Den Evan 1998

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M. Denevan is professor emeritus of geography and

We know very little about pre-European agricultural

ques in Amazonia. This is unfo rtuna te, given that state-egarding prehistoric dem ograp hy and settlement pat-

including size, location, and duration, are based in part

ssump tions abo ut food productivity. There is only scat-

ethno grap hy is of limited value.

Anthropologists have generally p ortraye d surviv ing indi-

other traditional economies in Amazonia as representa-ve of prehistoric food-production system s. Even wh ere such

uggested that their foo d-getting ecologies (and set-

behavior) have chan ged little since prehistoric times,ops and tools (Meggers 1995: 35). This

ive, how ever, is coming under increasing attack. Few

technology, directly or indirectly, not on ly today but

Archaeologist Anna Roosevelt has stated th at in A mazo nia

among others. Furthermore, most surviving Indians

terra firme high forests of the interfluves,

re resource conditions (soils, game, and fish) are relatively

nct, were located in or adjac ent to the resource-rich flood-

(vdrzeas).That low-productivity shifting cultivation was the dom-

is indeed only an a ssum ption. There is no direct

d in an article in 1992 that stone axes we re so inefficient

common today, would not have been feasible. Too mu ch time

and energy were required, especially for large hardwood

trees. Initial clearings would have been made where trees

were small, as along streams a nd at tree falls; at forest patches

dom inated by palm s, bamboo, or lianas; and at sites of formerhuman activity (villages, camps, trails, fields). Once initiated,

a small clearing could be gradua lly en larged to a considerable

size. Once established, a field wou ld likely hav e been used for

many years, given the labor required for clearing a new field

with stone axes. Thus most terra firme agriculture, I argue, wa

permanent or semi-permanent until metal axes were intro-

duced making frequent shifting of fields practical. Soil fertility

was maintained by ash from in-field burning, organic addi-

tives, integration with tree crops, and the creation of fertile

anthropogenic soils. Even without soil improvement, manioc

production can continue for many years on poor soil, weed

and pest invasion being more of a problem than soil fertility.

Forms of Prehistoric Cultivation

We can designate three general types of prehistoric fields

on the basis of habitat. The first is floodplain cultivation.

Clearly, annual crops were obtained from playas, islands, and

natural levees du ring periods of low water. The early explor-

ers of the Amazon River gave some indication of this

(Meggers 1996:125-126). H owever, as Meggers (1996:12,28-29)

and others have pointed out, periodic major floods every five

to ten years cover the e ntire floodp lain d estroying most or all

crops. Consequently a safety valve was necessary, and thisproba bly w as the ad jacent bluffe, the well-drained edges of

terra firme, and especially bluffs th at impinged against navi-

gable channels so th at easy access was provide d to the main

river channel (Lathrap 1970:44; Meggers 1991:199; Denevan

19%). Thus there apparen tly was a com plem entary system in

which villagers farmed both the good soil/high risk flood-

plains (vdrzea) and the poor soil/low risk bluff fringe (terr

firme).

The second field type is the raised field. Remnants of

these ridges, platforms, and mounds are located in seasonally

flooded savannas in northe rn Bolivia (Denevan 1966; Erickson

1995), the Orinoco Llanos in V enezuela (Zucchi and Denevan1979), and the coasts of Guyana, Suriname, French Guiana,

and northern Amapa, Brazil (Rostain 1991). They may well

have existed on Marajo Island and elsewhere, but if so they

have since been destroyed or buried under sediment. The

raised fields we discovered in the Llanos de Mojos in Bolivia

in 1961 were the first indication of intensive prehistoric

54 Vol. 20, Nos. 2/3 Summer/Fall 199

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elds are as m uch as 25 m w ide, 350 m long, and num ber in

early so , given practices with similar fields in

been maintained by add itives of rich organic muck that

The third general form of prehistoric agriculture is terra

cultivation. We can speculate that, using stone axes,

g-fallow shifting cultivation in the up land forests was rare;

by useful peren nial trees and especially by fruit trees.

are numerous m entions of the impo rtance of fruit trees

terra

agriculture, howev er, was probably on anthrop ogenic

ack earths , terra preta do indio, and I want to give particular

These soils have long been known, but they remain

ack color of the soil is appa rently du e to ash from repeated

horus, with higher pH and moisture levels than forsoils. Terra preta soil has been dated to 450 B.C.

200 B.C. on the Rio Ucayali in Peru (Eden,

1984:126).

On bluffe, terra preta sites have been described which are

90, 200, and 350 ha in extent, though averaging 20 ha

are 500 ha (5 km2) of terra preta underlying the city of

95:27-28), on the othe r h an d, argu es that only patches of

e large sites were occupied at any one time. Furthe rmo re,

terra preta sites are actually middens from

lages (Woods a nd McC ann 1999).

On interior terra firme, small terra pretas are described byth (1980:563) along the T rans-Amaz on High way as being

1 to 2 ha or less, sugg esting single or several house s thatterra preta. Katzer

944:35-38) reported 50,000 ha of m ostly small terra preta sites

Rio Tapajos and the Rio Curua-U na. This p attern

ppo rtive of the Tropical Forest Model of small terra

forest communities and low p opu lation densities in con -

years, however, several studies have demonstrated that terra

preta sites on terra firme can be enormou s.

In 1996, geographer/ethnobotanist Joseph McCann and

geographer/soils archaeologist William Woods examined terra

pretas in the vicinity of Santarem an d betw een the Rio Tapajo

and the Rio Arapiuns, where some sites are very large (over

120 ha at Oitavo Bee sou th of Santarem ; Woo ds an d Mc Cann

1999; McCann and Woods, n.d.). Smith (1980) and others have

suggested that terra pretas are primarily prehistoric midden

containing ceramics, bones, ash, and other settlement refuse.McCann and W oods, howeve r, found sites which are not uni-

form middens. Sectors with ceramics are separated by large

sectors of black or brown soils withou t ceram ics.1

McCann and

Woods believe that the non-midden terra pretas were forme

by long-term a gricultural activity includin g in-field bu rnin g,

mulching, and composting. Phosphorus and calcium levels

are lower than for the m idd en terra pretas, but organic matte

content is high. The non-midden terra pretas consequently ar

still more fertile than the surrounding natural soils. Once

established, both types of terra preta would have been sough

out for cultivation, as they still are to day.

McCann and W oods see no natural ex planation for terrapreta soils.

2They occur on a wide variety of slopes and sub-

soils; they are both clayey and sandy ; they are surrou nde d by

the typical terra firme red and yellow tropical soils.3

When

aba ndo ned for long pe riods they still retain their fertility. In

fact, there is some evidence that they are not only self perpet

uating but actually expand because of intense microbiological

activity. "We suggest that some combination of long-term

mulching and frequent bu rning pro duces the heightened or-

ganic content and dark color of the [non- midden terra preta

expanses. Though perhaps temporarily reducing near-surface

soil biota, fire more importantly contributes charcoal and ash,

which increase soil pH and thereb y sup pre ss Al activity toxic

to soil biota" (Woods and McCann 1999). "This increased

micro-biological activity over time is the key to terra pret

formation and persistence" (Woods, pers. comm.).

The creation of a brow n soil from in tensiv e, long-lasting

agricultural activity, in contrast to an origin from middens,

has been suggested in several other studies. These studies,

however, do not emphasize that agricultural terra preta ma

be much more extensive than midden terra preta. The Dutc

soil scientist, W.G. Sombroek (1966:175), me ntions a brow n o

less dark soil, which he calls terra mulata, in the Belterra are

east of the Rio Tapajos, without artifacts, occurring in bands

around black terra preta. He believes that "It seem s likely th

this soil has obtained its specific p rope rties from long-lasting

cultivation." His ma p shows terra preta along a bluff backe

by a much larger area of terra mulata. At Araracuara on the R

Caqueta in the Colombian Amazon, brown anthropic soil

formed where "cultivation was done in the mature or second-

ary forest in a semi-intensive way, probably located away

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rom the living area, and always done in the same place to

improve the soil" (Andrade 1986:54, in Mora et al. 199177).4

The Araracuara project is a long-term study by Colombian

archaeologists and ecologists (Mora et al. 1991). The project

has investigated terra preta sites on a high bluff. Settlement at

one of these sites, Abeja (6 ha.), was nearly continuous for 800

years (1565-775 B.P.) Pollen indicates large quantities of fruit

trees, along with maize, manioc, and other crops. The soil

scientists involved believe that permanent cultivation was

made possible by the transport to fields of alluvial silt from the

river and incorporation of organic matter consisting of do-

mestic waste, dead leaves, wood, weeds, and algae—a major

labor investment.

Another study of upland terra preta sites is the 1996 disser-

tation by archaeologist Michael Heckenberger in the Upper

Xingu Basin. As in other parts of southwestern Amazonia, in-

cluding Mojos in Bolivia, many prehistoric and historical sites

are encircled by defensive moats, several moats in some in-

stances. He found 19 sites in forests near streams, with terra

preta soils. One, Nokugu, is 40 ha (15 ha of terra preta), and

another, Kuhikugu, is 50 ha (mostly dark brown terra preta).

(Recent Kuikuru villages near both ancient villages are only

a few hectares in size.) Besides the ditches there are mounds

and causeways. At Nokugu, there is cultural and occupational

continuity from A.D. 950 to after 1500, with a large plaza fixed

in place the entire time, and a possible late population of 2,500

given the apparent occupation of the full area (except for the

plaza) within two moats. Why the second, outer moat?

Heckenberger believes that the only reason for digging a

second moat was because population growth filled the area

within the inner moat. This is part of his argument for the full

site being occupied atone time, rather than being periodically

reoccupied by small villages. These large villages were pro-

bably supported by relatively intensive agriculture, including

use of terra preta soils (Heckenberger 1996:40, 47, 54, 98-100;

1998:643).

Without question, then, there were large prehistoric occu-

pation sites in Amazonia, as evidenced by terra preta middens.

Some may represent periodic reoccupations of different sec-

tors, others not. Others apparently were dispersed clusters of

houses surrounded by agriculture, as evidenced by non-mid-

den brown soils. But even if a terra preta site of 100 ha was

only 20 percent occupied at one time by houses and associ-

ated activity areas, 20 ha is still a very large village compared

to the much smaller villages of today.

In any event, it is becoming apparent that large areas of

terra preta are not middens, but rather are zones of cultivation

that: (1) were often intensive; (2) could have sustained rela-

tively large villages; and (3) were maintained over long per-

iods and thus were associated with either permanent settle-

ments of whatever size, and/or villages that shifted within the

terra pretas created, both black

and brown, themselves became the foci of cultivation and

hence settlement, a self-perpetuating process. Such a site

could have begun as a single household at a natural tree-fal

farm plot, gradually being enlarged with stone axes, the ulti-

mate village size possibly having nothing to do with natural

soils but rather with particular local or regional social events

and relationships.

Today in the uplands new terra preta is seldom created b

either Indians or settlers.5

(One example would be in long-

lasting house gardens.) Considerable time is required for terra

preta formation, decades or more, whether from middens or

from semi-intensive cultivation practices. Now Indian villages

are usually moved too frequently and cultivation is of too

brief duration for terra preta to form.

Possible Cropping Systems on Terra Firme

I am suggesting that the short-cropping, long-fallow shift-

ing cultivation so widespread today was uncommon in pre-

historic Amazonia because of the inefficiency of the stone axe,

especially in the mature hardwood forests of the terra firme

Indian shifting cultivation now has a short cropping period,

reflecting poor soil, pest invasion, game depletion, and social

friction, but it is made possible by the steel axe which makes

clearing new plots a relatively easy process—a matter of a few

weeks to create a field large enough (0.5-2.0 ha) to feed a fam-

ily. Even on the fertile terra preta soils, shifting cultivation i

now the norm because it is easier than coping with the ag-

gressive weeds associated with permanent cultivation. (The

same is true on limestone and volcanic soils in Yucatan and

Central America.)

Indian shifting cultivation as we know it today is the pro-

duct of the steel axe, and a]so the machete. What then was the

nature of prehistoric upland agriculture? We do not know

and may never know. However, there are several possibilities:

(1) House gardens: permanent plots of mixed annuals an

perennials around houses, with careful weed control and soil

management using household refuse for fertilizer. Lathrap

(1977), in his classic article "Our Father the Cayman, Our

Mother the Gourd," maintained that the earliest agriculture in

Amazonia was in such house gardens. He believed that the

first gardens were along or near rivers; however, they were

undoubtedly also an important form of prehistoric crop pro-

duction hi the interfluve forests since they do not require fre-

quent clearing. Today Indian house gardens are poorly devel-

oped in most forest villages given the frequency of village

shifting.

(2) Intensive swiddens: located on sites where tree clearin

was relatively easy, such as naturally disturbed places with

young secondary growth of softwoods. A present-day exam-

ple of such swiddens would be the highly diverse (polycul-

tural) conucos described by Harris (1971) for the Waika

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f the Upp er O rinoco, which are cultivated for

gives several reasons for the monocultural field, but h e does

Intensive swiddens (short fallow or semi-permanent)

pests could have b een red uced by crop diversifica-

entionally created by settlement and cultivation ac-

ty in the form of terra preta. Labor inputs often would have

high, but probably no t as high as that req uired by long-

llow shifting cultivation, with freq uen t field shifts, n ecessita-ng frequent a nd difficult tree clearing with ston e axes. This

(Hill and Kap lan 1989:331).

(3) Patch cultivation: the p lanting of small natural clear-

such as tree falls, or easily cleared vegetation such as

. This could have been do ne by ba nds of noma dic for-

could also have been perm anently s ettled a t small clear-

as suggested by terra preta sites of 1 ha or less. In add i-

hes. The Kay apo villagers toda y pla nt both domesticates

aswell as along trails and at camp sites (Posey 1984:117,

Another report of tree-fall planting is for the semi-

adic N amb iquara in the Gua pore Valley in 1968: "we

it. Am ong the tangle of fallen limbs, tobacco

(4) Agroforestry: forest manipulation via intentional and

(Posey 1985; Den evan and Pad och 1988). These "food

contained domesticates, semi-dom esticates, and spo n-

and the Bora "forest orchards," as well as in the an thro -

forests of the Huastec in Mexico (Alcorn 1984) and the

ee gardens" in Bocas del Toro, Panama (Gordon 1982:52-98).

Gordon points out that the introduction of the machete was

detrimental to such forest man agem ent. Clearing and we ed-

ing by hand better allows for decisions as to what plants are

to survive and w hich are to be destroyed, w here as slash ing b y

machete tends to be less selective. He believes that polycul-

tural milpas were an integrated com pon ent of an thropo gen ic

forests. However, while agroforestry systems do not require

frequent clearing, they are "shade" systems which suppress

weeds; thus they are not conducive to production of staple

annual crops. Hence population densities would have re-

mained low, unless associated with primary fields.

These four models of terra firme agriculture with a stone-

axe technology in reality were likely m anifested by nu m ero us

transitional forms and combinations, varying with habitat,

mobility, time, and dem og rap hy . Thes e activities, plus forag-

ing, contributed to the creation of anthropogenic forests, or

semi-managed forests, with a larger than natural n um ber of

useful plants present. The Amazon forest was not pristine in

1492, nor is it today. Proba bly all of these forms of agricu lture

and agroforestry w ere pres ent in the terra firme in a m osaic of

variable population densities that may have included sectorsof sparse semi-nomadic foragers; small but pe rma nen tly set-

tled households and extended families; and in some selected

places large and permanent fields and associated villages,

such as on Amazon bluffs, in the Upper Xingu Basin, and in

the Rio Arapiuns Basin, wh ere there are large terra preta sites

These fields and villages could ha ve origin ated in small clear-

ings which were enlarged ov er a long period of time by grad-

ually eliminating the trees at the perip her y. By people com ing

back repeatedly and frequen tly to the sam e site an d/or by th e

shifting of houses and fields within the same site, the inter-

fluve terra preta black and brown soils could have been

created.

Conclusion

The evidence is still preliminary, bu t it appe ars that on

terra firme relatively intensive prehistoric agriculture pro-

duced a long-lasting, self-perpe tuating, fertile, a nth rop og enic

soil (terra preta), which made possible continuing cultivatio

that in some places supported relatively large and fairly per-

manent villages. How widesp read large and small terra pret

sites are we do not yet kno w. Rega rdless, the implications for

both past and p resent tropical agriculture are startling6'7

Upland Amazonian soils are considered by many to bemostly too infertile to support permanent cultivation

(Meggers 1996:18-23; Gross 1983:445-446; Lamb 1987:434-

440). However, Sombroek, An drad e, and Woo ds/McCann be-

lieve that permanent or semi-permanent agriculture itself

created fertile soils. W hat a p arado x!

& Agriculture 57 Vol. 20, Nos. 2J3 Summer/Vail 199

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Notes

*In one sampling of 18 soil tests in four terra preta sites, Woods (pers.

comm.) found only three midden types of terra preta, which is about 17

p ercen t

2Falesi (1974:210-214) discusses possible natural origins of terra preta.

3Soil color and other characteristics of terra preta vary considerably.

Undoubtedly different kinds of terra preta originated under different

human circumstances and on different original soils (Sombroek 1966:

252-253).

4However , Eden et al. (1984:137), who also worked on the soils during

the early stages of the Araracuara Project, stated that: "th ere is no reason

to assume that the soils themselves were originally the direct result of

agricultural activity." Thus there is a difference of opini on w ith And rade .

^a bs t (1993:142) in his study of villages of five con tem pora ry terra firme

Indian groups in the eastern Amazon found little eviden ce of active terra

preta formation in sectors of refuse accumulation and no intentional

effort to create terra preta.

6Woods and McCann (1999) say that: "Once infused with the self-

perpetuating life force of an active soil biota an d an ade qua te n utrie nt re-

tention capacity, under proper management additional inputs may notbe necessary to maintain a reasonable fertility." Thus, "agricultural sys-

tems mo re in-tensive than shifting cultivation seem possible" (Woods,

pers. comm.).

7Sombroek (1966:261) did not get excited over the implications for de-

velopment suggested by terra preta produced by cultivation. He says that:

"Theoretically, it wo uld be po ssible to atta in gra dually a level of soil or-

ganic matter w hich is comparable to that of the Terra Preta soil;" how-

ever, he goes on to say that "whether it will be economically justifiable,

is questionable." The possibility rema ins to be dem onst rate d, obviously.

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Den Evan 1998

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Transcript of Den Evan 1998