preceding 1789, provicting the key elements of the

integrating revolutionary concept of a despotic ' ancien

regime' in which absolute state worked with aristocracy

and Church to peIpetuate feudalism and superstition.

Th.e next paper, by Raymonde Monnier (ENS Fontenay!

Saint-Cloud) dealt with the use of the 'indistinct' name of

'peuple', introduced in its political sense in 1789 by

colingualism effect. Keeping close to the use of the word

from statistical data and discourse, she follows the

semantic evolution of the concept, through the emergence

of the expression representants du peupZe, and the use of neologisms that emerged in the event. The ones likely to

represent the new sovereignty in the metaphoric and

realistic style (sans-culottes! sans-culotterie) or in the

republican and prophetic style (pll!bbenl pt.ibeianisme)

throw a light on the double temporal dimension the

concept has acquired in its connection to revolutionary

action and to the idea of liberty.

Martin Burke (New-York City University) showed how

confessional terminology - 'Papists' or 'Catholics', 'Popery' or 'Catholicity' - common to public discourse, were

employed in different circumstances in Ireland and the

United States in the late 18" and early 19" centuries. In

Ireland, by the early 1830s, there was a parrisl separation

of the political and religious aspects of 'Popery', but

confessional terminology remained a staple of Irish

political culture. In the United States, due to the separation

of church and state, confessional terminology had receded

from the lexicon of politics. Warnings about 'Popery'

continued to be acceptable, if contested, language when

used in religious contexts, but in politics they now

constituted an abuse of words.

A highly ambivalent concept at the end of this century

(bolstered by the millenary perspective), is the concept of

'globalization', treated by Jan Ifversen (Aarhus

University). The conceptual instability of space and time

recurs in the use of historical time concepts. Globalization

becomes linked to a temporal concept of postrnodernity,

of which the primary meaning is: fragmentation and

syncretism. But if time is both fragmenting and

fragmented we come near to a meaning of differences

located in spaces. Other fundamental categories of our

mental and social horizon, such as culture, nation and universalism, are touched by the campaign of

globalization.

The second session was on comparative history of

concepts and began with a contribution of Kari Palonen

(JyviiskyJii University) on the perspective of a rhetorical

history of the (fe-) conceptualization of the concept of

politics. While the first stage of thematization consisted of

a spatialization of politics into a sphere, professor Palonen

was most interested in the second stage, which signifies a

temporalization of politics into an activity. He analyses

nine topoi thematizing the different perspectives -

Cleverness, Wanted Future, Lacking Rules, Action or

Pratice, Play or Game, Partisanship, Conflict, Situation,

The Possible. The examples from four political cultures -

German, French, British and Finnish - show that the

concept is a contested one and can be thematized from

competing perspectives.

Pim den Boer (Amsterdam University) analyzed a concept

that can be called a 'transnationalism' : 'civilization' that

emerged simultaneously in French and English in the third

quarter of the 18" century and was rapidly adopted by

many other languages, like Italian and German (Dutch is

an exception). It was one of the basic concepts in the Idea

of Progress, and became a political slogan, but at the same

time it was also used as a scholarly term. By the end of the

19" century the concept acquired a layer of meaning, Pim

den Boer suggests to add as fifth hypothesis to the

working hypotheses of the Geschichtliche GrundbegrifJe :

the nationalization of concepts, which is particularly

pronounced in German-speaking regions, but operates in

other European languages too.

The contribution of Stuart Jones (Manchester University)

was concerned to chart the history of the concept of

'representation' in the era of transition from classical

representative government to mass democracy, when most western states were forced to confront challenges to

established electoral systems. He considered how

proponents of the various electoral reforms in France

(1880-1914) deployed the concept of representation,

focusing on the tension between artempts to

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reconceptualize political representation in an era of

political change, and the efforts of jurists such as Esmein

to act as guardian of a stable concept in the name of a

coherent and authoritative constitutional tradition.

A concern with the new debates on the history of concepts

animated the contnbutors to the third panel. Patricia

Springborg's thesis (Sidney University) is that English

Renaissance classical translations and imitations represent

works of political surrogacy in an emergent nationalist

discourse. For reasons of censorship in a harsh literary

environment, but also because this is how people expected

to get their information, certain classical works, for

instance, those of Homer, Virgil, Lucan and Ovid, were

read as coded texts. Ranged on a spectnun from royalist to

republican, classical translations were transposed to new

nationalist settings as manuals for good government and

the classical virtues of citizenship. In the hands of

humanist courtiers and their clients, they were rhetorical

instnunents to school both the elite and the masses for

their historic roles in the transition to modernity.

In the next contribution, Tuija Pulkkinen (Helsinki

University) explains why she thinks that the conception of

historians who consider the Porvoo meeting (1809) as the

birth place of the "Finnish state", is a case of misuse of

words. She argues that the question of the status of the

Finnish state within the Russian Empire was less crucial

for the formation of the word valtio in Finnish than is

suggested by the intense debate which ensued among

generations of historians. The word-formation seems to

bave more to do with the formation of the polity, with the

form of political life and with the expression of political

action. The fact that politics so forcefully came to be

verbally associated with the state might well be one of the

most interesting features of Finnish political vocabulary.

Following the methodological insights of the "Cambridge

School", Balazs Trencsenyi (Budapest University) traces

the conceptualization of the national community in

Hungary in the early-modem period. In order to grasp the

intellectual context and emergence of an increasingly

secular and finite cornmunity as the principal focus of

political identification, he descnbes the Hungarian

discourses of nationhood in terms of the interplay of the

Hungarian humanist vision of patria, the Protestant

conception of elect nationhood, and the emerging

ideology of territorial statehood rooted in the pragmatist

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political prudence of the "ragion di stato" tradition. He

shows how the ideology of territorial statehood and the

potentials of absolutism posed a crucial cballenge for

subordinated power-elites, living in the framework of

"multinational" empires.

The session organized by Gerard Noiriel at the Laboratory

of Social Sciences of the Paris Ecole Normale Superieure,

concerned interdisciplinary, namely semantic, pragmatic .

and political approaches of the History of Concepts. Pierre

Fiala (ENS Fontenay/ Saint-Cloud) developed the

proposition that lexical semantics is closely linked to

morphology. He illustrated this point by showing, through

the example of the words laiC! larque! laicite, and the

partial stabilization of the concept in the "longue duree",

how variations became meaningful, argumentative and

enonciative strategies of speech. Grammatical and lexical

morphology are therefore a good observatory of semantic

facts.

Sandro Chignola (Verona University) made a presentation

of the two principal directions that Begriffigeschichte took

in Italy in the centres for study and research on the History

of political concepts. (See here after, page 7 to 13) He

presents the main characteristics of the University of

Trento's approach, and that of the universities of Padua

and Bologna. The paduan research group approach to the

history of concepts achieves the effect of de-structuring,

by tracing the genealogy of modem political categories,

the ideological block which has come about between

modem political science and its very own retrospective

representation of the conceptual times of its own history.

It allows an unveiling, even if reconstructed in terms that

are rigorously political conceptual structures of modernity,

of the aporia and the contradictions on which the modem

neutralisation of the question of good and justice has been

fed.

A.new approach of the conceptualization of the History of

Women is proposed by Christine Faure (CNRS, Paris)

with a critic presentation of three examples. The first

example is that of the uvesuviennes", a category of the

history of work and its organization during the Revolution

of 1848. The second exarople is the conceptualization of

feminioe mobilization under a totalitarian regime, which

raised many controversies and requires a very narrow

contextualization. Through the third example, concerning

the paradoxical character of feminine action, a joint

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approach is proposed with actions of women and forms of

public denunciation in order to find a third dimension

between individual and collective action.

In the fifth session, Catherine Larrere (Universite de

Bordeaux) examined some aspects of the history of the

word and concept of 'economie' . She argues that the

second use of the word 'economie' in the 1750s was not a

mere revival of Montcbrestien's use but a real new birth

on new basis. Montcbrestien's "CEconomie politique" was

an attempt to extend the original meaning by shifting from

the domestic to the political areas, whereas Quesnay's use

of the word draws from already metaphorical meanings,

the physiological one (=onomie anirnale) as well as the

theological one (economie as dispensatio, God's general

plan of distnbuting goods). Her thesis is that the delayed

widespread use of the word is not to be attnbuted only to

the frequently noticed gap between ordinary language and

scientific use, but must be related to various and conscious

strategies in the use of the word.

Modem conceptual mutations of the idea of rights claim is

then considered by Elena Meleshkina (Samara State

University). Secularization led to the introduction of

reason, state, law, typically natural law and finally

standards of human rights as authority, or in other cases

took a revolutionary character. Protesters had to introduce

a source of authority contrasting to the formally existing

one. Thus, she argues, the scheme of redressing the wrong

by appeal to higher authority by restoring violated norms

and conventions has been replaced by revolutionary

substitution of one authority and related set of norms and

conventions by another authority and its norms and

cODventions.

Mikhail llyin (Moscow) discussed the relation between

institutions and concepts during the process of political

change with the emergence of the Russian Federation at

the wake of the Soviet Union. It rnay seem that new

institutions have been conceptualized in a new way. But

there are Significant problems in interpreting the notion of

federation and federalism. On the one hand there has been

achieved more consistent use of "federal" terms, but on

the other the idea of federal union became less

conspicuous. Asymmetry of political relations as well as

the relations between the "federal center" and the federal

territories are poorly conceptualized in the official absence

of the concept of autonomy. In this situation alternative

wordings and meanings are developing to conceptualize a

. political configuration that combines both imperial and

federal properties.

A round table discussion concluded the conference.

Participants included the organizers and Hans-Jiirgen

Liisebrink, who presented the rnain features of the

Handbuch politish-sozialer Grundbegriffe in Frankreich,

in its pragmatic, intercultural and comparative dimension.

Then were discussed the constitution of the executive

board and the perspective of the next Conferences that

will be organized in Copenhagen in October 2000 ( see

page 16), Tampere, Finland in 2001 (see page 17) , in

Aahrus, Denmark in 200 I and in Amsterdam in 2002.

The Conference in Saint-Cloud! Paris wonld not have

been possible without the support of the Ecole Normale

Superieure of Fontenay/Saint-Cloud and of the UMR

" Analyses de corpus linguistiques". Thanks are due to

the members of the laboratory and to its co-director Pierre

Fiala and to Gerard Noiriel for welcoming us in the

Laboratory of Social Sciences of the ENS of Paris.

BEGRIFFSGESCHICHTE IN ITALY, ON THE LOGIC OF MODERN POL~CALCONCEPTS

Dr. Sandre Chignola, Universita di Padova, Italy

T he aim of this paper is the brief presentation of the

two principal directions that Begriffsgeschichte

took in Italy and to attempt to enucleate a few theoretical

proposals from the Italian model to further European

historical - conceptual research. The history of political

concepts in fact has not been directly applied in Italy to

develop lexicographical works and neither has it been

used to reconstruct the political vocabulary. It has acted

rather as a stimulus for the importation of German

constitutional and social historiography, for the

translation, in volume, of individual items from the

Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe, for the planning of

seminars and joumals and above all for the production of

research and anthologies with a strong unitary set up

through which it has elaborated a strategy for autonomous

use and, which I believe, is unique on the international

scene.

9

Page 9: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

The main centres for study and research on the History of

political concepts in Italy today are the University of

Trento and the Institute of Italo-Germanic History in

Trento which publish the jownals Scienza & Politica and

the Annali dell'Istituto storico italo-germanico in Trento

and the universities of Padua and Bologna with the journal

Filosofia politica - the first pan of each issue is dedicated

to the presentation of <<Materiali per un lessico politico

europeo» (material for a European political lexicon) and

the anthologies of the research on modem political

concepts. At the universities of Milan and Bologna there

are also more general editorial projects, with the aim of

producing volumes for general consultation and political

dictionaries which take into due account the specific

History of political vocabulary. (Omaghi-Parsi, 1991;

1993).

The method and the perspectives of the history of

concepts were introduced into Italy with German

constitutional historiography. The interest in a method of

research which united cultural, juridical, institutional and

economic history in a comparative prospective to

investigate the complex and many-sided logic of the

western political experience was pre-eminent in a phase

when the attention of the historian was drawn to the

material constitution and to the complex structures of the

modem state. Amongst the leading lights in Italy involved

in this renewal of methOdology who allowed a "global"

approach to the state and to institutional history, were

historians and legal historians of the ilk of Otto Brunner,

Otto Hintze, Werner Conze, Ernst-Wolfgang Bockenforde

and Reinhan Koselleck.

In this context the history of concepts has served above all

as an instrument for the "historicization" of the juridical

categories with which the very notion of 'constitution'

(Konstitution) was intelpreted, and which paradigm to

adopt to develop the field of research towards that of

social history, beyond the limits of formal rights. It has its

origins in the 19" century bourgeois state, that is - this is

when the first contnbution was made in the true sense to

the history of concepts - categories such as 'rights' ,

'individual', 'division of power', . distinction between

public and private' or 'society'I'State', could not have

been applied to previous institutional and political realities

as they previously were unknown. What carne into play -

according to a conceptual distinction which can be traced

to Costantino Mortati and to Carl Schmitt, the latter the

10

author who at the time entered the Italian debate exerting

a great influence (thanks to G.Miglio and P.Schiera) - was

a differen~ a wider-ranging "material" conception of

constitution (Verfassung) . This could be used to

investigate the problem of political unity in ideological

and institutional contexts, which had preceded the forming

of the system of co-ordinates in the 19" century state

(Rechtsstaat) . It was by these means that politics could be

studied independently of the presumed universality and all

pervasive nature of its own concepts in the 19" century

state and be reconstructed around a system of self

supporting and specific concepts in the "constitutional

contexf' (in the sense of the material constitution, or that

which in German is called Verfassung) which every now

and then was taken into consideration. The history of

concepts therefore made its entrance from the beginning

in this renewal of constitutional historiography. It was

used as an instrument 10 lesl the categories of the

hisloriographical reconstruction so as 10 avoid

misunderstandings or inaccuracies from the moment in

which concepts which did not belong to the semantic

contexts under investigation could nol be used and to

analyse the latter by means of their own specific concepts.

German constitutional historiography was introduced into

Italy between the 70's and the early 80's through the

translations of Bockenforde, Brunner, Hintze and

Koselleck and with the initiation of important research on

the modem state. During that period the role played by

Pierangelo Schiera and his students and collaborators and

by the «Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico» of Trento were

decisive in carrying forward thai undertaking. The

translation of the work of those authors and the

subsequent participation which ensued as a resull has

opened the way in Italy to research into the global hislOry

of the modem stale which employs openly comparative

perspectives and which assumes in political concepts and

in their history, the material "use value" of the doctrines.

AU of this has created a profound renewal in the study of

political hislory in Italy. On the one hand it has pennitted

the stale as a theme 10 be rescued from the obscurity (at

the highest level furthermore) of juridical history. On the

other, it has broughl aboul the inclusion of the history of

political theory in the mosl extensive seal of the hislory of

ideological political structures, detaching il from the

idealisl rhetoric which reigned supreme in the theme of

the history of thoughl to anchor it 10 the complexities of

Page 10: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

political, administrative, economic events and the

vicissitudes of political theory concerning the modem

state (Schiera 1971-74).

By taking on the Koselleckian premise that in the Germao

political lexicon it is possible to docwnent a process of

ideologisation, of democratization and of politicization of

political concepts from the end of the 18~ century to the

first half of the 19~ which docwnent and accompany

drastic changes in historical experience. The horizon of

which becomes mobile and temporalized by the

discovery of foreseeing the future in the past and by the

grafting of the present into the patterns of the philosophy

of history. This flrst direction of Italian conceptual

historical research has focussed its attention upon the

ideological changes which have been produced in the

constitutional theories of the 19~ century and has

formalised the necessity of studying political theory

through the filter of "political doctrine" (Gherardi-Gozzi,

1992; 1995; Schiera, 1996). In the latter, or rather in the

description of the link between theory and practice,

between the theoretical imagination and concrete political

practice which occurs with the processes of the

ideologisation of theory, it is possible for historiography

to recover the material ''use value" of political concepts,

taking them on in the intermediate space between the

thought and the action, between theoretical speculation

and the course of history, and to evaluate concepts like

this as Koselleck described much of them; as indicators of

the historical process and yet, at the same time, as

concrete factors of the same.

The area where political doctrine takes shape, precisely

because it is intermediary between theory and practice, is

the area of the production of knowledge and the practice

of government where the process of hegemony which

guides constitutional processes is asserted (Schiera, 1987;

Gozzi, 1988). In this perspective the area offers itself

therefore with grounds for research which combine the

historiography of political theory with social and juridical

history, with the aim of historicizing and contextualizing

the concepts of the political lexicon within a system of

structures and processes, both ideological and political,

which guide the articulation of individual historical

phases. Tracing the history of concepts therefore signifles­

in this perspective - the analysis of the latter within the

material context of use, and the evaluation of the

contribution that the concepts and the political doctrines

make in the setting up and in the obstruction of historical

constitutional processes.

Before an area like that of the political doctrines can

evolve and before the political concepts can be

contextualized within that area it is obviously necessary to

differentiate between the theory and the practice which are

antecedents and results of the processes of ideologisation

of political theory. It is also necessary for the area of the

constitution to be invested with processes of controversial

political polarization which temporalise the processes of

recoguition of problems relating to the constitution,

problems of government and priority within the political

agenda (Ricciardi, 1995). All of this is necessary to obtain

the hegemony on which the concepts of the political

lexicon are drawn up, the authentic KampjbegrijJe, in

opposite political camps.

Having stated thus, this tITSt guiding general plan of the

Italian reception of the history of concepts directly takes

on a large part of Koselleck's model. It investigates the

concepts as elementary components of the doctrine and

historicises them by contextualising them within the

framework of the processes of ideologisation,

politicisation and temporalisation of the political historical

experience. These begin to be perceived between the end

of the 18~ century and the 19~ century. This has made it

possible for the «istituto Storico italo-germaoico» of

Trento to promote seminars and research initiatives which

concentrate above all on constitutional history and on

those themes which result fully in a social, political and

practical involvement of the concepts: the area of the

science of knowledge for example, or that of the

theoretical and immediately applicable, of the public

administration, of the PolizeywissenschaJten, of the

statistics, of the StaatswissenschaJten and of

administrative law. In each of these flelds, historical

constitutional research uses the history of concepts as a

preferred instrwnent in the contextualisation of the

political theory of the practical system of government to

whose setting up it has contributed (Shiera, 1987; 1996;

Gherardi-Gozzi, 1992; 1995).

In synthesis this flrst directive in the Italiao reception and

re-elaboration of the history of concepts coherently

develops (and with important results) the following

theoretical premises:

a. It evaluates the elements of the political lexicon - or

11

Page 11: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

rather the concepts - with a permanent dynamic

relationship within the referred social context and takes

them on only in so far as the power games and the

snuggle for hegemony in which the material constitution

(Veifassung ) of a historical epoch are expressed.

b. As a consequence it takes on the concepts, in view of a coherent historicisation, as fundamental mechanisms of

the passage between theory and practice within a specific

historical phase.

c. It allots a fundamental relevance, with the aim of

understanding the historical sense of the convergence of

political theory and the processes of the modem state, to

science (Wissenschaft) or the process of constitutional

recognition of the doctrines and theoretical knowledge

(the institutionalisation at university level of the political

and adnllnistrative disciplines, the birth of political

science, the theoretical framework for the founding of

universities, of scientific academies, of Grandes Ecoles) .

d. It assigns the history of concepts an auxiliary role in

relation to social or constitutional history within the

"global" reconsnuction of logical mechanisms and

political, economic and institutional strategies on which

the vicissitudes of the constitutional transition between the

19" and 20" century are based.

c. All this coherently pursues the aim of an accurate

historicisation of thought in view of a more precise reconsnuction of the constitutional circumstances of the

modern state.

Leading on from the effects of modem political

philosophy on the constitution (the way in which it has

anticipated, included or planned the system of logical

references of the modem state) and following in the wake

of Schiera's initial work, relying in turn on the work of

those historians that he introduced into Italy (Brunner

above all, but also Hintze, Conze and Koselleck) a second

direction in Italian research responded in a markedly more

philosophical way to the formation of a European political

lexicon.

For this second direction the problem of the choice of

concepts on which to trace the history was resolved by the

same methodological option as the Begriffsgeschichte,

understood in the manner of Brunner as "the history of

modem political concepts". The task is that of

reconsnucting, genealogically, the system of categories

and the modem political concepts and the effect of

organisation of reality that they produce. An effect so

12

powerful as to determine a logical framework which is

stepped around with difficulty and capable of producing

that illusion of "objectivity" and "universality" of modern

political concepts and categories which allows it in turn to

project the same concepts and categories - even if

typically modern - into previous idealogical and semantic

contexts which did not know them (Duso, 1999b).

The epoch of modern political concepts - isolated from

research on texts of the political philosophy tradition and

enucleated, beginning from the latter, as historically

circumscribed and determined (I emphasize here the latin

derivation terminus, limit, boundary) - requires inevitably

the historical reconsnuction of its own conceptual times.

The supposition of linear continuity in the processes of

transformation, which have assigned logical elements and

snuctures of the political lexicon, is deprived of meaning

by the adoption of this same perspective (Duso, 1994;

1997; Chignola, 1990; 1997).

Politics cannot be seen, in this perspective, as a

continuous sequence in its historical and temporal

scanning, nor can it be represented, along the axis of its

own history, outside the categories that were adopted to

produce it. Modem politics - or rather the system of

concepts forged in the doctrines of the social contract in

the black hole of the religious and civil wars_(Duso, 1987)

- consists of a sequence of organisation which is logically

and historically de-fermined. Included, that is, in a

theoretical area, the circumference of which it is possible

to trace and reconsnuct the procedures of constitution.

And commencing from such assumption, that a second

modality for the re-elaboration of the history of concepts

questions the modern political lexicon and animated not

with the intention of recomposing but rather by an

instance of criticism and of deconstruction. Here

recomposition is intended properly as the reconsnuction

of a map of fundamental concepts, as the composition of

linear histories of the concepts from antiquity to the

contemporary era, as the task of providing more refined

instruments for the theoretical political elaboration as an

accurate historicisation of linguistic usage. Or rather,

precisely the way in which a person believes they can use

the model of the history of concepts. This critical

interpretation, on the contrary, deems that recomposition

as an authentic misunderstanding of the methodological

premises of the Begriffsgeschichte. If it is possible to

assigu a limited historicity to modem political concepts,

Page 12: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

then it will be possible to critically denounce the pretences

of "universality" and "objectivity" of the modem political

concepts and not reconstruct the framework of the entire

western political experience around the modern political

lexicon and its limited historicity (Duso, 1999).

This second thread of interpretation and research, which

was elaborated in particular within the «Gruppo di ricerca

sui concetti politici moderni» (the modern political

concepts research group land active from the end of the

70's under the direction of Giuseppe Duso at the Istituto di

Filosofia of the University of Padua, re-elaborates the

Begriffsgeschichte of Koselleckian stamp in a duplicate

direction.

First of all, Koselleck's methodological proposal is

radicalized. This is grafted onto a notion of "historical

science", the contingency of which is never brought into

question (even though it is the same Koselleck who is

author of an important history of the concept of 'history').

Koselleck on the contrary, is obliged to assign a

foundational value to general meta-historic categories (the

categories, rigorously formalised and therefore "modern"

in historic time, for example past, present, future or

'experience' and 'expectation') which alone allow for the

provision of a "frame" in which histories which traverse

different historical semantic contexts are enclosed. Even those, like classical antiquity where the philosophical

historical distinction is unknown - early eschatalogical­

christian and then modern and secularized - between

'experience' and 'expectation" should instead remain

"impermeable" at such an interpretation (Bira!, 1987;

Duso, 1994; Chignola,1990).

In the second place, the historical semantic torsion is

objected to in the Koselleckian model. What is in question

in this second Italian proposal, is not the social history of

the 'words' or the evaluation process which gives them

surplus value political weighting and transforms the

'words' into 'concepts' on the level of collective action.

This, on the other hand is what happens in the Trentino

model of the history of concepts. Neither is it the intention

to dissolve the logical power of the modern political

concepts through extenuating procedures of

contextualisation. What is being brought into play here is

not exquisitely historical. The problem, to which a

solution could be offered in conceptual-historic terms, is

that of the genesis of modern political philosophy as

modem political science. (Chignola, 1997; Duso, 1997).

In this perspective, what is taken on board from the

Koselleckian model, to be further radicalized in its

theoretical logical consequences is, essentially, the

supposition (originally Nietzschean) according to which

the "concepts do not have history". That the concepts

should have no history, as Koselleck opportunely reveals,

and that nonetheless they contain it, means essentia1ly that

the concepts can not be taken on as identical entities in themselves, or anyhow permanent, that they project

themselves, evolving and changing their significance in

relation to each individual historical context they traverse

on the chronological and temporal plane of 'history'.

The concepts do not have history because they do not

carry a constant rational nucleus of which it is possible to

trace the history. To relinquish this supposition would

signify a contradiction of the theoretical premise of

Begriffsgeschichte itself and a renewed assumption of the

concepts as general universal entities, constant in any

event even if moving or in constant transformation.

Only of the modern concepts is it in fact possible to state

that they have a 'history '. This is because their origins are

historically definable and because it is only with them that

the formal categories of time appear which permit a

historiographical representation (Duso, 1999b).

What is more if the history of concepts limited itself to the

tracing of the history of ideas or of words, then it would

do not other than assume, dogmatically and as an

"objective", the framework of references and co-ordinates

of modem science. By doing so it would do nothing more

than eternize and universalize the theoretical device of

modernity and imperialistically subsume all of history to

its categories (Duso, 1999).

The question is not the prerogative of this perspective, the

re-composition of the European political lexicon via the

reconstruction of the histories of the individual concepts.

Nor is it to safeguard, thanks to the universal plane of

"historical science", the perfect logical translation of

ancient concepts to modem ones, to be able to evaluate

instances of continuity and of transformation in the

process of contextualisation of the western political

experience (Chignol .. 1997). What is in question here is

the problem of the specificity (or the partiality) of the

13

Page 13: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

modern political categories and the capacity for criticism

which is possible to claim io their respect once they are

deprived of their supposed universality (Duso, 1997;

1999).

The study of the political lexicon cannot be, followiog the

course of this study, anythiog other than a critical

genealogical study on the specificity and on the

determioed meaoiog of modem political categories, on the

process of their eternization and naturalization produced

by modern political scientism, on the way of their

conditioniog our historical, theoretical and philosophical

approach to the question of political action (Biral, 1997).

It is for this range of motives that the historical contextual

perspective of the Padua group has taken two directions:

I) it has carried out research on the Trennung between

ancient and modern which has impelled them to pre-date

the Schwellenzeit io historic time. 2) it has questioned the

modem characteristic of 'achievement' and reopened the

philosophical question of politics, from the excesses

exercised by the question of justice io relation to the

logical system of the modem concepts, which they have

historically neutralised io juridical tenns (Duso, 1987;

1999b; Biral, 1987; 1997).

The process at the begioniog of the revolution io political

modernity is produced through moral philosophy and the

politics of the mechanism and with the doctrioes and the

social pact. In that context - which is a context to be

understood io substantially logical tenns rather than

historical temporal terms, because the artifice of the

categories and the concepts is what is created here and

politics will be perceived by these means up to the period

of the 19" century crisis - the system of anthropological

references on which ethical-political considerations are

founded - is radically transformed. The issue here is the

dissolution of the long term horizon of which a Christian

"aristotlianism" had taken hold and the imposition of a

new epistemological foundation based on the mechanistic

irreducibility of action and of the importance of political

mediation io the crisis which has upset every type of

consolidated topology of the natural order sioce the age of

the wars of religion and the risiog bourgeois iodividualism

(BiraL 1999).

Modem political science refutes the system of natural

logic of government which stems from the self-

14

government (or self discipline) of the wise and free man,

capable of domioatiog passions to extend ioto the political

space. Sioce it refuses to consider men to be different io

terms of differently wise or differently ioclined, by nature,

to command or to obey, modem political science

annihilates classical political anthropology by attemptiog

to scientifically co-ordinate the supposition of equality

with that of the political order. Modern political science

and the more geometrico ioterpretation of ethics and of

human behaviour attempt to artificially create the

conditions for peace and the neutralisation of ethical­

religious conflicts. Modem law originates from the

capacity of theory to anticipate and forecast what, with

regard to human conduct, pure wisdom can no longer

control.

How easy it is to deduce that skill and practical wisdom,

as io the "self-governmenf' of the exercise, have more to

do with the world of 'virtue' than they have with

'science'. This much is vouched for in the insistence -

from Cicerone to Jean Bodin - of the metaphor of

gubernator rei publicae. as the helmsman of the ship of

state. For centuries, the topos has recited the apology of an

order of politics which precisely because it referred to a

whole composed of parts ( the differences io nature

between men, between father and son, between male and

female, between the nobility and the plebeians, between

the different orders and estats of the corporate - and class

society), required the virtue of wisdom and of mediation

of its governor (Duso, 1999b). It is this practical aspect,

prudential and phronetical of virtue which disappears

from the scene when the revolution of equality -

anticipated by the natural right - breaks up the possibility

of an order founded on the immediate legitimacy of the

government of the best (Biral, 1999).

In the context of the wars of religion the wise man is not

he who strives to impose moderation and counsel io the

public debate, but he who has understood how anarchy

and revolt can only be halted by a unitary and sovereign

power which defines the good act io the same way for all

the 'public' criteria. In this way legality becomes, through

an ironic twist of history, the only earthly form possible of

justice. The state is the guarantor of peace and the equality

of the subjects (Biral, 1999).

The caesura between 'internal' and 'external" between

'public' and 'private', articulates the Trennung between

Page 14: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

the modem and the ancient world. Only in the modem

world are the individuals, who have been rendered equal

by the power which liberates them from subjection and

dependence in relation to other men, able to exercise

reason uin private" - also in a critical way, as Koselleck

himself reminds us - and not to interfere one with the

other as a force which imposes peace amongst them The

society of modem man, as opposed to the society of the

ancients (politikti koinonia, societas civilis), is no longer

representable as a wbole composed of parts where the

prudential and phronetical logic of government are

affinned, because this becomes a space where the

individuals, lIberated from subjection and dominion, can

freely lead their own lives so long as they obey the laws

and are respectful of the equality and liberty of others.

The distinction between the modem societas sine imperio

- free federation of rational egoistic individuals which

negotiate the reciprocal recognition of their equality in the

equal independence for all, entrusting it to the legal form

- and the ancient societas cum imperio, of which the

'government' sanctions the internal differentiation

founded on inequality, is the fundamental distinction

which operates within the artifice of the social pact - the

epocb of which coincides, in this second Italian

interpretation of the Begriffsgeschichte, with the epoch of

the modern political concepts - having a considerable

effect on the constitutional level for many centuries to

come (Bira!, 1999; Duso, 1999b).

It is thus that the theories of the social contract - or

rather the system of concepts and of logic on which the

sovereignty question is based - have founded the

constellation of concepts of political modernity (Duso,

1987; 1999a). The problem of the just disappears, to be

replaced by that of legality. Men are equal in their will, and therefore free: the political expression of the

collective body, since neither differences nor 'parts' no

longer exist within it, must of necessity be represented as

unique. The uniqueness of the sovereign will, as a result,

will not be able to be produced in representational terms,

and will become legitimised through rational procedures,

from the moment in which the supposition of equality has

rendered the immediate legitimacy of the logic of

government politically evanescent. According to Duso

"End of government and the birth of power" is another

way of describing the dissolution of the ancient world and

the birth of the modem (Duso, 1999b).

'Individual' , 'equality" 'subject', 'liberty', 'will', 'rights', 'representation', 'legitimacy', 'sovereignty' -

amongst others - are the fundamental concepts of

modernity (unknown in antiquity) and they correspond,

according to this proposal, to the transition which invests

politics to the measure in which it begins to be thought of

according to the scientific interpretation of ethics and of

the categories of the modem legal form. The political now

coincides with the juridical. The modem political lexicon

with a logical device in which each of the concepts are

deferred to the others, and none of which have a founding

external reality. There are no values, nor are there

objective historical realities, where the task of

"substantiating" the constituent procedures through which

modern political concepts produce their effect of

orgauising reality could be demanded of them 1bis means

that this second interpretative direction, even though

taking on board the problem of the European political

lexicon of the modem epoch, is not applicable to the

reconstruction of the history of the individual concepts,

but favours instead the analysis of the logical device

which has shaped their ( the modem concepts) unitary

significance. It concerns an important point which needs

to be confirmed. In this research project the historical­

conceptual perspective, as we have already confirmed,

does not function as a simple methodological option.

' Instruments' (the concepts) and 'modality' (the

historical-conceptual perspective) of research are given by

the 'object' (the modem political lexicon), to which the

research is applied. It is the ' object' of the research which

defines the plan of its fundamental elements - or to

provide the list of the necessary concepts to understand

the shape of modem politics and to request an

interpretative perspective which assumes the absolute

discontinuation of the latter with regard to how much

historically precedes it. A discontinuation which leads

from the revolution of the logical device which poses the

modem political concepts in relation to it (and in

reciprocal tension ).

Not by chance, the second effect of the torsion of the

political lexicon - after that of the "scientification" of

ethics which promotes the distinction between 'public'

and 'private ' - is produced from the ideologicisation of

thought which bends the concepts into vehicles for the

orgauisation of reality. The applied distinction between

'theory' and 'practice' is exclusively modem, according to which the second relies on the first. Political modernity,

15

Page 15: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

unlike ancient thought, departs from the supposition that

from the act it is possible to isolate a perfect and rational

model, which must then be applied to real historical

relations. Yet again the Trennung is placed at the level of

the theories of the social contract, when political thought

posed the task of constructing a rational and rigorous

theory for the first time, the model that has the precision

of the mathematical sciences and which justifies, in

absolutely rational terms, the difference which is created

between sovereign and subject.

Thought - the 'political theory' - gives way to the

destructuring of the normal everyday political experience

in which the surplus idea of the good and the just is

reaffirmed, as, for example, happens in the platonic

experience (Biral, 1997), it affirms itself now as the

vehicle for the rational organisation of practice and as a

principle of giving structure and legitimacy to the political

obligation. In the modem world - there cannot be a

relationship of command/obey which is not legitimate in

exclusively rational terms. The epistemological revolution

of modem political science (and of its concepts ) starts

from here.

This implies at least two important consequences on the

level of historical-conceptual methodology. The first is,­

once more - the impossibility of accessing ancient

thought without causing a hypostasis of the categories of

modem political science. Nothing like the "theory of

ancient politics" exists, if with that expression we mean

the corresponding version of the logical device with which

modem thought believes it is able to mould reality. On the

contrary, the experience of ancient political philosophical

thought could be replicated as a recovering of that

question on the just and the good which was discarded

and concealed - because it was potentialIy subversive

and de-stabilising - from the theoretical process of

modem political science. The second concerns instead the

fact that the sources investigated according to this

perspective are exclusively those in which the flow which

constitutes modem political theory has crystallized to the

greatest extent. It is not a history of individual concepts

then, nor is it a study intenting on isolating the items for a

composition of the lexicon of modem political concepts.

It's rather a critical analysis of the logic which has

presided over, on the base of the annihilation of the

politike episteme of the ancients, the constitution of

modem political theory, carried out on the authors and the

16

sites of greater theoretical density and of more immediate

effect on the constitutional practice of the modem era.

In synthesis, this second modality of the approach to

Begnffsgeschichte has favoured, leading from the

radically historical conceptual premise, a criticism of the

modem political lexicon (above all of the pretensions of

universality and objectivity of its categories and then of

the effects of depoliticization and expropriation of action

which they render operable in the name of guarantees

conceded to the rising possessive individualism), of which

the evidence is as follows:

a. the importance of not dealing with the history of the

individual concepts, but with the process which formed

the unitary logical device formed by the effeclS of a

reciprocal resonance in modem political concepts;

b. the importance of retracing that process as a set of

transformations which intend to bury classical ethics and

politics (the scientification of moral philosophy, the

'public/private' distinction, the schism between 'theory'

and 'practice') and which inaugurate the founding of

modern political science; c. the importance of treating this process through an

analysis of the phases of constitution in the ''high'' places

of modem political philosophy in which the theoretical

frameworks, which will have evident constitutional

consequences, have established thernselves;

d. an anchorage for philosophy - beyond the crisis of

modem political science - as a knot removed from the

modem trend of giving an empty juridical interpretation to

the question of good and justice.

Such a type of approach to the history of modem political

concepts achieves the effect of de-structuring, by tracing

the genealogy of modem political categories, the

ideological block which has come about between modem

political science and its very own retrospective

representation of the conceptual times of its own history.

It allows an unveiling. even if reconstructed in terms that

are rigorously political conceptual structures of modernity.

of the aporia and the contradictions on which the modem

neutralisation of the question of good and justice has been

fed.

Page 16: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

ITALY AND THE' HISTORY OF POLITICAL CONCEPTS: AN ESSENTIAL BIBUOGRAPHY '<<Anna.Ii dell'Istituto storico italo-getmanico in Trentm"

XIII, 1987 (on the Works ofOno Brunner).

' Auciello N. - Racinaro R. (a c. di), Storia dei concetti e

semantica storica, Napoli, ESI, 1990.

' Biral A., Koselleck e la concezione della storia,

<<Filosofia politic"" , I, 1987.

*Biral A., Platone e 1a conoscenza di se, Roma-Bari, Laterza, 1997.

'Biral A., Sloria e critica della filosofia politica modema,

Milano, Angeli, 1999.

*Chignola S., Sloria concettuale e filosofia politica Per

una prima approssimazione, «Filosofla Politica», IV,

1/1990, pp. 5-35.

'Chigno1a S., Storia dei concetti e storiografia del

discorso politico, <<Filosofia politic"" , XI, 111997, pp. 99-

122.

*Chignola S., Historia de los conceptos y historiografia

del discurso politico, <<Res Public"", Revista de historia y

el presente de los conceptos politicos, I, 111998, pp. 1-33.

'Chignola S., Review of: lain Harnpsher - Monk, Karin

Ti1rnans and Frank Van Vree (Eds.), History o/Concepts:

Comparative Perspectives, Amsterdam, Amsterdam

University Press, 1998, <<Filosofia politica» 3, 1999 (in

print).

*Chignola S., Tra storia delle dottrine e filosofia politica.

Di alcune modalita della riermone italiana della

Begriffsgeschichte, <ill Pensiero politico», 2000 (in print)

'Duso G. (a c. di), n contratto sociale nella filosofia

politica moderna, Bologna, II Mulino, 1987 (now:

Milano, Angeli, 19983).

*Duso G. (a c. di), n potere. Per la storia della filosofia

politica modema, Roma, Carocci, 1999a.

'Duso G., Historisches Lexikon e storia dei concetti,

<<Filosofia politic"" , 1, 1994, pp. 109-120.

' Duso G., Sloria dei concetti come filosofia politica,

<<Filosofia politiCa>" 3, 1997, pp. 396-426.

*Duso G., Historia conceptual eomo filosofia politica,

<<Res Public"", Revista de historia y el presente de los

conceptos politicos, I, 1/1998, pp. 35-71

'Duso G., La logica del potere. Sloria dei concetti come

filosofia politica, Roma-Bari, Laterza, 1999b.

'<<Filosofia politic"", 3, 1997 (this number of <<FP>,

contains the Italian translation of Koselleck's, Pocock's

and ruchter's papers edited by H. Lehmann and M.

ruchter in The Meaning of Historical Terms and

Concepts. New Studies on Begriffsgeschichte, Washington

D.C., 1996)

'Galli C. (under direction of), Lessico della politica,

Bologna, II Mulino, 1999- (volumes till now appeared: B.

Accarino, Rappresentanza; P. Portinaro, Stato; M.

Barberis, Liberta; M. Fioravanti, Costituzione)

*Gherardi R - Gozzi G. (a c. di), I concettifondamentali

delle scienze sociali e della Stato in Italia e in Germania

tra Otto e Novecento, Bologna, II Mulino, 1992.

'Gherardi R - Gozzi G. (a c. di), Saperi della borghesia e

storia dei concetti fra Otto e Novecento, Bologna, II

Mulino, 1995.

*Gozzi G., Modelli politici e questione sociale in Italia e

in Germania fra Otto e Novecento, Bologna, II Mulino,

1988.

Merlo M., La ambivalencia de los conceptos.

Observaciones acerca de algunos reiaciones entre

Begriffsgeschichte e historiografia del discurso politico,

<<Res Public"", Revista de historia y el presente de los

conceptos politicos, I, 111998, pp 87-101.

*Ornaghi L., Sui concetti e Ie loro proprieta nel discorso

politico modemo, <<Filosofia politic"", I, 1990, pp. 57-73.

'Omaghi L. - Parsi V. E. (a c. di), I concetti della

politica: Liberta, Progresso, Democrazia, Politica (italian

translation of GG essays: Freiheit, Fortschritt, Demokratie,

Politik), Venezia, Marsilio, 1991-1993).

' rucciardi M., Linee storiche del concetto di popolo,

<<Annali dell'Istituto storico italo-getmanico in Trento»,

XVI, 1990, pp. 303-369.

*Schiera P. - Rotelli E., Lo Stato modemo, voll. I-ill,

Bologna, II Mulino, 1971-1974.

*Schiera P. (a c. di), Societa e corpi. Scritti di Lamprecht,

Gierke, Maitland, Bloch, Lousse, Oestreich, Auerbach,

Napoli, Bibliopolis, 1987.

' Schiera P., Otto Hintze, Napoli Guida, 1974.

'Schiera P., n laboratorio borghese. Scienza e politica

nella Germania dell'Ottocento, Bologna, II Mulino, 1987.

*Schiera P ., Considerazioni sulla Begriffsgeschichte a

partire dai Geschichtliche Grundhegriffe di Brunner,

C01JZe e Koselleck, «Societa e stoOO" 72, 1996, pp. 403-

411.

*Scuccimarra L., Lo Begriffsgeschichte e Ie sue radici

intellettuali, «Storic"", 10, 1998, pp. 7-99.

*Valera G., Storia delle scienze e analisi della societa:

qualche considerazione di metodo, «Scienza & Politic"",

1, 1989, pp. 7-25.

17

Page 17: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

Agenda

12 Mai 2000 Saint-Cloud Conference - History of social-political concepts

Morning session 10:00-12:30. Chairperson Pierre Fiala

(ENS de Fontenay/Saint-Cloud):

-Linda Pietrantonio (Universite de Montreal): The use of

the concept equality in the scientific discours on political

expressions of positive discrimination.

-Colette Capitan (CNRS): The concept equality and the

little nephews of Locke and Rousseau.

-Discussion

Afternoon session 14:30-17:00. Chairperson Raymonde

Monnier (CNRS):

-Haitsma Mulier (Universiteit van Amsterdam) Dutch

conceptual history in theory and practice: the example of

liberty. -Jacques Guilhamou (CNRS): A discussion on the

history of concepts: language contexts, linguistic conventions and networks of opinion (???) (about the

book of Mark Bevir The Logic of the History of Ideas

(Cambridge University Press 1999).

-Discussion

Place: Ecole Normale Superieure, Pavilion Valois

2, Avenue de la Grille d'Honneur du Pare

Saint-Cloud

E-mail: [email protected]

1-S August 2000 Quebec IPSA World Congress - PoliticS, Rhetoric and

Conceptual Changes

Conceptual changes and political theories Convenor: PalonenIRosales

Chairperson: Kia Lindroos (Goldsmiths College)

Papers:

'Oliver Marchart: "Conceptual history, hegemony

theory and the concept of the political";

'John S. Nelson (University of Iowa): "Rhetorics for

electronic politics: reconceiving political

communication";

' Cesar Cansino (Centro de Estudios de Politica Comparada): "The conceptual genealogy of political

18

science; in defense of an inward history of the

discipline"; 'Tapani Turkka (University of Tampere): "The fate of

Locke's very strange doctrine"

'Michail llyin (Moscow State Institute of International

Relations): "Teilhardian vision of 'un monde qui

s'enroule' as a conceptual pattern for globalization";

Submitted paper: K.ari Palonen "History of Concepts as

a subversion ofNorrnative Political Theory".

Discussants: PalonenIRosales

Conceptual changes and political culture Convenor: PalonenIRosales

Chairperson: Tina Buchtrup Pipa (University of

Copenhagen)

Papers: 'Yan Peng (Stockhobn University): "Conceptualization

of rulership in Shang-Zhou China";

'Jose Luis Villacanas : "Dynastic change, conceptual

continuity. Spanish patrimonialism between the

Austrians and the Borbons"; ' Jan Ifversen (Aarhus University): "Western civilization

in the wake of World War I - the importance of a

concept"; 'Bjorn Wittrock (Swedish Council for the Advanced

Study in the Social Sciences): "Modernity an conceptual

change";

'Eliane Thomas: "Changing conceptions of citizenship and nationality: A nuw theoretical framework for

comparative analysis".

Discussants: Melvin Richter (CUNY) and Matti

Hyvlirinen (University ofTampere)

Convenor:

Kari Palonen University of JyviiskyHi

P.O. Box 35

FIN-4035I

Jyviiskylii, Finland E-mail: [email protected]

Page 18: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

Co-convenor: Jose M. Rosales

Universidad de Malaga

Departemento de Filosofia

Campus de Teatinos

E 29071 Malaga, Spain Tel: +34 95213 18 13

Fax +3495213 18 14 / 23

E-mail: [email protected]

19-21 October 2000 Copenhagen History of Concepts Annual Conference - The Concepts of Democracy

Seldom has a concept been so debated, so contested and

so abused as democracy. Since, at least, the beginning of

the 19th century democracy has been a battle concept

forming politics in the public arenas of the European

states. Although democracy has been generally

accepted since the end of the cold war and generally

stands as the only viable form of society for the future, the debate over democracy has (pace Fukuyarna)

certainly not ended. The concept of democracy is

confronted with new challenges stemming from a

radically changing world. Globalization and postmodernity alter the traditional intellectual and

practical strongholds within which democracy bas been

embedded. Concepts of territorial sovereignty,

citizenship and public opnion bave to fit a world of new

political structures, due to the disappearance of the East­

West confrontation and tot the cballenges to the nation state from above by transnationalizations and from

below by localizations of politics. Since these concepts

are part of a semantic field surounding democracy, how

will conceptual changes affect the meaning of

democracy. But, maybe, the concept of democracy bas

always been able to adapt to changing situations. The

concept bas shown a fantastic capacity of adaptation

over time. Since its (re) introduction in European political langnage in the 18th century as a rather

negative term (mob rule), democracy has appeared in

different situations and in very different ideologies. Liberalisme, republicanisnt, socialism and nationalism

bave all found a place for democracy. But, is it the same

democracy that appears in these different ideologies?

This conference will discuss both contemporary and

historical changes in the concept of democracy. Part of

the discussion will be an examination of the role of

related concepts in the semantic field surrounding

democracy such as e.g. state, nation, people and

sovereignty, such as representation, parliamentarisnt,

political participation and citizenship, sucb as buman

rigbts, etc. The conference will consist of four major sessions:

I) The conceptual history of democracy

2) Contemporary challenges to the concept of

democracy

3) Cultural diversities of the concept of democracy

4) Related concepts

Preliminary program

Thursday, October 19 Afternoon session: 14:00-18:00

-opening speech

-presentation of the organisation -presentation of the conference theme by U. Jacobsen

and J. Ifversen: The conceptual history of democracy

-reception

Friday, October 20

Morning session 9:00-12:00 "The conceptual history of

democracy" Afternoon sesSion 14:00-18:00 "Comtemporary

challenges to the concept of democracy"

Saturday, October 21

Morning session 10:00-13:00 "Cultural diversities of the

concept of democracy"

Afternoon session 15:00-19:00 "Related concepts"

Dinner

Please send your proposals to or contact for further

information:

Assistant Professor, Dr Jan Ifversen

Centre for European Cultural Studies

University of Aarhus

Nobelparken, Jens Chr. Skousvej 5 DK-8000 Arhus C, Denmark

Tel: +45 35 32 34 04

Fax: +45 8942 64 63

E-mail: [email protected]

19

Page 19: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

Associate Professor, Dr Uffe Jacobsen

Institute of Political Science

University of Copenbagen

Rosenborggade 15

DK-II30 Copenbagen, Denmark

Tel: +45 35 32 34 04

Fax: +45 35 32 33 66

E-mail: [email protected]

7-9 December 2000 Jyvaskyla Politics revisited Symposium

There are several perspectives from which the concept

of politics, or the political, has been actualized and

revisited in the recent years. We have decided to invite

proponents of some of the novel perspectives to a

symposium in order to confront the different viewpoints,

aspects, levels and dimensions of the discussion. In addition, we want to discuss the significance of the

rethinking of politics in workshops dealing with special

topics, to which the relation to politics is obvious, but

which bave almost remained outside the recent

reconsiderations of politics.

To deal with questions like these on the history,

cbaracter and present-day significance of the concept of

politics we invite you to participate at a symposium

"Politics Revisited" at the University of Jyvaskyla, from

7 till 9 December 2000. The symposium consists of

plenary sessions and workshops. In the plenary sessions

our guest speakers give presentations which are then

joined by a comment from a Finnish colleague as well as

a discussion. The workshops offer especially an

opportunity for both post-doctoral scholars and Ph. D.

candidates to present their own research related to the

topic of the workshop and the symposium.

Plenary sessions Guest speakers from abroad: Frank Ankersrnit

(Groningen), Lisa Disch (Minnesota), Michael Greven

(Hamburg), Chantal Mouffe (London), R.J. Walker

(Victoria, Canada).

Commentators: Sakari Hiinninen (Jyvaskyla), Kari

Palonen (Jyvaskyla), Tuija Parvikko (Jyvaskyla), and

Tuija Pulkkinen (Helsinki).

20

Workshops The convenors write a background statement, which

serves as a call for the papers for the workshop. The

convenors select the papers to be presented in the

workshop and act as the chair of discussion. The plenary

speakers are expected to participate in the workshop

sessions.

Topics: "Aesthetics and Politics", convenor Kia Lindroos (JyvaskyliiILondon) (E-mail:

[email protected] or [email protected])

"Displacement of politics and politics of displacement at

the turn of the millenium", convenors: Tuija Parvikko

(Jyvaskyla) (E-mail: [email protected]) and Jussi

Vahamaki (Tampere) (E-mail: [email protected])

28-30 June 2001 Tampere History of Concepts Group Conference - Rhetorical

Perspectives & Problems of Conceptual Change

This early announcement is made in order to give you an

opportunity to reserve the dates for the conference and

suggest special sessions an session chairs for the event.

The members of the program committee are Pirn den

Boer (Amsterdam), Uffe Jakobsen (Copenhagen),

Raymonde Monnier (ENS de Fontenayl Saint-Cloud),

Kari Palonen (Jyvaskyla), Yija Pulkkinen (Helsinki),

Melvin Richter (CUNY, Hunter College), Patricia

Springborg (Sydney), Bjorn Wittrock (Uppsala) and

Matti Hyvarinen (Tampere).

From April 2000 on, you can follow the progress of the

congress preparations on our web-site:

http://www.uta.ftlIaitoksetiyty/concepts/

Please send your proposals at the latest by December I ,

2000, addressed to Matti Hyvarinen or to any other

member of the program committee.

Dr Matti Hyvarinen

Research Institute for Social Sciences (YTY)

University of Tampere

FIN-33014

Finland

Tel: +358-3-2146 999 (office)

+358-3-2609663

Fax: +358-3-2156 502

http://www.uta.fiI-ytrnahy/

Page 20: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

Book annoucements Des Manuscrits de Sieyes (1773-1799), supervision

Christine Faure, in association with Jacques GuilhaumOll and Jacques Valier (paris 1999; Editions Honore

Champion) 576 pages.

E-mail: [email protected]

La parole des sans. Les mouvements actuels iJ l'epreuve

de la Revolution jran9aise by Jacques Guilhawnou (ENS

editions) is available on the following website:

http://www.ens-fcl.fr/bibli/guilhaumoul

Barbarism and Religion, volwne I (ISBN 0-521-63345-1)

; and The Enlightenments of Edward Gibbon, volwne 2,

Narratives of Civil Government (ISBN 0-521-6402-4) by

J.G.A. Pocock (Cambridge University Press 1999)

Finnish Yearbook of Political Thought, volwne 4

(forthcoming in May-June). Contains, among others, the

contributions of Stuart Jones "Political uses of the concept

of 'representation': how the French debated electoral

reform, c. 1880-1914" and Mark Bevir "The text as a

historical objecf' as well as articles on Finnish concepts of

the state (valtio) by Tuijja Pilkkinen, and of society

(yhteiskunta) by Paul Kettunen.

Call for copy Please send any information relevant for this Newsletter

to:

Karin TiIrnans I Wyger Velema,

University of Amsterdam,

Department of History,

Spuistraat 134, 1012 VB Amsterdam,

The Netherlands.

Please enclose also a diskette (WordPerfect or Word) or

send your copy to: [email protected]

Colofon Editing:

Karin TiIrnans, Wyger Velema,

Anna Voolstra

Lay-out:

Bas Broekhuizen

21

Page 21: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

Conceptual Changes in Political Cultures Participants/ Adresses

Prof. Hans Aarsleff Mark Bevir Dept. of English Dept. of Politics

McCosh 22 University of Newcastle

Princeton NJ 08544-1016 Newcastle upon Tyne

USA NEt 7RU United Kingdom

Dr R.A.M. Aerts Drs. PJ.E. Bielinga Lage der A 16a Gouden Leeuw 437

9718 BKGroningen 1103 KK Amsterdam

The Netherlands The Netherlands

Prof. David Armitage Prof. dr P.B.M. Blaas Dept. of History Mozartlaan 4

Columbia University 1901 XS Castricum

New York NY 10027 The Netherlands

USA

Prof. dr W.P. Blockmans Peter Baehr Vakgroep Geschiedenis RUL

Dept. of Sociology Postbus 95 t 5

Memorial University of 2300 RA Leiden

Newfoundland The Netherlands

SL John's New Foundland

Canada A IC 5S7 Hans Blom E-mail: Dept. of Philosophy

pbaehr@morgan .ucs.mun.ca Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam

P.O Box 1738

Gyiirgy Bence NL-300 DR Rotterdam

Dept. of Philosophy The Netherlands

ELTE Fax: +3 1· 10-212 0448

. Piansta k6z I E-mail : [email protected]

Pf. 107

1364 Budapest Hans Elich Biideker Hungary Max-Planck-Inst. fur

Tel.+361·2663769 Geschichte

Fax.+361·2664612 Hermann-Foge-Weg 11

e-mail:[email protected] D-3400 GOttingen

Germany

Prof. dr W. van den Berg Leerstoelgroep Modeme Pim den Boer Letterkunde Dept. of Cultural Studies

Spuistraat 134 University of Amsterdam

1012 VB Amsterdam Spuistraat 210

The Netherlands 1012 VT Amsterdam

The Netherlands

Leonard Besselink Tel. +31-205253503 (office)!

Parklaan 14 a +31·30·251 5426 (home)

2011IKV Haarlem Fax +31·20·525 3052

The Netherlands E-mail [email protected]

Prof. dr J. W. de Beus A. Harkemaweg 11

9831 SV Aduard

The Netherlands

22

Marc Boone Janet Coleman

Fac. der Lett. en Wijsbegeerte Dept. of Government

Blandijnberg 2 B- 9000 London School of Economics

Gent and Political Science

Belgium Houghton Street

London WC2A 2AE

Dr G. de Bruin United Kingdom

Anna Paulownalaan 4 Fax: +44-171·831 1707

1412 AX. Naarden

The Netherlands Dr E. Dekker Emmastraat27

Greg Burke 2802 LA Gouda

Box 109 The Netherlands

King's College

Cambridge, CB2 1ST Arjan van Dixhoom United Kingdom Koningslaan 22

3583 GE Uo-echt

Martin J. Burke The Netherlands

Dept. of History

Lehman College Dr H. Duits

City University of New York Elzenlaan 39

250 Bedford Park Boulevard 1214 KK. Hilversum

WestBronx. New York 10468 The Netherlands

USA

E-mail:[email protected]. Mr W.T. Eijsbouts

cuny.cdu LSG. Europese Geschiedenis

Spuistraat 134

Prof. L. Gerald Bursey 1012 VB Amsterdam

Political Science Dept. The Netherlands

Northeastern University

Boston MA 02115 Dr M. Everard

USA Plantage 6

2311 JC Leiden

Mw. M. C3rasso-Kok The Netherlands

Dr. Koomansstraat 21

1391 XA Abcoude Dr M. Fennema The Netherlands Vakgroep Algemene

Politicologie

Dalio castiglione Oudezijds Achterburgwa1237

Dept. of Politics 1012 DL Amsterdam

University of Exeter The Netherlands

Exeter

United Kingdom Pierre Fiala

E-mail : ENS. Fontanay Saint Cloud-

[email protected] laboratoire de lexicologie

Le Pare. 922 11

Sandro Chignola Saint Cloud Cedex

Dept of Philosophy France

University of Padoua E-mai1:Fiala@ens-fcl-fr

Via Muro Padri 17

37129 Verona. Italy

Fax: +45-913880

E-mail [email protected]

Page 22: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

Michael Freeden DrI. de Haan Dr Chris Lorenz Peter Alexander Meyers

Mansfield College Leerstoelgroep Nedertandse Instituut voor Geschiedenis 5 Rue dAtsace

Oxford OXl 3TF Geschiedenis Doelensteeg 16 75010 Paris

United Kingdom Spuistraal 134 23 11 VL Leiden France

E·mail : michael .freeden@ 1012 VB Amsterdam The Netherlands E·mail : pameyers@

socstud.ox.ac .uk The Netherlands compuserve.com

Vincent van der Lubbe

Jan~Hein Fumee Sisko Haikala Van Vredenburchweg 37 Prof. dr W.W. Mijnhardt

Vakgroep Geschiedenis University of Jyv~kyHi 2282 SE rujswijk Slotstraat 12 r

Oude Kijk in 't Jatstraat 26 Dept. of History 070·3988648 4101 BH Culemborg

700 AS Groningen PL35 The Netherlands The Netherlands

The Netherlands FIN -40351 JyviskylA

Finland AJadan Madarasz Mw. drs Col. Misset

Prof. dr. M. van Gelderen E-mail : [email protected] Institute of Economics Historisch Seminarium

Ritterfelddam 82d Hungarian Academy of Spuistraat 134

0 ·1 000 Berlin 22 Hennie Haitjema Sciences The Netherlands

Germany. or Serials Department BudaOrsiut 45

School of Eur. Studies, Arts Central Library Budapest Raymonde Monnier

Building Flinders University of Hungary 49 Chemin de la Vallee aux

Falmer. Brighton BNI 9NQ South Australia E·mail: madarasz@ Loups

United Kingdom GPO Box 2100 econ.core.hu 92290 Chatenay Malabry

Adelaide SA 500 I France

Daniel Gordon Australia Peter Mair E·mail : Monnier@ens·fcl.fr

Dept. of History Tel. (08) 8201 2736 Department of Political Science

University of Massachussets Fax (08) 8201 3362 Leiden University Olof Miirke Amherst MA 01003·3930 P.O. Box 9555, Christian·Albrechts·Univ . Zu

USA Prof. dr E.O.G. Haitsma 2300 RB Leiden, Kiel

E·mail: Mulier The Netherlands. Historischcs Seminar

[email protected] l..eerstoelgroep Nicuwc Tel: + 31 715273908 01shausenstrasse 40

Geschiedenis Fax: + 31715272815 J).24098 !Gel

Dr F. Grijzenhout Spuistra.at 134 &mail : Germany

De Wittenkade 86 1012 VB Amsterdam [email protected]

1051 AK Amsterdam The Netherlands Jan Wemer Muller

The Netherlands Guido Mamlef All Souls College

Tina lahogue Departement Geschiedenis Oxford OXI 4AS

Prof. dr S. Groeneveld Institute of Political Studies UFSISA United Kingdom

Vakgroep Geschiedenis University or Copenhagen Prinsstraat 13 E-mail: santOO68@

Postbus 9515 Rosenborggade IS 200 Antwerpcn sable.ox.ac.uk

2300 RA Leiden DK-! 130 Copenhagen K Belgium

The Netherlands Denmark- Eis NaalJkens

E·maiI : [email protected] Dr M. Meijer Drees Vakgroep Ita liaans

Prof. dr E.K. Grootes Paulus Potterstraat 6 Bungehuis

Kerklaan 55 Prof. dr P.H.D. Leupen 3583 SN Utrecht Spuistraat 112

2101 HL Heemstede Lsg. Middeleeuwse Gesch. The Netherlands 1012 VB Amsterdam The Netherlands Spuistraat 134 or: The Netherlands

1012 VB Amsterdam G. van Walenborchstraat 14

Jacques Guilhaumou The Netherlands 3515 BT Utrecht Gerard Noirlel

29 Bd Rodocanachi The Netherlands ENS

F·13008, Marseille Kia Lindroos 48 Boulevard Jourdan

France 41 Milford Gardens Dr W.F.B. Melching 75014 Paris

E·mail : Edgware Leerstoelgroep Nieuwe France

[email protected]·nus,fr Middlesex HAS 6EY Geschiedenis E·mail: [email protected]

United Kingdom Spuistraat 134

E-mail: kialind@ 1012 VB Amsterdam Dr J. Noordegraaf

globalnet.co.uk The Netherlands Juweelstraet 81

2403 BK Alphen aid rujn

The Netherlands

23

Page 23: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

Prof. dr Victor Neuman Eva Piirimae Melvin Richter Prof. dr Louise Schom-Str Stadion 6/9 Selwyn CoUege Dept oCPolitical Science Schuette 1900- Timissoara I Flat Merton House Hunter College Historisches Seminar

Roumania Queen's Road Cuny JWG Universitiit

Tell fax ++40-56-196298 EB21TP New York 10021 PF 111932

Cambridge USA 60054 Frankfun am Main

Ida Nijenhuis United Kingdom E-mail : mrichter@ Germany

Instituut voor Nederlandse E-mail: [email protected] shiva.hunter.cuny.edu

Geschiedenis Quentin Skinner Postbus 90755 Prof. dr H. Pleij Melvin L. Rogers Cambridge University

2509 L T Den Haag Lsg. Historische Letterkunde Selwyn College Christ's College

The Netherlands Spuistraat 134 c/o Porter's Lodge Cambridge CB2 3BU

Tel. 070-3156432 1012 VB Amsterdam Grange Road United Kingdom

E-mai l: ida.nijenhuis@ The Netherlands CB3 4DQ Cambridge Fax: +44-1223-339 557

inghist.nl United Kingdom

Maarten Prak Mevr. dr M. Smits-Veldt Mw. Dr U.A. Nijenhuis Fac. der Letteren Dr P.T. van Roode" Leerstoelgroep Historische

Vrijheidslaan 15 Krorrune Nieuwegracht 46 Boerhaavelaan 23 Letterkunde

2321 JP Leiden 3512 Hi Utrecht 2334 EL Leiden Spuistraat 134

The Netherlands The Netherlands The Netherlands 1012 VB Amsterdam

The Netherlands

Dr Ton Nijhuis Tuija Pulkkinen lose M. Rosales Duilsland Instituut Amsterdam Kristiina Instituutti University of Malaga Mw. Prof. dr M. Spies Herengracht487 PL 29 Dept. of Philosophy Herenstreat lib

1017 BT Amsterdam Fin-OOl4 Helsingin yliopisto Campus de Teatinos 1015 BX Amsterdam

The Netherlands Finland E·29071 Malaga The Netherlands

E-mail: [email protected] Spain

Dr Mark Olsen E-mail: [email protected] Dr H.C.G. Spoormans ARTFL Institut filr Philosophie. Faculteit dec Rechtsgeleerdheid

Dept. of Romance Languages Emst-Moritz-Amdt-Universitat Dr Mark Rutgers Postbus 616

University of Chicago Kapaunenstr. 5-7 Departement Bestuurskunde 6200 MD Maastricht

Chicago IL 60637 D-17487 Greifswald Faculteit Sociale The Netherlands

USA Germany Wetenschappen

E-mail: [email protected] Pieter de la Courtgebouw Patricia Springborg Kari Palonen greifswald.de Postbus 9555 Dept of Government

Political Science 2300 RB Leiden University of Sydney

University of lyvaskyla l(jrgen Pieters The Netherlands Sydney. NSW 2006

PL35 Vakgroep Nederlandse Australia

Fin-4035\ Jyvaskyl> Literatuur en catrien Santing e-mail: patricia@

Finland, or: Literatuurwetenschappen Istituto Olandese bullwinkle ,econ.su.oz.au

Residence l .Ch. Prost Blandijnberg 2 Via Omero 10-12

13, rue Dareau B-9OO0 Gent 00197 Rome Henrik Stenius F-75014 Paris Belgium It.ly Renval Institute

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Lisa tisane" Prof. dr N.C.F. van Sas FIN-oOO 14 Helsinki

Pieter Pekelharing University of lyv:tskylli Leerstoelgroep Nieuwste Finland

lohan Keplerstraat 19 Political Science Gesch,

1098 HH Amsterdam PI 35 Spuistraat 134 Chris Stolwijk The Netherlands Fin-40351 Jyvaskyla 1012 VB Amsterdam Hekendorpse Buurt 81

Finland The Netherlands 3467 Hekendorp " Yan Peng E-mail : [email protected] The Netherlands

Dept. of Political Science Prof. Michael Schoenhals University of Stockholm P.O. Box 792

S-10691 Stockholm SE 220 07 Lund

Sweden Sweden

E·mail: yan.peng@)

statsvet.su.se

24

Page 24: History of Concepts Newsletter 3

Karin Tilmans Dept. of History

University of Amsterdam

Spuistraat 134

1012 VB Amsterdam

The Netherlands

Fax: +31-20-525 4433 or

+31-23.5258420

E-mail : Karin.Tilmans@

hum.uva.nl

Balasz Trencsenyi

1032 Zipor u.63 Vill. 46

Budapest

Hungary

E-mail, NPHTREI4@

phd.ceu.hu

Keith Tribe Dept. of Economics

Keele University

Keele

Staffordshire ST5 5SG

United Kingdom

Prof.dr E. van Uitert LSG Kunstgeschiedenis

Herengracht 286

1016 BX Amsterdam

The Netherlands

Judith Vega Molukkenstraat 72

9715 NW Groningen

The Netherlands

Dr H.Te Velde M.L. Kingslraat 115

9728 WN Groningen

The Netherlands

Wyger Velema

Dept. of History

University of Amsterdam

Spuistraat 134

1012 VB Amsterdam

The Netherlands

Fax' +31-20-525 4433

Judith Verbeme c/o E.M. Nusca

Via Libero Leonardi 120 d, 29

00173 Rome

Italy

Anne Vial Box 585

King's College

Cambridge CB2 1 ST

United Kingdom

E-mail : [email protected].

Fernando Vidal Max-Planck Institut rur

Wissenschaftsgeschichte

Wilhelmstrasse 44

10117 Berlin

Germany

Tel. +49-30-22 667 232 (office)

+49-30-611 00 16 (home)

Fax +49-39-22667299

E-mail : vidal@

mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de

Dr F.P.I.M. van Vree Leerstoelgroep

Cultuurgeschiedenis van

Europa

Spuisrraat 210

1012 VT Amsterdam

The Netherlands

Hans Waalwijk Baarsjesweg 292

1058 AG Amsterdam

The Netherlands

Jan Waszink Hooigracht 69a

2312ICP Leiden

The Netherlands

E-mail: [email protected]

Alice Weeks Box 698·

King's College

Cambridge, CB2 1st

United Kingdom

Matthias Weiss Historisches Seminar

JWG UniversiUit

PFlII932

60054 Frankfurt am Main

Germany

Dr E.M. Wiskerke Rolklaver 79

7422 RE Deventer

The Netherlands

Bjorn Wittrock SCASS

G6tavagen 4

S-75236 Uppsa\a

Sweden

Fax, +46-18-5211 09

E-mail: Bjom.Wittrock@

scass.uu.se