A Grammar of Logba (Ikpana)

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Cover illustration: Akpan Waterfall at Logba Tota—Recorded on video by Kofi Dorvlo.

ISBN 978-90-78328-57-5

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Copyright © 2008: Kofi Dorvlo. All rights reserved.

A Grammar of Logba (Ikpana)

Proefschrift

ter verkrijging van

de graad van Doctor aan de Universiteit Leiden,

op gezag van de Rector Magnificus prof.mr. P.F. van der Heijden,

volgens besluit van het College voor Promoties

te verdedigen op dinsdag 27 mei 2008

klokke 15:00 uur

door

Kofi Dorvlo

geboren te Keta, Ghana

in 1953

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Promotor: Prof. dr. M. Mous

Co-promotor: Dr. F.K. Ameka

Referent: Prof. dr. B. Heine (University of Cologne)

Overige leden: Prof. dr. G.L. van Driem

Dr. J.A.B.K. Essegbey (University of Florida, Gainesville)

Prof. dr. Th.C. Schadeberg

Table of Contents List of abbreviations used.…………………………………………......................xiii List of grammatical morphemes...............................................................................xv Map of Ghana Togo Mountain languages...............................................................xvi Map of Logba area..................................................................................................xvii Acknowledgements ………………………………………………………….……xix 1 INTRODUCTION.............................................................................................. 1

1.1 The people ............................................................................................... 1 1.1.1 Settlement in the GTM area ...............................................................2 1.1.2 Geographical location.........................................................................3 1.1.3 Some religious practices.....................................................................4

1.2 Language .................................................................................................5 1.2.1 Classification ......................................................................................5 1.2.2 Previous studies on the language .......................................................6 1.2.3 Socio-linguistic situation ....................................................................6

1.3 Brief outline of the language...................................................................7 1.4 Data collection.........................................................................................8 1.5 Methodological and theoretical framework ............................................9 1.6 Outline of the grammar and presentation of data ...................................9

2 PHONOLOGY ................................................................................................. 11 2.1 Syllable.................................................................................................. 11

2.1.1 Peak only (V) ................................................................................... 11 2.1.2 Onset and peak (CV) ........................................................................ 13 2.1.3 Two consonants onset and a peak (CCV) ........................................ 13

2.2 Consonants ............................................................................................ 14 2.2.1 Plosives............................................................................................. 15 2.2.2 Fricatives .......................................................................................... 16 2.2.3 Affricates ..........................................................................................18 2.2.4 Nasals ............................................................................................... 19 2.2.5 Lateral............................................................................................... 19 2.2.6 Approximants ...................................................................................20

2.3 Vowels................................................................................................... 21 2.3.1 Vowel harmony ................................................................................23 2.3.2 Vowel sequencing in roots ...............................................................26 2.3.3 Vowel sequences across morpheme boundaries ..............................26 2.3.4 Noun + determiner..........................................................................27 2.3.5 Preposition and object pronoun........................................................27 2.3.6 Verb and object ................................................................................27

2.4 Tone.......................................................................................................28 2.4.1 Change of tone in low tone monosyllabic verbs..............................30 2.4.2 Register raising in polar interrogatives ............................................ 31 2.4.3 Tonal morphemes: aspect marked by tone.......................................32 2.4.4 Nominalising suffix –go ...................................................................33

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2.5 Phonological processes .........................................................................33 2.5.1 Final vowel deletion .........................................................................33 2.5.2 Palatalization of consonants .............................................................34 2.5.3 Vowel elision and labialization ........................................................34 2.5.4 Pronoun + verb stem + object pronoun ........................................35 2.5.5 Assimilation of tense and aspect markers ........................................36

2.5.5.1 Present progressive ......................................................................36 2.5.5.2 Habitual and past progressive......................................................37 2.5.5.3 Future...........................................................................................38

2.6 Loanword phonology ............................................................................38 2.7 Logba orthography ................................................................................40

3 NOUNS AND NOUN CLASSES....................................................................43 3.1 Nouns ....................................................................................................43

3.1.1 Noun classes .....................................................................................43 3.1.2 The prefix classes .............................................................................44 3.1.3 Singular plural pairings ....................................................................44 3.1.4 Agreement classes ............................................................................45

3.2 Subject agreement markers ...................................................................45 3.2.1 Further statements about the nouns..................................................47

3.3 Compounding ........................................................................................53 3.3.1 Compounding of nouns ....................................................................53 3.3.2 Compounding of postpositional phrase +noun...............................53 3.3.3 Compounding of noun +wasa .........................................................53 3.3.4 Compounding of noun +sex-determining word..............................53 3.3.5 Compounding of noun + verb.........................................................54

3.4 Nominalisation ......................................................................................54 3.4.1 [V+ –go] nominalisation .................................................................54 3.4.2 Nominalisation involving nominalised verbs...................................56 3.4.3 Agentive nominalisation [V+ -wo] .................................................56 3.4.4 Instrumental nouns [iva +V + -N].................................................56 3.4.5 Locative nominals [VO + -me].......................................................57

3.5 Pronouns................................................................................................57 3.5.1 Possessive pronouns .........................................................................63 3.5.2 Reflexive pronouns...........................................................................64 3.5.3 Reciprocal pronouns.........................................................................65 3.5.4 Logophoric pronoun .........................................................................66

4 NOUN PHRASES............................................................................................69 4.1 Noun phrases.........................................................................................69

4.1.1 Types of noun phrases......................................................................70 4.1.1.1 Conjoined noun phrase ................................................................70 4.1.1.2 Alternate noun phrase.................................................................. 71 4.1.1.3 Possessive noun phrase................................................................ 71

4.2 Nominal modifiers.................................................................................72 4.2.1 Adjectives .........................................................................................72 4.2.2 Non-derived adjective and its semantic type ...................................73

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4.2.3 Derived adjectives and processes of their derivation.......................73 4.2.3.1 Suffixation of –yi to value property verb ....................................74 4.2.3.2 Compounding of an intransitive verb root and a noun ...............74 4.2.3.3 Derivation via reduplication ........................................................75

4.2.4 Derived nominals..............................................................................76 4.2.4.1 Adding nominalising suffix [-go] to a verb.................................76 4.2.4.2 Compounding the stem wasa to a noun.......................................77

4.2.5 The use of ideophones......................................................................78 4.2.6 Verb phrase for expression of quality concepts...............................79

4.3 Numerals ...............................................................................................80 4.3.1 Cardinal numbers .............................................................................81 4.3.2 Units of measure...............................................................................85 4.3.3 Ordinal numbers ...............................................................................85

4.4 Determiner.............................................................................................87 4.4.1 Definiteness marker..........................................................................88 4.4.2 Indefiniteness marker .......................................................................89 4.4.3 Demonstratives .................................................................................89

4.5 Intensifiers .............................................................................................92 5 ADPOSITIONS AND ADPOSITIONAL PHRASES .....................................95

5.1 Adpositions............................................................................................95 5.1.1 Prepositions ......................................................................................95 5.1.2 Postpositions.....................................................................................97

6 BASIC CLAUSE STRUCTURE, NON-VERBAL AND LOCATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS............................................................................................... 103

6.1 Constituent order................................................................................. 103 6.2 Grammatical relations ......................................................................... 104 6.3 Copula constructions ........................................................................... 107

6.3.1 Equative constructions.................................................................... 107 6.3.2 Predicative possessive constructions.............................................. 109

6.4 Comparative constructions.................................................................. 110 6.4.1 Structures expressing superlative ................................................... 112 6.4.2 Structures expressing equality........................................................ 113 6.4.3 Comparisons expressing semblative............................................... 113

6.5 Verbless predication............................................................................ 113 6.6 Basic locative constructions ................................................................ 114

6.6.1 Locative verbs ................................................................................ 116 6.6.1.1 le ‘be.located’ ............................................................................ 116 6.6.1.2 kpɔ ‘lie’ ...................................................................................... 117 6.6.1.3 kɔ ‘hang’ .................................................................................... 118 6.6.1.4 tɔ ‘fix’ ........................................................................................ 118 6.6.1.5 tsi ‘sit’ ........................................................................................ 119 6.6.1.6 yé ‘stand’ ................................................................................... 119 6.6.1.7 gbɛ ‘lean’ ................................................................................... 120 6.6.1.8 gbó ‘be.placed’........................................................................... 120 6.6.1.9 glɛ ‘tie’....................................................................................... 122

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7 VERBS AND VERBAL MODIFIERS.......................................................... 123 7.1 Structure of the verb ........................................................................... 123 7.2 Verbs and argument structure ............................................................. 124

7.2.1 One place verbs .............................................................................. 124 7.2.1.1 Voluntary motion verbs ............................................................. 125 7.2.1.2 Verbs denoting emission of vocal sounds ................................. 125 7.2.1.3 Property verbs............................................................................ 126 7.2.1.4 Achievement verbs .................................................................... 128

7.2.2 Two place verbs ............................................................................. 129 7.2.2.1 Creation verbs............................................................................ 130 7.2.2.2 Caused change of location verbs ............................................... 130 7.2.2.3 Agricultural verbs of planting ................................................... 131 7.2.2.4 Peel verbs................................................................................... 131 7.2.2.5 Perception verbs ........................................................................ 132 7.2.2.6 Speech act verbs ........................................................................ 133 7.2.2.7 Light verbs................................................................................. 133 7.2.2.8 The verb +iva ........................................................................... 134

7.2.3 Three place verbs ........................................................................... 136 7.2.4 Labile verbs .................................................................................... 137

7.2.4.1 Alternation S=A verbs ............................................................. 137 7.2.4.2 Alternation S=A or P verbs...................................................... 138 7.2.4.3 Verbs that can be used both as transitive and ditransitive ........ 139 7.2.4.4 Verbs that are used as intransitive, transitive and ditransitive..139

7.3 Tense, aspect and mood markers ........................................................ 139 7.3.1 Present and past interpretation ....................................................... 140 7.3.2 Present progressive......................................................................... 140 7.3.3 Past progressive.............................................................................. 142 7.3.4 Habitual .......................................................................................... 143 7.3.5 Future.............................................................................................. 144 7.3.6 Negation ......................................................................................... 146

7.3.6.1 Other words which express negation......................................... 149 7.3.7 Modality expressions...................................................................... 150

7.4 Adverbs ............................................................................................... 151 7.4.1 Clause initial and clause final adverbs........................................... 151 7.4.2 Clause final only adverbs ............................................................... 152 7.4.3 Clause initial only adverbs ............................................................. 153 7.4.4 Clause final adverbs ....................................................................... 153 7.4.5 Days of the week as adverbs .......................................................... 154

8 SENTENCE FUNCTIONS ............................................................................ 155 8.1 Declarative sentences .......................................................................... 155 8.2 Imperative utterances .......................................................................... 156

8.2.1 Imperative....................................................................................... 156 8.2.2 Prohibitive ...................................................................................... 158 8.2.3 Hortative ......................................................................................... 159

8.3 Questions ............................................................................................. 160

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8.3.1 Polar questions ............................................................................... 160 8.3.2 Content questions ........................................................................... 161

8.3.2.1 mɛ ‘what’ /‘how’ ....................................................................... 162 8.3.2.2 ɔmɔ ‘who’/ ‘which’.................................................................... 163 8.3.2.3 ménu ‘where’ ............................................................................. 164 8.3.2.4 mɔkplɛ ‘why’ ............................................................................. 165 8.3.2.5 Ibɛ imɔ ‘when’ ........................................................................... 165 8.3.2.6 bɛ ‘how much’/ ‘how many’ ..................................................... 166

8.3.3 Alternative questions ...................................................................... 167 8.3.4 Coordinate questions ...................................................................... 167 8.3.5 ‘Tag’ questions ............................................................................... 168

8.4 Uses of questions ................................................................................ 168 8.4.1 Rhetorical questions ....................................................................... 168 8.4.2 Questions for confirmation............................................................. 169 8.4.3 Greeting questions .......................................................................... 170 8.4.4 Question word only questions ........................................................ 171 8.4.5 Questions for more specification.................................................... 171

9 DEPENDENT CLAUSES.............................................................................. 173 9.1 Relative clauses ................................................................................... 173

9.1.1 Structure of the relative clause....................................................... 173 9.1.2 Object relativisation........................................................................ 175 9.1.3 Distribution of relative clauses....................................................... 175 9.1.4 Tense and aspect in relative clauses............................................... 176

9.2 Relativisation hierarchy in Logba ....................................................... 177 9.2.1 Goal ................................................................................................ 178 9.2.2 Theme ............................................................................................. 178 9.2.3 Objects in a serial verb construction .............................................. 178

9.2.3.1 Object of initial verb.................................................................. 178 9.2.3.2 Object of second verb in an SVC.............................................. 179

9.2.4 Prepositional phrase with postpositions ......................................... 179 9.2.5 Prepositional phrases ...................................................................... 179 9.2.6 Possessive ....................................................................................... 180

9.3 Complement clauses............................................................................ 181 9.4 Adverbial clauses ................................................................................ 185

9.4.1 Conditional clauses......................................................................... 185 9.4.2 Time clauses ................................................................................... 187 9.4.3 Reason clauses................................................................................ 188

10 SERIAL VERB CONSTRUCTIONS ........................................................ 191 10.1 Serial verb constructions..................................................................... 191 10.2 General characteristics of SVCs ......................................................... 191

10.2.1 No overt connectors ....................................................................... 192 10.2.2 Subject marking.............................................................................. 194 10.2.3 Object realisation............................................................................ 195 10.2.4 TAM marking................................................................................. 196 10.2.5 Polarity marking ............................................................................. 197

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10.2.6 Term focus...................................................................................... 197 10.2.7 Predicate focus ............................................................................... 198

10.3 Functional types .................................................................................. 199 10.3.1 Manipulative SVCs ........................................................................ 199 10.3.2 Directional SVCs............................................................................ 200 10.3.3 Completive SVCs ........................................................................... 200 10.3.4 Comparative SVCs ......................................................................... 201 10.3.5 Resultative SVCs............................................................................ 201 10.3.6 Dative/Benefactive SVCs ............................................................... 201

10.4 Verb sequence in SVCs ...................................................................... 202 10.5 Lexicalised verb sequences ................................................................. 204 10.6 Conclusion........................................................................................... 204

11 REPORTED SPEECH, REFLEXIVE AND RECIPROCAL CONSTRUCTIONS............................................................................................... 207

11.1 Reported speech .................................................................................. 207 11.1.1 Reported direct speech ................................................................... 207 11.1.2 Reported indirect speech ................................................................ 208 11.1.3 Reported imperative ....................................................................... 209 11.1.4 Reported statement ......................................................................... 209 11.1.5 Reported thought ............................................................................ 210

11.2 Reported questions .............................................................................. 211 11.2.1 Reported polar questions ................................................................ 211 11.2.2 Reported content questions ............................................................ 212

11.3 Logophoric pronoun in reported speech ............................................. 213 11.4 Reflexive and reciprocal constructions ............................................... 214

11.4.1 Reflexive constructions .................................................................. 215 11.4.2 Other strategies for reflexives ........................................................ 215

11.5 Reciprocal constructions ..................................................................... 216 11.5.1 Lexical strategy .............................................................................. 218 11.5.2 Biclausal strategy............................................................................ 220

12 TOPIC AND FOCUS................................................................................. 223 12.1 Topic.................................................................................................... 223 12.2 Focus ................................................................................................... 224

12.2.1 A: Discussion of two women ......................................................... 225 12.2.2 B: Riddle......................................................................................... 226

12.3 Argument focus ................................................................................... 227 12.3.1 Subject ............................................................................................ 227 12.3.2 Direct object ................................................................................... 228 12.3.3 Recipient......................................................................................... 228 12.3.4 Theme ............................................................................................. 228 12.3.5 Adjunct ........................................................................................... 229 12.3.6 Subject pronoun.............................................................................. 229 12.3.7 Object pronoun ............................................................................... 230 12.3.8 Focusing clause initial adverbials .................................................. 231 12.3.9 Focusing arguments in a copula clause.......................................... 231

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12.3.10 Focus in possessive constructions ............................................. 232 12.3.11 Focusing postpositional phrases ................................................ 233

12.4 Predicate focus .................................................................................... 234 12.5 Serial verb constructions and focus .................................................... 235 12.6 Tota dialect.......................................................................................... 235

12.6.1 Focusing postpositional phrases ..................................................... 236 12.7 Topic and focus ................................................................................... 237

13 IDEOPHONES, INTERJECTIONS AND PARTICLES........................... 239 13.1 Ideophones........................................................................................... 239

13.1.1 Syllable structure............................................................................ 239 13.1.2 Tonal structure................................................................................ 241 13.1.3 Grammatical categorization of ideophones. ................................... 242

13.1.3.1 Ideophonic nouns………………………………………...………...242 13.1.3.2 Ideophonic verbs................................................................... 243 13.1.3.3 Ideophonic adverbs ............................................................... 243 13.1.3.4 Ideophonic adjectives............................................................ 244

13.1.4 Ideophones and sentence types....................................................... 245 13.1.5 Ideophones in discourse ................................................................. 245

13.2 Interjections......................................................................................... 246 13.2.1 Primary interjections ...................................................................... 247 13.2.2 Secondary interjections .................................................................. 247 13.2.3 Expressive interjections.................................................................. 248 13.2.4 Conative interjections..................................................................... 248 13.2.5 Phatic interjections ......................................................................... 249

13.3 Particles ............................................................................................... 250 13.3.1 ná ‘interrogative particle’ ............................................................... 250 13.3.2 tá ‘politeness marker’ ..................................................................... 251 13.3.3 ló ‘addressive particle’ ................................................................... 252 13.3.4 loo ‘addressive particle’ ................................................................. 253

14 ROUTINE EXPRESSIONS ....................................................................... 255 14.1 Greetings ............................................................................................. 255

14.1.1 Morning to midday greetings ......................................................... 256 14.1.2 Midday to evening greetings .......................................................... 256 14.1.3 The greeting response: Yawɔɛn...................................................... 257 14.1.4 Working in the farm....................................................................... 258 14.1.5 Doing manual work ........................................................................ 258 14.1.6 Greeting when people are eating.................................................... 260 14.1.7 Welcoming people.......................................................................... 261 14.1.8 Acknowledgement of the priest’s return after libation prayer ....... 263

14.2 Expressing gratitude............................................................................ 263 14.3 Expressions for congratulations .......................................................... 264 14.4 Expressing sympathy........................................................................... 264 14.5 Disclaimers.......................................................................................... 265 14.6 Expressing farewell ............................................................................. 266

15 LOGBA TEXTS......................................................................................... 269

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15.1 Frog, where are you?........................................................................... 269 15.2 Ananse and the wisdom gourd............................................................ 275 15.3 The rope and the bird .......................................................................... 284 15.4 Proverbs............................................................................................... 292 15.5 Riddles................................................................................................. 301 15.6 Origin of the Logba people ................................................................. 307 15.7 Linguist staff ....................................................................................... 311 15.8 Aɖɔɖí ‘love’......................................................................................... 315 15.9 Yam cultivation ................................................................................... 316 15.10 Palm wine tapping............................................................................... 325 15.11 Palm-oil making .................................................................................. 331 15.12 Koko preparation................................................................................. 338 15.13 Gari making......................................................................................... 341 15.14 Local soap making .............................................................................. 345 15.15 Cocoa cultivation................................................................................. 350 15.16 Puberty rites ........................................................................................ 353

Logba vocabulary………………………………………………………………....357 Logba-English-Ewe vocabulary…………………………………………………..357 English - Logba index…………………………………………………………….403 References....……………………………………………………………………...427 Summary ....…...…………………………………………………………...……..435 Samenvatting……………………………………………………………………...439 Curriculum vitae…………………………………………………………………..443

List of abbreviations usedAFF Affirmative ADR Addressive particle AM Agreement Marker [+ATR] Advanced tongue root [-ATR] Unadvanced tongue root C Consonant CBP Cut and break pictures CFM Clause final marker CM Class Marker COMPL Complementizer COND Conditional CONJ Conjunction DEM Demonstrative DET Determiner EMPH Emphatic EXCL Exclamation FOC Focus marker FUT Future HAB Habitual IDEO Ideophone IMP Imperative IND Independent INDEF Indefinite INTJ Interjection INTP Interrogative particle JUXT Juxtaposition LOC Locative MOD Modal NEG Negative NOM Nominalising suffix

OBJ Object ORD Ordinal PART Particle PLU Plural PM Politeness marker POSS Possessive Post Postposition PROG Progressive PRS Present PT Past PV Positional verbs Q Question word QP Question particle REAS Reason RP Relative pronoun SG Singular SM Subject marker SUBJ Subject TOP Topic marker TRPS Topological relation pic-

ture series UFP Utterance final particle V Vowel V1 Initial verb in SVC V2 Second verb in SVC 1SG First person singular 2SG Second person singular 3SG Third person singular 1PLU First person plural 2PLU Second person plural 3PLU Third person plural

List of grammatical morphemes á /alɛ 3PLU.IND a- 2SG =á 3PLU.OBJ amú 1SG.IND ani- 2PLU anú 2PLU.IND ati- 1PLU atú 1PLU.IND awú 2SG.IND bó-/bɔ-/bá FUT dzue CONJ é-/ɛ-/á- 3PLU =ɛ/=é/=á DET -go NOM i- SM kpɛ CONJ =(l)é/=ɛ=nɛ 3SG.OBJ ma- 1SG =m(ú) 1SG.OBJ =nú 2PLU.OBJ mV...nú NEG n- SM nu in/containing region (postposition) o /ɔlɛ/ iyɛ 3SG.IND o-/ɔ- 3SG (ɔ)kpiɛ INDEF tɛ COMPL tsú on/upper surface (postposition) =tú 1PLU.OBJ =wú 2SG.OBJ xɛ RP/COND yɛ CONJ

Map 1: Distribution of Ghana Togo Mountain languages

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Acknowledgements In the course of the study and field research for this publication, I have received immense assistance from many people to whom I want to show appreciation and express my gratitude. I am greatly indebted to the three anxious and enthusiastic senior citizens I met on my first visit to Logba–Adeline Adiama, Victor Binka and Walter Amedzro–who welcomed me and readily gave me the opportunity to record them and ask them questions on the Logba language. It was this recording that became the preliminary data and the foundation on which I constructed the grammar of Logba. I wish to thank Prof. Duthie, for extensive comments on an earlier draft, encour-agement and support. I shall always remain grateful to him. I am grateful to James Essegbey who hosted me on my maiden visit to Leiden and formally introduced me to aspects of field techniques. In addition, I had the opportunity of interacting with many researchers who helped to shape my understanding of field research and African Linguistics to whom I will ever be grateful: They are Enoch Aboh, Azeb Amha, Maud Devos, Connie Kutsch Lojenga, Maarten Kossman, Maggy Konter-Katani, Victoria Nyst, Chris Reinges, Christian Rapold, Thilo Schaedeberg, and Arie Verhagen. The ideas expressed in the thesis, the methodology employed and the analysis presented benefited immensely from my participation in discussions, talks, meet-ings and comments from colleagues and researchers in the Leiden University Cen-tre for Linguistics for which I am highly appreciative. I wish to thank Jos Pacilly and Rob Goedemans for providing valuable information on the technical aspects of language documentation and archiving. I am also indebted to Daniela Merolla for guidance and also for valuable help and comradeship during our field trips in Ghana. I will like to express my gratitude to the staff of CNWS especially Ilona Beumer-Grill and Sabine Luning for the stimulating seminars and guidance in the cohort discussions which I will continue to cherish. Thanks to Ines Fiedler, Anne Schwarz, Stefanie Jannedy and Caroline Féry for providing the opportunity for me to learn how to use instruments for the recording and analysis of language data in a language laboratory while I was their guest in Berlin. I would like to thank Azeb Amha, Caroline Angenent, Anneke Breedveld, Maggy Konter-Katani, Marlous Tamminga, Sylvia Amevor and Chris Hesse for their sup-port during my stay in Leiden.

I would also like to thank my PhD colleagues with whom I shared many ideas both bordering on Linguistics and other aspects of social life. They include: Alwin Kloekhorst, Anne-Christie Hellenthal, František Kratochvil, Guus Kroonen, Heleen Smits, Jenneke van der Wal, Juliette Huber, Louisa Muller, Mark Dingemanse, Mercy Lamptey Bobuafor, Mulugeta Seyoum, Ongaye Oda, Oumou Diaby-Kassamba, Sander Steeman and Tolemariam Fufa. My main research assistant in Logba was Nelson Howusu. In addition to him, I have had the opportunity to work closely with native speakers of the language from almost all the Logba towns. These people gave me useful advice during the com-mittee meetings. They include: George Ahorhorlu, John Glawu, C.K. Amedzro and Elikem Akusa- all from Alakpeti. The following are from Klikpo: Ophelia Hesse, Mawuli Kahia, Togbe Shiamoah III, Joseph Kahia, Wisdom Kahia and Beauty Bissiwu. From Tota are E.W.G. Agrah and Catherine Bediako. The rest are Asafo Kudzo1 from Adzakoe, Doko Yao Joseph from Ogɔme and Nelson Asiedu from Vuinta. All these people helped in no small measure and I extend my heartfelt thanks to them. At the University of Ghana, I wish to thank the Head of Department and staff of the Linguistics Department, the Director and staff of Language Centre for the guid-ance they offered me both when I was nursing the idea to move into documentary linguistics and for the various seminars they organized which shaped my under-standing of Linguistics in general. The research reported here was funded by the Endangered Languages Programme of the Council of Humanities (GW) and WOTRO of the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) as part of the project The southern Ghana-Togo Mountain Groups: A description of their languages and cultural heritage (grant nr 256-00-500) for which I am very grateful. Throughout the study both in Ghana and the Netherlands, it was the moral support of my extended family that saw me through. For this, I will forever be thankful. Last but not the least, I wish to thank my wife and children for the moral support. It will not be possible to express gratitude adequately to all the people for their immense contribution but I know that the good Lord from whose storehouse all good things flow will reward them a thousand fold. To all these people, I say thank you in the Logba language: Anyintse Thank you.

1 I was informed of his death in January 2007 when I went to Logba. May his soul rest in perfect .peace

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1 INTRODUCTION This thesis presents a grammar of Logba, one of the fourteen Ghana Togo Moun-tain (hereafter GTM) languages in the hills of the Ghana-Togo frontier. The work is the outcome of a research based on two periods of a total of fifteen months of fieldwork in the Logba speaking communities. The major concern of this study is to describe the Logba language. This chapter introduces the people, geographical location, classification of the language and some general information about the characteristic features of the language.

1.1 The people

The Logba people call themselves Akpanawo. A female Logba person is Akpanadzɛ and a male Logba person is Akpananyi. The indigenous term for the language is Ikpana. This is explained by some native speakers as ‘defenders of truth’. One can find words in the language which apparently go to support this claim: Ikpá means ‘truth’. anaá is a question particle which is used in conversation by a speaker when he wants confirmation about a proposition. This shows that the word may be related to ‘truth’. There are folk etymologies for the name Logba. According to one story from an indigenous Logba speaker, Logba is derived from two Ewe words lɔ ‘collect’ gbě ‘rubbish’ and refers to those people who in the course of migration of the Ewes from Notsie in present day Togo were in front of the group and made the path by literally ‘breaking and collecting the thick vegetative undergrowth’ to facilitate the movement for the Ewes who followed. Another account suggests that the name is from two Logba words, la ‘to make’ and ɔgbá ‘path’. Logba people were supposed to be hunters who were residing outside the great walls of Notsie and at the time of the migration of the Ewes, they helped to make the path for the Ewes. It is believed that this name was a result of the reference that the Ewes made to them when they heard them saying: la ogbáá! la ogbáá! ‘make the path, make the path.’ From that time they were referred to by the other ethnic groups as the Logba people. In one folk story, which is apparently different from the others, the claim was that they migrated from Egypt and Sudan and it took them over 200 years to come to the present settlement. The sentence in (1) below is an extract from a story in Logba by one of the elders: 1. Akpana éɖu ahá xɛ édo gú Egypt kpɛ Sudan ivantsiénu.

Akpana é-ɖu ahá xɛ é-do gú Egypt Akpana SM.PLU-be people RP 3PLU-come from Egypt

Chapter 1

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kpɛ Sudan i-vantsiénu CONJ Sudan CM-area ‘The Logba people are people who migrated from Egypt and Sudan areas.’ [15.6.01]

1.1.1 Settlement in the GTM area The GTM languages in Ghana are in three geographical groups. Ahlo (Igo), Kposo, Kebu and Bassila are in Togo and Benin. The Northern group in Ghana are Ani-mere and Adele. Bowli, Buem, Siwu and Sele are located a little South of Animere. The southernmost group to which Logba belongs are Nyagbo, Tafi, Avatime and Logba (see map for the distribution of the GTM languages). Concerning the order in which the people came to the area, it was stated in one of the accounts that the Logba and the Nyagbo people came to the area after the Tafi people but the Logba people were in the area even before the Avatime people set-tled at their present location. It is plausible that the Logba people are one of the groups that migrated to the Ghana Togo Mountain region but one is not certain which groups they moved with and at what time they came to the GTM area. The Ewes might be one of the people they met on their journey to their present settle-ment. Plehn (1899:18–20)2 reports that:

Avatime people however assured me that their ancestors, upon their arri-val in the Togo Mountains, already came across the Logba.

Nugent (1997) suggests that the GTM region has seen ample language shifts and the adoption of languages by whole groups as it served as refuge for populations fleeing from Asante invasions from the West in the nineteenth century and from Dahomean military operations of the nineteenth century (see also Nugent 2005). Other reports summarised in Dakubu (2006) state that the Logba people possibly are the descendants of the powerful Makɔ ethnic group, which controlled the greater part of the area and were conquered around 1750. The widespread view now among the Logba is that they migrated from Notsie with the Ewes as a result of the cruel rule of Agorkorli of Notsie. It can be argued that the remaining Makɔ ethnic group after their conquest was joined by some groups who possibly included some Ewes who migrated from Notsie. Also, it is possible that other ethnic groups who were driven from their homelands came to join the remaining descendants of the Makɔ ethnic group who found the mountains as a refuge. This can be corrobo-rated by stories I heard from the Logba area maintaining that the early settlements were in the mountains of Aya and that settlements along the road and the lowlands are later developments when the area started to enjoy relative peace.

2 Thanks to Mark Dingemanse for the translations of the German original.

Introduction

3

1.1.2 Geographical location Logba falls in the Hohoe administrative district in the Volta Region of Ghana and it is about 200 kilometers from the coast. It is a mountainous region bounded on the North-East by Avatime, the South by Nyangbo-Tafi and on the West by Ve. On the Eastern part is the Ghana-Togo Mountains (GTM)3. The 2002 estimates of the Hohoe District Assembly indicate that Logba has 6,400 inhabitants. A survey I conducted in 2006 gives a total population of about 7,500 inhabitants in all the Logba towns and settlements The Logba people live in the following townships: Vuinta, Ogɔme, Akusame, Adi-veme, Adzakoe, Alakpeti4, Tota, and Klikpo, where the paramount seat is located. Other new settlements have sprung up which are small farming communities ad-joining these towns and villages: Abayeme and Dufi are villages which are on the outskirts of Tota. Xɔglikɔƒe is a small settlement north of Akusame. These new settlements are inhabited mostly by settler farmers who are from other ethnic groups. Agbobakɔdzi and Dzodzekɔdzi are new settlements of Ewe speakers founded by settlers from Dzodze, a town in the Ketu District of the Volta Region of Ghana (refer to map 2). These villages are all Ewe speaking with Ewe names. They are close to Alakpeti, the commercial centre of Logba. Andokɔƒe shares a boundary with Adzakoe and it is inhabited mainly by people from Ando, a town in the Southern part of the Republic of Togo. There are a few people in these new settlements who speak Logba as a second language. Some Logba people have moved into these new settler communities and built houses and settled in these areas. This movement of Ewe speakers to the Logba area resulted in a situation commented on by Dakubu and Ford (1988:125) that:

…the Logba have the most extensive local contact with Ewe; for exam-ple, the Ewes probably now outnumber the Logba on Logba lands.

The Logba towns and villages are located on the trunk road from Accra to Hohoe except Tota, which is on the top of the Aya hills5. Climbing the hills, one finds Akpon falls and small caves inhabited by bats. There are pieces of rocks that point upwards from the floor of the caves and other wonderful geographical features that attract tourists to the area.

3 See the map of Ghana and that of Logba for the location. 4 Alakpa is a name of one of the hills in Logba. etsi means ‘ground, under’ Alakpeti thus refers to Alakpa hills. It is one of the low lying settlements which has now become a centre for commercial activity. 5 This is the highest point in Logba. Tota is the Ewe name for Ayotsu /aya-otsu/ ‘top of Aya’ Aya is one of the early places on the hills where Akusame, Adiveme and Ogɔme stayed together as one settlement.

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The Logba people are peasant farmers. The main agricultural products they culti-vate are cassava, maize, yams, rice, plantain, and cash crops like cocoa, coffee, peas and oil palm, whose wine is used in the distillation of Akpeteshie, a local gin6.

1.1.3 Some religious practices Christians of various denominations can be found in Logba e.g. Evangelical Pres-byterian, Roman Catholic, Pentecost and others. There are others whose form of religion centres around ancestor reverence and the worship of the supreme deity which is known in Logba as Sumafa7 but generally called Akpanamɔ ‘Logba god’. The priest, Amɔwasa/Amɔnutsiwo is the pillar around whom traditional religious activities revolve. He performs libation during most of the local traditional cere-monies. Ayadzi ‘Saturday’ is a special day for the priest. He does not go to the farm on this day; rather he is supposed to stay at home and offer prayers in the house of Sumafa. A she-goat is not supposed to be slaughtered in the town. In June, when preparation for the cultivation of rice begins, Amɔwasa pours libation to the gods. Also, during the yam festival in September, he is called upon to pour libation. Other rites are performed which have religious components. I will talk about two of them. First appeasing the gods after a violation such as suicide, sec-ond girls puberty rites. Libation prayer is also performed to appease the gods when there is a violation. On one occasion when a case of an attempted suicide was reported to the elders, the culprit was brought to the public court of the local chief where he was made to pay a fine of one ram and some kegs of palm wine. The palm wine was used to pour libation and the ram was sacrificed. The ceremony was crowned with advice from elders to the accused person on how to live a socially acceptable life. Experienced elderly women perform edzezigo ‘puberty rites’ for the girls. They teach willing young virgins hygiene, home economics, culture and management as a preparation for future marital life. Here also libation prayer is performed for blessing for the young virgins and the family they come from. After the training, there is always an elaborate passing out ceremony which is an occasion of great joy, drumming and dancing. With funds from the town, the triumvirate of Logba, Odikro8, ‘a senior statesman’ Okyeame, ‘the spokesperson’ and Amɔwasa ‘local priest’ perform the Ogbɔglɛgo,

6 According to Ghanaian Times January 13, 2007 this was first introduced in Logba in the early 1900s by two West Indians who came to Ghana. 7The word Sumafa is made up of three morphemes: osu ‘thunder’ mɔ NEG fá ‘cross over.’ The name indirectly refers to the powers of the god which is so great that thunder, which is feared by many people in the area, cannot pass over. 8 He is also referred to as ogbɔwasa ‘town owner’. Odikro is an Akan based term but it is used in Ewe communities as well. The Ewe equivalent Dutor/Afetor translates as ‘Lord of

Introduction

5

literally ‘tying of the town’ ceremony which is aimed at invoking spiritual protec-tion for the town against evil forces and saboteurs. These religious activities are generally designed to promote harmonious relationship and continuity with the past and to assure the people of good harvest.

1.2 Language

Logba is one of the fourteen languages concentrated in the hills of the Ghana-Togo frontier which have been referred to as the Togo Restsprachen (Struck 1912), Togo Remnant9 languages or the Central Togo languages (Dakubu and Ford 1988). These languages are now commonly referred to as GTM languages, (Ring 1995).

1.2.1 Classification There are differences in opinion on the classification of GTM languages. Wester-mann and Bryan (1952) seeing that these languages have vocabulary items which show a relationship to Kwa and a noun class system that is similar to Bantu lan-guages consider these languages as an isolated group. Greenberg (1963a) classifies them among the Kwa sub-group B of the Niger-Congo family. Based on a compre-hensive linguistic comparison Heine (1968) sub-classified them into KA and NA, (see map 1). Stewart (1989) submits that the two branches belong to two different branches of Kwa: The KA belongs to the left bank branch together with Gbe in-cluding Ewe and the NA group, to which Logba belongs, is in the Nyo branch including Tano which includes Akan and Ga-Adangbe. Williamson and Blench (2000) suggest that the KA and the NA subgroups branch out from Proto Kwa. Blench (2001:5) points out the difficulty in establishing the GTM languages as a group in relation to Kwa, and suggests that these languages may be better seen as a mixture of a single-branch languages and small clusters within Niger Congo. In all these classifications, the difficulty in getting adequate information on each of the fourteen GTM languages in order to come out with an acceptable classification for scholars of all persuasions is evident. However, it is apparent from the classifi-cations that Logba is consistently in the NA sub group and her geographical neighbours are Nyagbo, Tafi and Avatime which are KA. The linguistic neighbours of Logba are located in the northern cluster of GTM languages. The NA group, to which Logba belongs, has three sub-groups in Heine’s classification and Logba and Ani are in separate sub-groups. In Blench’s revised tentative classification (Blench 2006 ) the NA group has two sub-groups and Logba is again in its own sub-group with Lelemi, Lolobi and Likpe forming a separate sub-group. I should think a ho- the town’(see Egblewogbe 1990). 9 My interactions with most native speakers who are literate and understand the meaning of this term suggest to me that they feel uncomfortable when this word is used to describe their mother tongue.

Chapter 1

6

listic linguistic description similar to this if it is done for all the fourteen languages will clear the air and help to arrive at the definitive classification and the position of Logba in GTM –Na group.

1.2.2 Previous studies on the language Logba is one of the least studied of the fourteen GTM languages. The only pub-lished material exclusively on the Logba language is Westermann (1903) which is a concise grammatical sketch in German. Other works, Bertho (1952), Heine (1968), Greenberg (1968), Egblewogbe (1990) and Dakubu and Ford (1988) are studies on the GTM languages which provide information on Logba as a member of the group. Logba is also reported on in Ladefoged (1964) as part of phonetic linguistic study of West African languages.

1.2.3 Socio-linguistic situation Many native speakers of Logba, speak Ewe, and Twi. Ring (1981) in a sociolin-guistic survey of the non-Ewe language communities located between Have and Kadzebi reports the following percentages of language ability claims in Logba area10: Ewe - 92% Akan - 28% English - 56%. From a survey I conducted on the languages spoken in Logba and the number of people who speak these languages, one sees that some of the local residents who have access to basic formal education can communicate and understand basic in-structions in English. Out of a total population of 7,500 inhabitants, 7,120 claim to speak Ewe and Logba. There is however no one identified in Logba who claims to speak only Logba. It is rare to find people who are bilingual in two GTM languages. The few I found in the area who have a fair knowledge of another GTM language in addition to Logba are men / women who married from another GTM community or have ei-ther schooled or worked in one of the neighbouring towns. Among the other three GTM languages in the area, Avatime, Tafi and Nyagbo, there are more multilin-guals that have Avatime as one of their languages. A survey reveals that the people who claim to have the ability to understand and communicate in Avatime are 11%. This is far greater than the percentage for Tafi and Nyagbo which together is 4.8%.11 The relatively high percentage recorded for Avatime is not surprising: Logba is almost surrounded by Avatime towns. Schools were established by the German missionaries earlier in Avatime. Because there were no schools in Logba

10 Logba was one of the communities on which Ring’s sociolinguistic survey touches. 11 This is based on the 2006 population survey I conducted.

Introduction

7

at that time people went to school in Avatime. Some of the early scholars from Logba are said to be alumni of these schools where they were informally exposed to the Avatime language. This suggests that there was a long standing social inter-action between the people of the two towns. There are eight primary schools, three junior secondary schools and one senior secondary school in Logba. Children speak the Logba language in their homes but Ewe is spoken in school because it is the de facto medium of instruction in the primary school in Logba. It is observed that many of the children cannot speak English before they enter school. In the senior secondary school, the English lan-guage is used but one can hear Logba, Ewe and Twi as one interacts with the stu-dents. Because the people live in eight settlements next to each other, the dialectal varia-tion is not pronounced. Native speakers with whom I interacted acknowledge that the Tota dialect, spoken mainly by people on the hills is distinct from the linguistic variety used for communication in the settlements in the low lying areas, especially in Alakpeti, the commercial centre. The differences between the varieties exist more in the phonology than in the other aspects of the grammar. In this study, an effort is made to point out these differences where they occur and offer an explana-tion where possible. In a number of instances where it is apparent, I have made the attempt to differentiate between not only the dialectal differences but also the dif-ference in careful word for word speaking and connected discourse.

1.3 Brief outline of the language

This section is aimed at giving a summary of the main grammatical features which will then be discussed in greater depth in the chapters that follow. There are three syllable types in Logba. These are: peak only, which can be a vowel or a nasal, onset and peak, and an onset made up of two consonants plus peak. Logba is a tone language with two basic tones: These are High and Low with falling and rising tones generated phonetically. Each syllable bears a tone of its own. In this book, a High tone is marked ( ) and Low tone is unmarked. Rising tone which is pho-netically realized on a single syllable peak is represented as ( ). Tone is realized on vowels and syllabic nasals. Logba has twenty-two consonant phonemes and seven vowels. There are no phonemically nasalised vowels in the language. The nasalised vowels are a result of assimilation. It has a stem controlled Advanced Tongue Root (ATR) vowel harmony system where the stem determines the [ATR] value of the affixes. Logba is an SVO language. The subject is cross-referenced on the verb in the form which agrees with the subject in class. The noun modifiers follow the head and there is agreement between the demonstrative and interrogative with the head noun. Among the numerals, it is the numbers, one to six that show agreement with the head noun.

Chapter 1

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The verb roots take prefixes which are subject pronominal prefixes or aspect mark-ers. In three place constructions with a single verbal element, the Recipient pre-cedes the Theme. In kin possession, the kin term is not marked with its class prefix. Logba has five prepositions and quite a large number of postpositions. There are three question words in Logba which are used to form six question expressions to ask content questions. Logba is a verb serialising language. In Serial verb constructions, the initial verb is marked for the subject and the subsequent verbs are not marked. Sentences are not overtly marked for tense. Four morphological preverbal markers are identified in Logba. They are present progressive, past progressive, habitual, and future mark-ers. There are few underived adjectives in Logba. Some intransitive verbs have adjectival meanings in addition to other derived adjectives and ideophones. Nega-tion is expressed using a bipartite negative marker; the first part which is obliga-tory occurs before the verb and the second after it. In a Serial verb construction, the first part occurs before the initial verb and the second after it. Where a lexical noun is used, the subject marker comes in between the verb and the first negative morpheme. The term focus marker is ka and follows immediately the constituent that is fo-cused. Focusing the verb is done by placing the bare form of the copy of the verb immediately before the verb word. Speakers of the Tota dialect use another strat-egy: For term focus, the prominent NP is fronted and is recapitulated by the inde-pendent pronoun followed by the rest of the clause.

1.4 Data collection

Data for this study was collected during fieldwork in Logba for a total of fifteen months divided over two periods living in Logba Alakpeti and regularly visiting the other towns and villages. I familiarized myself with the place and was learning the language. l began by eliciting lexical data using as a starting point the Ibadan 400 wordlist, a wordlist including items based on characteristics of West African languages. Other lexical data was extracted from text recordings leading to 1600 entries in Logba-English- Ewe vocabulary (see pages 357- 403). I also elicited syntactic structures to supplement information from other sources. Spontaneous language production was recorded in addition to stimulated data using visual stimuli – A Frog story narrative description, Topological Relation Picture Series, Cut and Break video clips. The last two materials have been designed by the Language and Cognition Group of the Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguis-tics (some of the elicitated data are the texts in chapter 15). In the collection of

Introduction

9

field data, emphasis is on spontaneous spoken texts of various genres: conversa-tions, proverbs, stories, riddles etc. Supplementary information is obtained from direct elicitation guided by questionnaires for linguistic and cultural fieldwork such as Bouquiaux and Thomas (1992) Comrie and Smith (1977) McKinney (2000), and Payne (1997). Informal interviews were also conducted. The data were recorded using audio (mini disc) and video, after which they were transcribed and interlin-earised. These constituted a database for the analysis of the grammar presented.

1.5 Methodological and theoretical framework

A holistic anthropological linguistic approach to language documentation is the methodology adopted in this work. My fervent desire is primarily to write a gram-mar that will show clearly the structure of the language which will serve as a re-cord for the people. This calls for the use of the theoretical concepts that are in line with what Dixon (1997:128) refers to as Basic Linguistic Theory. It is a cumulative framework that employs mainly the techniques of analysis derived from traditional grammar and accepts the influences from other theoretical models developed over the years (see Dryer 2006). In the use of this theory, every part of the language is described with analysis and arguments on how the language is used, taking note of how context and situation contribute to give the particular sense (meaning) that the people share. In addition, a conscious effort is made to explain every grammatical point discussed using terminology and abbreviations that in my estimation will not be beyond the comprehension of linguists and the interested reader. The elucidation of the meanings of concepts although done in English, is ap-proached from the perspective of Logba speakers rather than from a point of view external to Logba. Some of the data that is collected and used in writing the gram-mar are provided in chapter 15 with relevant information about the source to serve as reference and guide for future researchers who want to work on other aspects of the language. Also a reader of the grammar can also verify any points of analysis by examining the body of data so as to shed more light on what still remains hid-den and eventually facilitate further comparison of the GTM languages.

1.6 Outline of the grammar and presentation of data

This book is organised as follows. In chapter 2, I give a description of the phono-logical system of the language. Chapters 3 and 4 concern nominals: The structure of nouns and noun classes are presented in chapter 3 while the structure and types of noun phrases are discussed in chapter 4. Chapter 5 discusses adpositions and adpositional phrases. Basic clause structure, non verbal and locative predications are presented in chapter 6. The next five chapters focus on verbal constructions with different degrees of complexity. Chapter 7 concerns verbs and verbal modifi-ers and chapter 8 looks at sentence functions and I move on to discuss dependent clauses in chapter 9. Serial Verb Constructions are presented in chapter 10. Re-

Chapter 1

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ported speech, Reflexive and Reciprocal constructions are discussed in chapter 11. Information packaging in the clause in terms of topic and focus articulation is de-scribed in chapter 12. The last two chapters relate to constructions that are some-times considered marginal to grammar (Sapir 1922) but which are very crucial for communication. Chapter 13 discusses ideophones, interjections and particles. The final chapter, chapter 14, presents routine expressions used in social interaction. In chapter 15, a number of texts which are translated are presented in addition to Logba – Ewe – English and English –Logba wordlists. Logba language texts and their translations in the grammar are presented in four lines as follows: 2. Azuzɔ fɛ alɛ blɔmɛ ibo a-zuzɔ fɛ alɛ blɔ-mɛ i-bo

CM-housefly also 3PLU make-LOC SM-stay ‘Houseflies also have their importance’ [15.4.63]

The first line is the Logba data showing word divisions. Words belonging to a compound are separated by a hyphen. Clitics are written as separate words. In the second line, the Logba data is presented in bold with morpheme breaks indicated by hyphens (-) and clitics indicated by the equal to sign. (=) The interlinear Eng-lish gloss is in the third line and a free English translation is provided enclosed in single quotes. The source of the example, if it is available in the texts, is given in square brackets.

2 PHONOLOGY

This chapter provides the features of the phonology of Logba. It begins with sylla-ble structure and moves on to describe consonants and vowels and how they pat-tern in the language. The chapter concludes with tone, phonological processes and loanword phonology.

2.1 Syllable

The significant elements in the syllable are vowels, consonants and tone. The syl-lable has parts: The onset is the initial constituent(s) of the syllable. A vowel, the most sonorous element in the syllable, is the peak. There are three syllable types in the Logba language. They are as follows:

1. Peak only. (With a tone) The peak can be either a vowel or a na-sal.(V/N)

2. Onset and Peak. (With a tone) (CV) 3. Two consonant onset and a Peak. (With a tone) (CCV)

2.1.1 Peak only (V) In Logba, this syllable type is either a pronoun or a prefix to the stem of a word. Vowels can occur as syllables by themselves. The peak only syllable in (1) is a prefix to each noun stem. 1. /i/ as in i-mɔ ‘neck’ i-nyɔ ‘two’ i-be ‘season’

/e/ as in e-ví ‘sun’ /ɛ/ as in ɛ-dzɛ ‘women’ /u/ as in u-zí ‘door’

u-kú ‘bone’ u-fɔtɔ ‘marshy area’

/a/ as in a-bє ‘oil palm’ á-fúta ‘cloth’ /o/ as in o-núkpá ‘king’

ó-dró ‘elephant’ /ɔ/ as in ɔ-yɔ ‘tree’

ɔ-wɔ ‘mortar’

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Peak only syllable also occurs as 3SG or 3PLU object either after a verb or a preposition. It can also occur as a determiner after a noun (see section 2.3.3). This is shown in the following examples. 2. mɛ.a ‘sew them’ futɔ.á ‘mix them’ ɖi.é ‘suck it’ bu.é ‘ask it’ kpi.ɛ ‘with it’ fɛ.á ‘at them’ aklɔ.é ‘the goat’ egbi.é ‘the stone’ The vowels which occur as syllables by themselves and function as pronouns are: /ɛ/, /e/, /i/, /o/, /ɔ/ and /a/. No close back vowel occurs as vowel only pronoun. 3. /ɛ/ as in ɛ-mɔ ‘They laughed.’ ɛ-zá ‘They cooked.’ /e/ as in e-kpófú ‘They barked.’ /i/ as in i-yú ‘It is cold.’ /ɔ/ as in ɔ-zɔ ‘He /She went.’ ɔ-bá ‘He /She came.’

/o/ as in o-ké ‘He/She jumped.’ /a/ as in á-bá ‘You came.’

á-gbá ‘You sweep.’ A nasal can form the peak of a syllable. It is any of the following nasals: /m/ /n/ and /ŋ/. The palatal nasal does not occur in this position. These nasals are homor-ganic with the consonant in the next syllable and occur in word initial or medial position. These are illustrated in (4) below. 4. /m/ as in nú.m.blé ‘fifth’ á-bǔ.ḿ.bá ‘wing’ m-gbí.ní ‘okro’

/n/ as in a-ka.ń.dó ‘milipede’ a-kɔ.ń.tí ‘basket’ n-ɖú ‘water’

/ŋ/ as in ŋ-gbɔ ‘rashes’ a.ŋ-kpá ‘juju’ All the words with a syllabic nasal in either initial or medial position are nouns. Some words appear to have a syllabic /n/ in word final position. However, the /n/ in these words is actually an allomorph of nu ‘containing region’ (Dorvlo 2004:246). This is shown in (5) below:

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5. afá ‘house’ afá-nu ‘house-in’ → afáṇ ‘home’ ubo ‘farm’ ubo-nu ‘farm-in’→ uboṇ ‘farm’

Other examples that are in the language are in (5). 6. kpi-wá-ṇ ‘go-shit-in’ bú-zúgbó-ṇ ‘count-head-in’ e-kélé-ṇ ‘grass-in’

2.1.2 Onset and peak (CV) This is the most common syllable type and it can form a word by itself or it can occur in a polysyllable in any position. In this type of syllable, the peak can only be a vowel. 7. ba ‘come’ gba ‘sweep’

gɔ ‘grind’ kɛ ‘jump’ dzosu ‘blood’ bisí ‘cola nut’ ganú ‘greet’

2.1.3 Two consonants onset and a peak (CCV) This syllable type can form a word by itself. It can occur in polysyllabic words as a stem of a word in both word initial or word final positions. The onset of this type of syllable is made up of a consonant cluster of two consonants. The second con-sonant is either /l/ or /r/, or a glide. 8. aklɔ ‘goat’

aváblɔwo ‘native doctor’ ivafli ‘(thing) white’ utrɔmɛ ‘work’ tro ‘refuse’ igla ‘jaw’ wli ‘many’ wla ‘waste something

The [+grave] first consonant in a cluster (labial, labial dental, labial velar or velar consonants) selects /l/ as the second consonant. On the other hand, /r/ is selected by a [–grave] (alveolar, alveo palatal or palatal) first consonant. Many words contain-ing these syllables are loan words.

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Another type of two consonant onset has a glide as second consonant. The glide is either /y/ or /w/. The central vowel /a/ goes with both glides. This syllable can form a word by itself. It can occur in polysyllabic words as a stem of a word. This is exemplified below: 9. gwɔkpɔ ‘fight with blows’ ebítwɔ ‘children’ ywɛ ‘pound’ bwá ‘fold’ bwé ‘animal’ nen.tswi ‘cow’ onzyɛ ‘owls’ byá ‘boil’ abyá ‘chair’ fyɛ ‘exceed’ fyé ‘dehust corn’

gɔkwaɖu ‘nine’ A palatal nasal / ɲ / does not occur before a consonant (or glide) hence the digraph /ny/ is unambiguously [ɲ] and phonemically never /ɲy/. As a result, /ny/ is always considered a single consonant.

2.2 Consonants

The following are the consonant sounds of Logba including allophonic variants. The pair of sounds in bold only occur as allophones. The sound in italic is a dia-lect variant. In the discussion, we differentiate allophonic variation and phonemic opposition. Phonetically /y/ is palatal approximant [j]. Table 2.1: Consonant sounds

bilabial

labial dental

alveolar

alveo palatal

palatal

velar

labial-velar

glottal

plosive (p) b t d ɖ

k g kp gb

fricative f v s z ʃ ʒ x ɦ affricate ts dz ʧ ʤ nasal m n ɲ ŋ

lateral l approximant r y w

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2.2.1 Plosives All Plosives occur as onset in a CV and CCV syllable type with all vowels. All Plosives except /ɖ/ have a voice opposition. The Voiceless Bilabial Plosive /p/ is found in very few lexical items in the language. It occurs in initial position in words which are ideophones or loan words. 10. pɛpɛpɛ ‘exactly’ petee ‘all’

prɔ ‘wet’ peya ‘pear’ pépa ‘paper’ pépi ‘harmattan’

In Ewe, a similar situation exists where /p/ also occurs in loan words and ideo-phones. The words, peya and pepa can be traced to English. It is not clear whether they came to Logba through Ewe or they were borrowed into Logba directly from English. The Voiced Bilabial Plosive occurs with all vowels in a CV syllable structure and with /l/ as the second consonant in a CCV syllable. The following examples illus-trate this: 11. ba ‘come’ bo ‘stay’

bɛ ‘season’ bisí ‘cola’ bɔ ‘make’ bli ‘break’

ba ‘come’ has cognates in other Ghanaian languages. For example, in Ewe, it is vá ‘come’ and Akan is ba; ‘come’ The Alveolar Plosives /t/ and /d/ occur with all vowels in a CV syllable and with /r/ in a CCV syllable. The examples below illustrate this: 12 dá ‘open’ dɔ ‘follow’ dre ‘dirty’ odró ‘elephant’ tɔlɛ ‘push’ ta ‘give’ tro ‘refuse’ (v) trɔ ‘carry’ (load) Apical Alveo Palatal Plosive /ɖ/ is articulated with the tongue slightly curled backwards with the tip touching lightly the upper teeth ridge. It is the only plosive without a voiceless counterpart and occurs in CV stems with all vowels except the half-open front vowel. This is considered to be an accidental gap. The following examples illustrate this: 13 nɖú ‘water’ iɖíwago ‘day’ aɖabakutɔ ‘eyebrow’ ɖɔka ‘reserve’ (v) ɖeblekú ‘fog’ ɖetsiflú ‘cotton’

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The Velar Plosives occur in many words in Logba. They are found in both CV and CCV stems. The second consonant is /l/ since the Velar Plosives are [+grave] sounds. The following are examples: 14. kla ‘hide’ aklɔ ‘goat’ gla ‘pour’ glɛ ‘tie’ The Voiceless Velar Plosive exceptionally occurs with /r/ in the word akró ‘boat’ in the Logba language. This word is used in the dialects of Ewe which are linguis-tic neighbours of Logba. It is not used in the other dialects of Ewe. /k/ occurs intervocalically. It can occur with any vowel before or after it immedi-ately. However, front vowels do not occur immediately after /g/ (unless it is fol-lowed by /l/ as in glɛ ‘tie’). This is illustrated in (15) below. 15. uku ‘bone’ iku ‘song’ akɔntí ‘basket’ akúkɔli ‘fingernail’ kakɛ ‘part’ kélékélé ‘first’ aga ‘valley’ ugú ‘husband’ ifúgo ‘flowers’ nɖúgɔ ‘thirst’ /kp/ and /gb/ have a wide distribution in the language. The close back vowel /u/ does not come after either of them. The following are examples: 16. ikpɛ ‘one’ gba ‘sweep’ kpita ‘stumble’ igbe ‘arrow’ akpá ‘leg’ agbɛ ‘dog’ ukpóku ‘knee’ ogbomi ‘monkey’ kpɛ ‘and’ agbiglɔmɔ ‘spider’ kpɔ ‘lie’ mgbɔ ‘rashes’ In CCV syllables both /kp/ and /gb/ have /l/ as the second consonant in the cluster. The following are the examples: 17. kplo ‘fry’ gblɛlɛ ‘many’ akpakpla ‘toad’ gbla ‘teach’ ékplé ‘now’

2.2.2 Fricatives All the fricatives in Logba have voice opposition. They can occur in syllable initial position in CV and CCV syllables. This is illustrated below:

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A. Syllable initial 18. fo ‘wash’ flɛ ‘fly’ hɛ ‘pull’ sa ‘leave’ zɔ ‘sell’ zu ‘descend’ sú ‘pierce’ xé Relative particle vu 'castrate’

B. Stem of nouns and word medial 19. a-fɔ ‘egg’ a-fé ‘comb’ a-vá ‘deer’ a-vu ‘porridge’ a-sɔ ‘pot’ u-su ‘urine’ u-zí ‘door’ u-zúgbó ‘head’ u-hɛ ‘knife’ ɔ-ha ‘pig’ a-xixlánu ‘difficulty’ C. Medial position of polysyllabic words These words are mainly verbs. They appear to involve reduplication of different sorts. 20. vuvɔ ‘spoil’ xoxu ‘gather’

fifi ‘break’ susu ‘urinate’ zuzɔ (asɔ) ‘roast (pot)’ húhú ‘shake’

In all, fricatives occur in many words. However, the velar fricatives /x/ and glottal fricative /h/ have a limited occurrence. The Voiceless Velar Fricative does not occur with the half open front vowel /ɛ/. 21. xe Relative particle xoxu ‘gather’

xoxoe ‘already’ xátsáxlá ‘rough’ axíxlánu ‘difficulty’ okutexoe ‘funeral’

The Alveolar Fricatives /s/ and /z/ are palatalized as / ʃ / and / ʒ / when they occur before the high front vowel /i/. / ʃ / sounds like the initial consonant of the English word ‘she’ and the / ʒ / sounds like the beginning of the French word for ‘day’ /jour/. These are found in the following words in the language: Underlying Surface 22. /si/ / ʃ / GLOSS

isíkpe ishíkpe ‘ring’ inasína inashína ‘everybody’ okusiokú okushiokú ‘everywhere’ ikpesikpe ikpeshikpe ‘everything’

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Underlying Surface

23. /zi/ / ʒ / GLOSS onziɛ onzhiɛ ‘owl’ zí zhí ‘carry’ zi zhi ‘good’

The palato-alveola fricatives only occur as allophones of the alveolar fricatives before /i/.

2.2.3 Affricates /ts/ [ʧ] and /dz/ [ʤ] are the only affricates in the language. /ts/ occurs in the follow-ing words: 24. tsítsí ‘turn’ tsíyí ‘maize’

atsá ‘horn’ átsi ‘night’ tsímí ‘crack’ tsibi ‘small’

/dz/ occurs in the following words: 25 dzu ‘arrive’ ɔdzá ‘fire’

dze ‘look’ dzuanú ‘like’ adzi ‘bird’ idzɔ ‘yam’

/ts/ and /dz/ are independent phonemes in their own right in Logba including Tota. However, when the alveolar plosive /t/ is followed by a close vowel /i/ or /u/ it is realised as an affricate in the Tota dialect.

OTHER DIALECTS TOTA GLOSS 26. tú tsú ‘on’

atí atsí ‘night’ utí utsí ‘father’ otú otsú ‘hill’ ɔdzátume ɔdzátsume ‘kitchen’

This is a phonological process which occurs in some dialects of Ewe, one of the major languages spoken in Logba. Duthie (1996:15) reports this indicating that it is the southern speakers of Ewe who use the palatalized form. Although, this is not uncommon, I assume that this is an influence from Ewe on the Logba spoken in Tota. It is interesting to note that whereas the Logba speakers palatalize before /u/, the southern Ewe dialect speakers do not. The Tota dialect speakers are applying the palatalization to both front and back high vowels. It could be argued that the palatalization before /u/ is not due to the influence of the back high vowel but rather because of the presence of an alveolar affricate in the language.

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2.2.4 Nasals All the nasals except the palatal nasal can occur in the peak of syllables. They can also be found in word initial position. The bilabial nasal /m/ occurs with all vowels. There are co-occurrence restrictions of the other nasal consonants and mid-vowels. Mid vowels are rare after nasals, no /o/ after /n/ and no /e/ /o/ /ɛ/ /ɔ/ after /ny/ and no /e/ /o/ /ɛ/ after /ŋ/ occur. With other vowels these nasals do occur. 27. nya ‘live’ (v) anyɛ ‘so’

anyɔ ‘louse’ fɔnyi ‘peel’ (v) inyui ‘juju’ akpananyi ‘a Logba person’ ŋú ‘see’ ŋɔnyi ‘write’ aŋáŋá ‘rib’ ɔŋ.kpá ‘rope’ tɔŋ.ká ‘pepper’ ŋ.gbíní ‘okro’ nɛ ‘buy’ nen.kpi ‘cow’ nɔ ‘drink’

In connected discourse, all the nasals that have a consonant following are syllabic and homorganic with the consonant that follows them. There are no consonant clusters involving the palatal nasal /ny/. The following are examples: 28. o-bu.m.ba ‘wing (of bird)’ a.ŋ-kɔ ‘chicken’

n-da ‘liquor’ n-trɔ ‘breast’ ŋ-gbɔ ‘rashes’ ɔ.m-bwɛ ‘orange’

There is a class of nouns that form their plural by a syllabic nasal prefix realized homoganically with the stem noun. This is exemplified in (29). 29. PLURAL GLOSS

m-byá ‘chairs’ m-futa ‘clothes’ n-lága ‘speeches’ ŋ-kpo ‘farm bags’ ŋ-gúwɔ ‘antelopes’

2.2.5 Lateral The Alveolar lateral, /l/ is widely distributed. It occurs as onset in a CV syllable. It also occurs as a second consonant in a CCV consonant cluster when the first con-sonant is a grave sound. This is attested in the following examples: 30. agblenú ‘hoe’ agbíglɔmɔ ‘spider’

la ‘beat’ gla ‘pour’ lɛ ‘buy’ kla ‘hide’ lɔ ‘weed’ mla ‘bring’

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lí ‘hold’ alá ‘scorpion’ wlíwlí ‘small parts’ ɔhlɔyí ‘throat’ yayí ‘search’ yíré ‘wait’

The 3rd Person Singular Object Pronoun is lɛ or le depending on the [ATR] value of the vowel in the verb root. In fast speech, Tota dialect speakers elide the /l/. Speakers from other Logba towns maintain it both in fast speech and in careful speech. This is exemplified below: 31a. OTHER DIALECTS TOTA

ma-zí=le ma-zí=e 1SG-carry 3SGOBJ 1SG-carry=3SGOBJ ‘I took it’ ‘I took it’

31b. ɔ-blí=lɛ ɔ-blí=ɛ

3SGSUBJ-break=3SGOBJ 3SGSUBJ-break=3SGOBJ ‘He/She broke it’ ‘He/She broke it’

The Voiced Alveolar Trill [r] is restricted in its distribution. It occurs as a second consonant in a consonant cluster and in that position is in complementary distribu-tion with [l]. It also occurs as a syllable initial consonant once where it alternates with /l/, in the word rí ‘hold’. In the Tota dialect, the speakers say [rí] ‘to hold’ while the other dialects use [lí]. In CCV syllables /r/ occurs as the second consonant when the first consonant is a coronal or non-grave sound. Examples are: 32. adrú ‘mound’ adruva ‘Thursday’

dre ‘dirty’ atruí ‘hearth’ odró ‘elephant’ ntrɔ ‘breast’ tro ‘refuse’ (v)

All the words that have a syllable with /r/ as onset contain the syllable rí ‘hold’ It is unclear whether they are all historically derived from ri. Examples are: 33. urímɛ ‘handle’

ntsurí ‘ladder’ rí ‘hold’

2.2.6 Approximants The Palatal approximant /y/ occurs intervocalically and in initial position of sylla-bles. It occurs with all vowels.

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Examples: 34. ayé ‘grandmother’ azayi ‘beans’ ɔyɔ ‘tree’ oyubitsi ‘thief’ yɛ ‘and’ yó ‘skin’ yáyí ‘search’

The Palatal approximant /y/ occurs as second element in a consonant cluster as illustrated in (35). 35. [byá] ‘boil’

[a-fyá] ‘pain’ [fyé] ‘dehusk corn’ [fyɛ] ‘exceed’

The Labial velar approximant, /w/ occurs intervocalically and in initial position of words and stem of nouns before back vowels and central vowel, /a/. This is shown in (36). There is a phonemic opposition between /y/ and /w/ before back vowels. 36. wa ‘say’ -wɔ plural clitic

wo (bi) ‘give birth’ wasa ‘owner’ iwo ‘bee’ ɔwɔ ‘mortar’ awɔ ‘snake’ awu ‘garment’

The Labial velar approximant /w/ occurs as second element in a consonant cluster. These are exemplified in (37). 37 [ywé] ‘pound’

[bwá] ‘fold’ [a-bwé] ‘animal’ [ɔ-m-bwɛ] ‘orange’

2.3 Vowels

Logba has a seven vowel system which is in two groups. The grouping is based on the Advanced Tongue Root feature. Table 2.2 Vowel Phonemes FRONT CENTRAL BACK

[+ATR] [-ATR] [+ATR] [- ATR] Close і u Mid e ɛ o ɔ Open a

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All the seven vowels are phonemic. This is exemplified below with some of the near minimal pairs of words. Examples of near minimal pairs are shown in (38). 38. SOUND MINIMAL PAIRS

a. a / ɔ na ‘walk’ nɔ ‘drink’ b. u / ɔ du ‘extinguish’ dɔ ‘follow’ c. u / o ukú ‘drum’ okú ‘place’ d. ɛ / a tɛ COMPL tá ‘shoot’ e. e / i me ‘here' mi ‘take’ f. i / a inyɔ ‘two’ anyɔ ‘louse’

There are no phonemically nasalized vowels in Logba. Generally, all the vowels become nasalised when they occur immediately after a nasal consonant. The spreading of the nasalisation is rightwards. Examples are: 39 ubonũ ‘farm’ imɔ ‘neck’

inyɔ ‘two’ ŋṹ ‘see’ mɛ ‘swallow’ nyã ‘live’ mẽŋ.gba ‘bowl’ ɔdzátsumɛ ‘kitchen’ mõ NEG

The front vowel /ɛ/ has a limited occurrence in initial position in the language. In the data I have collected, it occurs as prefix for a small number of nouns. One of the nouns is ɛfɔ ‘Fon language.’ This is similar to how this word is pronounced in Ewe. The stem of the word has a back vowel, /ɔ/, and /ɛ/ as the class prefix. This harmonizes with the vowel in the noun stem. Nasalisation in the noun is an influ-ence from Ewe since I have observed that nasalization occurs only after nasal con-sonants in Logba. /ɛ/ also occurs as a prefix in the nouns in (40): 40. ɛkpɛ ‘year’ ɛdzɛ ‘women’ There is free variation between [ɪ] and [i] and [ʋ] and [u] except for a small num-ber of words for a number of speakers [ɪ] to the exclusion of [i] occurs in a few words in initial position. All examples are in (41): 41. ɪ.nfwɔ ‘worm’ ɪyɔ ‘grave’ ɪnɔ ‘meat’ [ʋ] to the exclusion of [u] occurs in only the initial position of a small number of nouns as prefix. These nouns are in (42). 42. ʋ -fɔtɔ ‘marshy area’ ʋ-wlɔ ‘Sunday’

ʋ -nyɪ ‘name’ ʋ -mɛnta ‘salt’

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One fact which comes out clearly is that while some of the native speakers con-sulted produce words which have these unadvanced vowels to sound close to their [+ATR] counterparts, others produce these vowels as if they were the [+ATR] vowels. To many people these [–ATR] vowels are perceived as the [+ATR] vowel close to them. I assume that this situation is the outcome of a nearly completed sound change in which /ɪ/ has shifted to /i/ and /ʋ/ has shifted to /u/ It is for these reasons that I now claim that Logba has seven vowels12. The close unadvanced vowels have merged with their advanced counterparts and what is evident now is the trace that it was once a nine vowel system. The assertion that these unadvanced vowels have undergone a merger with their advanced counterparts is similar to the observation of Harry Van der Hulst and Smith (1986) that these are the vowels which most commonly undergo changes as a result of the difficulty in their production and may eventually be lost or merge with other close vowels in a language (Stewart 1970, Casali 2003).

2.3.1 Vowel harmony Logba has seven vowels (see Table 2.2). All vowel affixes have two forms, one [+ATR] and the other [-ATR]. Selection of either of the forms depends on which harmony set the vowels in the lexical stem belong. If the stem is [+ATR], one of the following vowels will be chosen: /o u i e /. If on the other hand, it is [-ATR] it will come from the following set: /ɔ ɛ/. This is illustrated in the words below: 43. e-tsí ‘down’ e-bí ‘cocoa beans’ e-ke ‘root’ e-ví ‘sun’ 44. ɛ-dzɛ ‘women’ ɛ-kpɛ ‘year’ 45. o-tsú ‘forehead’ o-fú ‘guest’ o-kú ‘place’ o-vu ‘market’ 46. ɔ-kpɛ ‘one’ ɔ-dzá ‘fire’ ɔ-gbɔ ‘town’ ɔ-da ‘lowest part of a valley’ The stems of the words do not change. They impose a restriction on the vowels in the affixes making them to undergo a change. This is referred to as stem-controlled Vowel Harmony (Clements 2000). 12 In my earlier work which is a preliminary report, I state that Logba has a nine vowel system (Dorvlo 2004:241).

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Looking at the vowels in Logba, it is evident that the central vowel /a/ and the two close [+ATR] vowels have no harmonic partners. They harmonize with either [+ATR] or [-ATR] vowels in a word. In (47a) all the stems have [+ATR] vowels and in (47b) the stems have [-ATR] vowels. The first two words in each group have the central vowel /a/. 47a. [+ATR] 47b. [-ATR] a-débí ‘kidney’ a-n.dɔ ‘cat’ u-kpó ‘mountain’ u-fɔtɔ ‘marshy area’ i-sóbó ‘calf’ i-lɔ ‘word’ Mid vowels in stems are either [+ATR] or [-ATR]. This is exemplified in (48a) and (48b). 48a. [+ATR] 48b. [-ATR]

o-tsoe ‘ear’ bɔtɛ ‘resemble’ tole ‘send’ tɔlɛ ‘push’

Stems with [+ATR] mid vowels trigger [+ATR] affixes. In (49) bodze ‘come.look’ has [+ATR] mid vowels and the subject marker is a prefix /o/. 49. Ebitsi é óbodze akpaiva nu.

ebitsi=é ó-bo-dze akpa iva nu Child=DET SM-SG-come-look boot in ‘The child came to look in the boot.’ [15.1.06]

Stems with [-ATR] mid vowels in the stem vowel trigger [-ATR] affixes. In (50), the verb stem zɔ ‘go’ has the prefix /ɔ/. 50. Ee! Yɛ ɔzɔ…

ee! yɛ ɔ -zɔ Yes! CONJ 3SG-go ‘Yes! As he goes…’ [15.2.49]

All stems in which there is either [+ATR] or [-ATR] mid vowels take affixes containing /a/ /i/ and /u/. The following words in (51a) and (51b) illustrate this. 51a. [+ATR] 51b. [-ATR]

a-fé ‘comb’ a-bɛ ‘palmnut’ a-lo ‘or’ a-klɔ ‘goat’ u-gbe ‘voice’ u-mɛ ‘this’ i-té ‘front’ iyɛ 3SG.IND

The vowel harmony is root controlled but /a/, /i/, and /u/ have no harmonic coun-terpart. (52) exemplifies roots with /a/, (53) roots with /i/, and (54) roots with /u/.

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52. a-da ‘lizard’ ɔ-dzá ‘fire’

a-fá ‘house’ ɔ-ba ‘mud’ ɔ-fá ‘fence’

53. o-mi ‘he takes’ o-kpí ‘he went’ e-ti ‘soil’ e-vi ‘sun’

54. o-kú ‘place’ e-bú ‘They asked’

o-tú ‘gun’ /a/ is [-ATR] because it takes a [-ATR] prefix. (55) and (56) illustrate this. 55. Ɔlá ḿ. ɔ-lá=m 3SG-beat=3SG.OBJ ‘She/He beat me.’

56. Ɔsá nɖú é. ɔ -sá n-ɖu=e 3SG-fetch CM-water=DET ‘She/He fetched the water.’ /i/ and /u/ are [+ATR] because each triggers [+ATR] prefix. The verb stem in (57) has /i/ and (58) has /u/. They all trigger /o/ as the 3SG subject. 57. órí agbi ɛ ka óyó

ó-ri agbi=ɛ ka o-yo 3SG-hold dog=DET put CM-skin ‘he holds the dog close’ [15.1.03]

58. óŋú ɔblɛ ka anyi. ó-ŋú ɔ-blɛ ka anyi 3SG-see 3SG-own put face ‘he identified his.’ [15.1.41] There are stems in which there are vowels from [+ATR] and [-ATR]. The follow-ing words in (59) and (60) are examples: 59. mikpɛ ‘choose’

shíɖɛ ‘leave someone’ 60. zúzɔ asɔ ‘roast pot’

fútɔ ‘mix’

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These words futɔ and shíɖɛ trigger [+ATR] vowel prefix as can be seen in (61) and (62) and they harmonize with the nearest root vowel. 61. Ófutɔ amɔwɛ meŋgba á nu. ó-futɔ amɔwɛ meŋgba=a nu 3SG-mix dough bowl=DET in ‘He mixed dough in the bowl.’ 62. Óshíɖɛ ebítsi é afa á nu.

ó-shíɖɛ e-bítsi=é a-fa=á nu 3SG-leave CM-child=DET CM-house=DET in ‘He left the child in the house.’ There are some words in which the [+ATR] and [–ATR] mid vowels occur to-gether. This is exemplified in (63): 63. i-vaflɛgo ‘insect’ ɔ-dzɔgbenyi ‘northerner’

u-mɔkue ‘there’ a-ŋ.gblue ‘pipe for smoking’ u-trɔme ‘work’ fɔtete ‘green edible leaves’

2.3.2 Vowel sequencing in roots Long vowels, ee as in petee ‘completely’, aa as in dzaa ‘only’ are loans from Ewe. This expressive length is not considered phonemic. There are no vowel sequences in roots. Apparent vowel sequences in roots are better analysed as two margins plus a nucleus. The second margin is a glide (see section 2.7). The following are examples: 64. [ɔ-ń.zye] ‘owl’

[a-byá] ‘chair’ [a-bwé] ‘animal’ [a-fyé] ‘comb’ [nen.tswi] ‘cow’

2.3.3 Vowel sequences across morpheme boundaries When words beginning in a vowel are preceded by words terminating in a vowel they trigger vowel sequences which do not lead to diphthongs since they belong to different syllables. Another context in which this occurs is when the object of a verb is the 3PLUOBJ –a. This is illustrated in (65). 65. la á → [la.á] ‘beat them

blɔ á → [blɔ.á] ‘make them’ dze á → [dze.á] ‘look them’

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do á → [do.á] ‘build them’ fli á → [fli.á] ‘cut them’ bú á → [bu.á] ‘ask them’

There is a constraint in which two front mid vowels /e/+/e/, /ɛ/+/ɛ/ do not occur in a sequence in Logba even across word or syllable boundaries. When it occurs, it is phonetically realised as /ie/, /iɛ/. There are a number of contexts in which this occurs. When the determiner is realised as /e/ and it is preceded by a noun or num-ber word ending in /e/, this process is triggered (see the last two words in example (66). Also, a 3SGOBJ pronoun and a preposition ending in /e/ as shown in (67) or 3SGOBJ pronoun and a verb ending in /e/ as shown in (68) can trigger this proc-ess.

2.3.4 Noun + determiner The determiner is realised as /ɛ/ and /á/. These are allomorphs which are morpho-logically conditioned. /ɛ/ has [é] and [ɛ] as allomorphs which are phonologically conditioned. The following phrases in (65) are examples. 66. ɔkla é → [ɔkla.á] ‘the mat’

uklo é → [u.klo.é] ‘the lorry’ dzosú é → [dzosú.é] ‘the blood igbeɖi é → [i.gbe.ɖi.é]’ ‘the cassava aklɔ é → [a.klɔ.á] ‘the goat’ agbɛ é → [a.gbi.ɛ] ‘the dog’ egbe é → [e.gbi.é] ‘the stone’

2.3.5 Preposition and object pronoun The prepositions fɛ ‘at’ and kpɛ ‘with’ end in /ɛ/ and trigger /iɛ/ when they occur with the 3SGOBJ pronoun /ɛ/. They are shown in (67). 67. fɛ ɛ → [fi.ɛ] ‘at it’ kpɛ ɛ → [kpi.ɛ] ‘with it’ fɛ á → [fɛ.á] ‘at them’

kpɛ á → [kpɛ.á] ‘with them’

2.3.6 Verb and object The 3SGOBJ is é/ɛ. In the examples below, verbs ending in all the vowels possible are used. 68. la ɛ → [la.ɛ] ‘beat him/her’

blɔ ɛ → [blɔ.ɛ] ‘make it’ dze é → [dzi.é] ‘look it’

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do é → [do.é] ‘build it’ fli é → [fli.é] ‘cut it’ bú é → [bú.é] ‘ask it’

2.4 Tone

Tone is distinctive in Logba. Two tones are identified in the lexical data compiled on Logba. High tone is marked ( ) and Low tone is unmarked. A third tone, Rising tone is phonetically realised on a single syllable peak and is represented as ( ). This tone is found on a limited number of borrowed words from Ewe with the inland Ewe dialect tone (see 82). Tone is realised on vowels and syllabic nasals. The meaning of a word depends on the tone of each syllable as well as the vowels and consonants of which the word is made. In the examples in (69), the pairs of words have the same consonants and vowels and they are in the same sequence. However, the difference in their meanings is brought about by tone. 69 zɔ ‘sell’ zɔ ‘go’

avi ‘axe’ aví ‘groundnut’ dzi ‘tie firmly’ dzí ‘stand’ ubi ‘wound’ ubí ‘child’ fǒ ‘brother’ fó ‘wash’

Monosyllabic words can either be Low tone or High tone. (70) are examples of Low tone verb roots and (71) High tone verb roots respectively. Low tone

70. ba ‘kill’ ɖa ‘become fat’ ka ‘put’ lɛ ‘buy’ mi ‘take’ sa ‘leave’ fli ‘cut in pieces’ blɔ ‘make’ High tone

71. bú ‘ask’ wɔ ‘prick’ ŋú ‘see’ rí ‘hold’ sé ‘finish’ tsí ‘sit’ yé ‘stand’ trɔ ‘carry’ Monosyllabic noun roots can also be Low tone or high tone. They have a vowel prefix attached to the root. This is exemplified in (72) and (73) Low tone

72.i-so ‘faeces ‘ i-va ‘thing’ ɔ-kɔ ‘custom’ u-bi ‘wound’ a-bu ‘valley ‘ a-gli ‘wall’ a-dzi ‘bird’ u-dzi ‘heart’

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a-gu ‘top’ n-wu ‘dresses’ mva ‘medicines’

High tone

73.u-kú ‘bone’ ɔ-dzá ‘fire’ a-bí ‘palm kernel’ o-tú ‘gun’ a-dí ‘frog’ a-fé ‘comb’ u-hɛ ‘knife’ a fɔ ‘egg’ a-drú ‘mound’ á-fá ‘house’ n-ɖú ‘water’ n-tɔ ‘ash’

All possible tonal patterns, LL, HH, LH, and HL, are attested in disyllabic roots.

The examples in (74), (75) (76) and (77) are these tone combinations in disyllabic verb roots. 74. LL

ɖase ‘thank’ klanu ‘hide’ fifi ‘break’ ɖɔka ‘reserve’

75. HH

bálá ‘wind round’ fúfú ‘smash’ ɖɔɖí ‘love’ húhú ‘wave hand’

76. LH

tolɛ ‘send’ ganú ‘greet’ mumú ‘complete’

77. HL

dónu ‘shrink’ dzúba ‘return’ núma ‘fall down’ húhɔ ‘bathe lazily’

The examples in (78), (79) (80) and (81) are these tone combinations in disyllabic noun roots.

78. LL a-druva ‘Thursday’ i-same ‘happiness’ a-buba ‘termite’ e-bleta ‘left hand’ a-dzago ‘millet’

79. HH

a-búkpá ‘shoulder’ e-bítsí ‘child’ a-débí ‘kidney’ i-susɔ ‘thatch’ a-bótí ‘corpse’ o-túlí ‘mosquito’

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a-dzímí ‘mudfish’ o-lómí ‘testis’ a-gánɛ ‘scorpion ‘ ŋ-gbíní ‘okro’

Also included in the HH tonal pattern is an adjective which is derived from the reduplication of a noun stem: o-bí ‘child’ bíbí ‘small’ 80. LH

a-dzayí ‘firewood’ u-zugbó ‘head’ a-ɖɔɖí ‘love’ o-glɔyí ‘knee cap’ a-gutɔ ‘bat’ i-tibí ‘finger’ e-kelé ‘grass’ kutó ‘hat’

81. HL

a-fása ‘landlord’ i-kádza ‘black berries’ i-kpɔli ‘toe’ o-zúme ‘tomorrow’ o-kúmi ‘garden egg’ u-ɖóbe ‘afternoon’ u-kpóku ‘knee’

The LH tonal sequence on a single syllable peak can be found on a limited number of loan and ideophonic words. This is attested in the examples in (82). fǒ ‘brother’ akpǒ ‘sack’ zenklǎ ‘pot stand’ are loans with the inland Ewe dialect tone and tǒ ‘to fell palm tree’ sounds like an ideophonic word referring to the sound made when a palm tree is felled.

82. fǒ ‘brother’ tǒ ‘to fell palm tree’

akpǒ ‘sack’ zenklǎ ‘pot stand’

2.4.1 Change of tone in low tone monosyllabic verbs Monosyllabic verbs which have a low tone in citation form change to a high tone when inflected. All verbs are high in this frame, irrespective of the tone of the preceding subject prefix. The lexical tonal difference is evident in the citation form. The following low tone verbs are used in sentences to illustrate this: 83. kɔ ‘hang’

Awu é akɔ aglie yo. A-wu=é a-kɔ a-gli=e yó CM-dress=DET SM.SG-hang CM-wall=DET skin ‘The dress hangs on the wall.’

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84. kpe ‘know’

Okpé inashína. ó-kpé i-nashína 3SG-know CM-everybody ‘He knows everybody.’

85. ba‘kill’

Mabá agbi ɛ. ma-bá agbi=ɛ 1SG-kill dog=DET ‘I kill the dog.’

86. la ‘beat’

Ɔgblawo é ɔlá ebítsi é. ɔ-gblàwo=é ɔ-lá e-bítsi=é CM-teacher=DET SM.SG-beat CM-child=DET ‘The teacher beats the child.’

There is no change in the pitch of monosyllabic verbs which are pronounced with high tone in citation form. This is illustrated below: 87. zɔ ‘go’

Mazɔ ovu e nu. ma-zɔ o-vu=e nu 1SG-go CM-market in ‘I went to the market.’

88. blí ‘break’

Ati blí asɔ a. ati blí a-sɔ=a 1PLU break CM-pot=DET ‘We broke the pot.’

2.4.2 Register raising in polar interrogatives Polar interrogatives are marked by a final High tone. The effect of this is that the level of such an interrogative is raised in comparison to its counterpart statement. For instance, in the affirmative statement, akpɛ iva ‘you have eaten’, the tones of the syllables are as shown below. In particular, the last word has an underlying LL

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tone. However, in the interrogative, the tones on this last word are realised as LHH where the last L becomes HH. The final vowel is lengthened or doubled.

This is illustrated below supported with tracings from Praat:13

89a. Statement: A-kpɛ i-va L H L L

2SG-eat thing ‘You have eaten’

89b. Interrogative: A-kpɛ i-va-a L H L H H+ 2SG-eat thing

‘Have you eaten?’

The final tone of a polar interrogative can also be realised as extra High for em-phatic reasons. This phenomenon of rising for questions occurs in Akan as well (see Dolphyne 1988].

2.4.3 Tonal morphemes: aspect marked by tone Tone is used to indicate the difference between Habitual aspect tu and the Past Progressive aspect marker tú. The former is said with a Low pitch and the latter with a High pitch. In (90) tú has a high tone and it is Past Progressive but in (91) tù has a low tone and it is Habitual.

13 Software for acoustic analysis by Paul Boersma and David Weenink, University of Am-sterdam, Netherlands.

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90. Matúkpí ubón adzísiadzí ma-tú-kpí u-bón adzísiadzí 1SG-PTPROG-go CM-farm everyday ‘I was going to farm everyday’

91. Matukpí ubón adzísiadzí.

ma-tu-kpí u-bón adzísiadzí 1SG-HAB-go CM-farm everyday ‘I go to farm everyday.’

2.4.4 Nominalising suffix –go Qualifiers often contain the -go nominalising suffix produced with a low tone. A syllabic nasal which is homorganic with the nasal and acts as a binder for the two morphemes is produced with a low tone. It has been observed that this binder con-sistently occurs where the preceding syllable has a high tone, as shown by the following words in (92): 92. bugo ‘rotten one’ tséŋgo ‘old one’

kanyigo ‘oversmoked one’ tóŋgo ‘thick one’ (liquid) However, when the determiner, [-é], is suffixed to the nominal with the low tone -go suffix, it raises the pitch level of –go a little bit but phonologically it is still low. This is shown in (93a) below:

bugo [ ] bugoé [ ― ]

The following words in (93b) illustrate this. 93. bugo.é ‘the rotten one’ tséŋgo.é ‘the old one’

kanyigo.é ‘the oversmoked one’ tóŋgo.é ‘the thick one’ (liquid)

2.5 Phonological processes

The following phonological processes are common in the Logba language.

2.5.1 Final vowel deletion This phonological process is more easily observed in most CVNV syllable struc-ture. When the NV is –nu, the final vowel undergoes deletion. The tone of the

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vowel remains and docks on the alveolar nasal on the left. The following are ex-amples:

94. imɔ-nu iva /neck in thing/ → imɔn iva ‘necklace’

utsa-nu /room in/ → utsan ‘in the room’ ubo-nu /farm in/ → ubon ‘in the farm’

This also happens when mu 1SGOBJ pronoun is suffixed to the verb. In this con-text, the tone of the deleted vowel is high. It moves leftwards and docks on the bilabial nasal. 95. gbla-mú /teach me/ → gbla ḿ ‘teach me’

tá-mú /give me/ → ta ḿ ‘give me’ dzé-mú /look me/ → dze ḿ ‘look at me’

2.5.2 Palatalization of consonants Palatalization is the raising of the body of the tongue as in the production of the initial consonant in the English word, she. The following alveolar consonants /s/, /z/, /t/, /d/, /n/ are palatalized when each of them occurs before high vowels.

96. /t/ /otú/ [otsú] ‘hill’

/d/ /odú/ [odzú] ‘river’ /s/ /isikpɛ/ [ishikpɛ] ‘ring’ /z/ /zi/ [zhi] ‘good’ /n/ /ani/ [anyi]14 2PLU SUBJ.

2.5.3 Vowel elision and labialization (Palatalization of consonant is restricted to the Tota dialect.) When the plural mor-pheme is suffixed to nouns which end with a close front vowel, this vowel under-goes deletion and the rounding of lips which is associated with the semivowel /w/ of the suffix remains. The following words in (97a) attest to this:

97a.

etsi ‘parent etsi-wɔ ‘parents’ eʧwɔ uklontsi ‘book’ uklontsi-wɔ ‘books’ uklonʧwɔ

A further reduction is the optional realisation of tsiwɔ as [twɔ] in the word etsí ‘parent.’ This also occurs in ebitsí –wɔ [ebitwɔ] ‘children’. This is illustrated in (97b) below.

14 This is found to be peculiar to the speech of Vuinta speakers.

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97b. ebitsí ‘child’ ebitsí-wɔ ‘children’ ebitwɔ15

etí ‘parent’ etí-wɔ parents’ etwɔ

2.5.4 Pronoun + verb stem + object pronoun [ATR] harmony operates across the word. The affixes have the same value based on the [ATR] value of the root. The spread is bidirectional. That is, from the verb and moves regressively to the bound form of the subject pronoun and from the verb to the bound form of the object pronoun. Example (98) shows [+ATR] har-mony spread on the suffix and the prefix and (99), (100) and (101) illustrate [–ATR] harmony spread on the prefix and the suffix of the verb. (99) is an exam-ple of a multi syllabic verb with a combination of [+ATR] and [–ATR] vowels in the verb stem. It triggers [–ATR] harmony with the value of the vowels at the edges.

[+ATR] 98. ófó e

ó-fó=e 3SG.SUBJ-wash=3SG.OBJ

‘He/She washed it.’

[-ATR] 99. aŋkpáwasa a ɔ-falifɛ ɛ

a-ŋkpáwasa=á ɔ-falifɛ=ɛ CM-jujuman=DET 3SG.SUBJ-charm=3SG.OBJ ‘The jujuman charmed him/her.’

100.ɔsrá ɛ ɔ-srá=ɛ 3SG.SUBJ-sieve=3SG.OBJ ‘He/She sieved it.’

101.ɔblɔ ɛ ɔ-blɔ=ɛ 3SG.SUBJ-make=3SG.OBJ ‘He/she made it.’

15 In the case of ebitwɔ some native speakers pronounce it in a way that the semi vowel is not audible at all.

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2.5.5 Assimilation of tense and aspect markers

2.5.5.1 Present progressive The present progressive morpheme is lu. The underlying vowel is /u/ because this is the vowel quality that surfaces after a consonant subject prefix such as /n/ for 1SG, and after a open vowel subject prefix such as /a/ for 2SG. For example, nlu alu. The /l/ of the progressive morpheme completely assimilates to become /n/ after the nasal of 1SG. in the Alakpeti dialect. The /l/ however, becomes a stop /d/ in the Tota dialect16. In other cases, (non nasal, non-low prefix), the /u/ vowel of present progressive assimilates in closeness and in frontness to the vowel of the subject prefix and for the mid-vowel in [ATR] to the vowel of the stem. In the 3SG, the progressive morpheme assimilates to the vowel of the pronoun [ɔ] / [o] to become lɔ, lo. Simi-larly, the underlying vowel of the present progressive morpheme assimilates to the vowel of the 3PLU morpheme to be realized as e/e, ɛ/ɛ. In the 1PLU and the 2PLU the pronouns are two syllable words which have /a/ and /i/ in the first and second syllables respectively. The /i/ in the second syllable influences the underlying vowel /u/ to become /i/. This makes the vowel of the progressive morpheme in the 1PLU and 2PLU to change to /i/. 102. 1SG Nnúlɛ afúta (Alakpeti) ‘I am buying cloth.’ 1SG Ndulɛ afúta (Tota) ‘I am buying cloth.’ 2SG Alúlɛ afúta ‘You are buying cloth.’ 3SG Ɔlɔlɛ afúta ‘He /She is buying cloth.’ 1PLU Atililɛ afúta ‘We are buying cloth.’ 2PLU Anililɛ afúta ‘You (PLU) are buying cloth.’ 3PLU Ɛlɛlɛ afúta ‘They are buying cloth.’ 103. 1SG Nnúdó utsaá‘(Alakpeti) ‘I am building the house.’

1SG Ndúdó utsaá (Tota) ‘I am building the house.’ 2SG Alúdó utsa a ‘You are building the house.’ 3SG Ólódó utsa a ‘He /She is building the house.’ 1PLU Atilídó utsa á ‘We are building the house.’

2PLU Anilídó utsa á ‘You (PLU) are building the house.’ 3PLU Élédó utsa á ‘They are building the house.’ The example sentences in (104) and (105) illustrate further that the verb stem con-trols the harmony spread. The verb selects one of the ATR pairs of the vowel pre-fixes that harmonises with the aspect marker. In (104), kpomi the main verb, has

16 It is for this reason that there are two forms for the 1SG present progressive in the para-digms below. Alakpeti:Nnú za iva ‘I am cooking’ but in the Tota dialect Ndú za iva ‘I am cooking.’

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[+ATR] vowels. This results in the selection of o-lo. However, in (105) where the main verb zɔ has a [–ATR] vowel stem ɔ-lɔ is selected. 104.olokpomi kla ko ó-lo-kpomi kla ko

3SG-PRSPROG-collect hide only ‘he is collecting it and only hide it only’ [15.2.20]

105.Adzi ɛ ɔlɔzɔ iku .

adzi=ɛ ɔ-lɔ-zɔ i-ku bird=DET SM.SG-PRSPROG-sing CM-song ‘The bird is singing’ [15.3.31]

2.5.5.2 Habitual and past progressive The Habitual is represented by tu with a low tone. It has other forms depending on the harmony in the verb stem and the pronoun following the same rules as estab-lished for lu. These are: ti, te, to, tɔ. The Past Progressive uses the same segmental form but only the vowel carries a high tone. 106. Habitual 1SG matuzɔ‘ ‘I go’ 2SG atuzɔ ‘you go’ 3SG ɔtɔzɔ ‘she/he goes’ 1PLU atitizɔ ‘we go’ 2PLU anitizɔ ‘you go’ 3PLU ɛtɛzɔ ‘they go’

107. Past Progressive 1SG matuyé‘ ‘I was standing’ 2SG atuyé ‘you were standing’ 3SG otóyé ‘she/he was standsing’ 1PLU atitíyé ‘we were standing’ 2PLU anitíyé ‘you were standing’ 3PLU étéyé ‘they were standing’

The proverb in (108) demonstrates further that the [ATR] harmony spread is con-trolled by the verb root. The verb, kpe ‘know’ has a [+ATR] vowel stem /e/. This makes the 3SG pronoun to select /o/ which is the [+ATR] form of the pronoun. 108.‘Antɛnyi tɛ mkpɔnyi moóma olɛ fɛ otokpe afágba.’

Antɛnyi tɛ mkpɔnyi moóma o-lɛ fɛ earthworm say eye NEG have 3SG-be also

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o-to-kpe afa-gba AM-HAB know home-path ‘Earthworm says that even without eyes it knows the home path.’ [15.4.24]

2.5.5.3 Future The underlying form of the future marker is bá with a high tone. The same assimi-lation rules apply as established for lu. That is complete assimilation to preceding (non-open) vowel. The form for 1SG is ma with a low tone. This is exemplified in (109) and (110). 109. SINGULAR PLURAL

1. mabázɔ ‘I will go’ 1. atibízɔ ‘We will go’ 2. abázɔ ‘You will go’ 2. anibízɔ ‘You will go’ 3. ɔbɔzɔ ‘She/He will go’ 3. ɛbɛzɔ ‘They will go’

110. SINGULAR PLURAL

1. mabáfó ‘I will wash’ 1. atibífó ‘We will wash’ 2. abáfó ‘You will wash’ 2. anibífó ‘You will wash’ 3. óbófó ‘She/He will wash’ 3. ébéfó ‘They will wash’

2.6 Loanword phonology

Ewe and Akan loan words are used profusely in the Logba language. Heine (1968:131) writing on loanwords in Togo Remnant languages, notes that ‘The southern and eastern Togo Remnant languages borrowed mostly from Ewe and the western languages of this group borrowed from Twi’. He further notes that loan words of European origin have entered the language through the African lingua franca. What I have observed is that Ewe-Logba bilinguals with Ewe dominance and younger speakers especially those in the ‘diaspora’ use words from Ewe, Akan and English freely when they are speaking Logba.17 When Ewe nouns which have a mid tone prefix are borrowed in Logba, they are pronounced with a low tone prefix. With some words not only the tone changes but also a different noun class prefix is selected. The Ewe words and the Logba borrowings in (111) illustrate this: 111. Ewe Logba Gloss

ēló òló ‘crocodile’ 17 Before my initial fieldwork, I met two persons on University of Ghana Campus, on sepa-rate occassions. They are natives of Logba and they offered to describe some pictures which are part of the elicitation tools. These recordings were later played to a number of adult speakers on one of my visits to Logba. Surprisingly, the evaluation they gave is below the standard I expected

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ākpɔnɔ àkpɔnɔ ‘biscuit’ ēglà ìglà ‘jaw’ ēɖù ìɖù ‘gunpowder’ āká ìká ‘charcoal’ ēsɔ ɔsɔ ‘horse’

Also there is a change of consonants of the Ewe loans in Logba. With some Ewe loan words with a CVCV stem, there is a change in the place of articulation of the consonant without a change in the vowel and the tone. ƒoƒú ‘gather’ in Ewe is real-ised as xoxú in Logba. Labialised velar fricative replaces the Ewe bilabial fricative which is absent in Logba. Example is ekuteƒe ‘funeral’ in Ewe, and in Logba the prefix is changed to /o/ and the bilabial fricative is replaced with velar fricative. Also the vowel in the final syllable becomes /oe/ in Logba instead of /e/ in this particular example. Other examples show that some words which are loaned have the same form and they do not undergo any change at all. The word xe is an exam-ple. It is used in inland Ewe dialects as relative particle and a particle that intro-duces the conditional clause. It has the same function in Logba. A handful of words are identified with nasalised vowels that are loaned from Ewe. The nasalised vowels can be prolonged on the same pitch to show intensity. They can be analysed as ideophonic adverbs. Otherwise nasalisation only occurs allo-phonically in the context of nasal consonants in Logba. This is exemplified in (112): 112. tsyɔɔ ‘for a long time’ fãã ‘freely’ Akan loan words do not show any significant change except that high tone mono-syllabic verbs change to a low tone in the uninflected citation form (see section 2.4.1). The citation form is formed by backformation on the basis of this rule. This is shown in the verb wò ‘give birth in (113): 113. Akan Logba Gloss

abɛ abɛ ‘palm nut’ opɛtɛ opɛtɛ ‘vulture’ wó wò ‘give birth’

English is a stress-timed language and has syllable types which are not found in the Logba language. Because of these facts, loan words from English to Logba un-dergo many changes. Consonant clusters and diphthongs are reduced to simple CVCV syllable with each vowel given a significant tone. Loans from English to Ewe have similar phonological features. It is not certain whether Logba borrowed via Ewe. The English loan words and how they are pronounced in the Logba lan-guage are shown in (114). Ewe pronunciations are also provided to show that they are identical with the Logba ones.

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114. English Ewe Logba Gloss

plate /pleit/ pirénté pirénté ‘plate’ pear /pɛə(r)/ péya péya ‘pear’ school /sku:l/ sukú sukú ‘school’

2.7 Logba orthography

Considering the structure of words in Logba and their phonology, some of the orthographic conventions have been adopted and used in the grammatical descrip-tion. The following consonant phonemes are written with the same character as their phonetic representation. 115. f, v, s, z, t, d, k, g, kp, gb, x, h, ts, dz, m, n, ŋ The phonetic representation [ɳ] and [j] have the orthographic form as ‘ny’ and ‘y’ respectively. The apical post alveolar is written with character ‘ɖ’. The glottal fricative is written with the character ‘h’. The vowels, /a, i, e, ɛ, u, o, ɔ,/ are written as a, i, e, ɛ, u, o, ɔ. High tone is marked with an acute accent on the segment (á) and low tone is unmarked. Rising tone which is phonetically realised on a single syllable peak is represented with a haček as in ( ǎ ). The palatal glide /y/ is written with the character ‘i’ in the second margin in a CCV syllable (see section 2.3.2 – 2.3.3 for a discussion of this). This is illustrated in (116). 116. [bya] bia ‘boil’ [a-fye] afie ‘comb’ In the nucleus in a CV syllable, the close front vowel /i/ is written as ‘i’ as shown in the following words in (117) 117. [í-ɖí] í-ɖí ‘atmosphere’ [zi] zi ‘close’ [bí] bí ‘pluck’ The labial-velar approximant /w/ as a second element in a CCV syllable structure is written with the character ‘u’ (see section 2.3.3). This is illustrated in (118). 118. [ywé] yue ‘pound’ [bwá] buá ‘fold’ [a-bwé] abué ‘animal’

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[fu-fwi] fufuí ‘pounded yam / cassava’ However, in the onset in a CV or CCV syllable the sound /w/ is written as ‘w’ as shown in (119). 119. [a-wɔ] awɔ ‘snake’ [wasa] wasa ‘owner’ [wa] wa ‘say’ [wú] wú 2SGOBJ [wlí] wlí ‘many’ [wla] wla ‘waste something’ The subject markers are written together with the verbs they are attached to. In (120) the subject marker /i/ is attached to ɖu ‘be’ 120.Aɖɔɖí i ɖu ikago kelekele. A-ɖɔɖí i-ɖu i-kago kelekele CM-love SM-be CM-law first

‘Love is the first law’ [15.8.02] Also monosyllabic preverbal markers and the first pair of the negative marker are written together with the verb. This is illustrated in (121) 121. amolóŋú ɔŋkpɛ a-mo-ló-ŋú ɔ-ŋkpɛ 3PLU-NEG-PRSPROG-see CM-nothing ‘they are not getting anything’ [15.10.26] Compounds are written with a hyphen while verb and object, noun and determiner are written separately. Some of these conventions, for example, the use of the vowel symbols for the C2 glide consonants, are inspired by Ewe orthographic practice since some of the Logba speakers are literate in Ewe and are familiar with written Ewe.

3 NOUNS AND NOUN CLASSES This chapter is in three major parts. The first part describes the noun class system and goes on to discuss noun compounds in part two and pronouns in part three.

3.1 Nouns

Nouns in Logba have a low-tone vowel prefix. There are also nouns with nasal prefix and some loan words which are prefixless. All vowels are used as prefix on nouns. Out of a total of 1,635 words in my lexical data base, 1,069 are nouns out of which 799 have a vowel prefix, which is 75 per cent of the nouns in the data. The distribution of the noun with singular prefix is in Table 3.1 below: Table 3.1 Frequency of Noun Prefix in lexemes

PREFIX NUMBER PERCENTAGE a 258 32.3 i 153 19.2 u 138 17.2 ɔ 104 13.2 o 101 12.6 e 43 5.3 ɛ 2 0.2 TOTAL 799 100.0

In Table 3.1 /a/ has the highest frequency because it is capable of being attached to stem with both [+ATR] and [–ATR] vowels. The least frequent vowel prefix is /ɛ/. Prefixes are used with nouns in citation form. In some cases, these prefixes are elided or changed to other vowels when they combine with other nouns or words. Another observation from the study of the data is that there are 32 lexical items which are descriptive noun compounds with [iva-] ‘thing’. When this is added, the total will be 831 nouns and the /i-/ prefix nouns will have the frequency of 22.3 per cent.

3.1.1 Noun classes While some languages have two or three genders, others have a detailed system by which they arrange their nouns according to the features they have in common. Anderson (1985:175) reports that the number of groups may range from two (as in French) three (as in Latin) four (as in Australian language, Dyirbil) to as many as twenty or so (in the noun class languages of Africa).

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According to Schuh (1995:128) the term, noun class has been used in at least two senses in African languages. In one use, it refers to ‘a single set of morphological concords’. In another sense, it refers to ‘a paired set of morphological concords’ where the member of the pair refers to singular and the other member is its plural equivalent. I use noun class in the first sense. In a noun class language of the Niger Congo family generally, nouns have a par-ticular prefix in the singular, and form their plural through the use of a different prefix. There are some nouns especially mass nouns which, as a result of their meaning do not have a number differentiation. Also, there is a system of morpho-logical concord between a nominal and the verb. The GTM languages are reported by most researchers to have noun class systems and Logba is no exception. A close examination of the noun class system reveals three interconnected systems. These are: a. The prefix classes b. The singular and plural pairings c. The agreement classes.

3.1.2 The prefix classes The largest number of nouns has an a- prefix. These nouns have the nasal prefix as their plural. Nouns that have u- in the singular have e-/ɛ- in the plural and those that have e-/ɛ- in the singular have a nasal prefix in the plural. There are some nouns with the nasal prefix which are liquid nouns. The nouns that have o-/ɔ-prefix in the singular have i-prefix in the plural. A group of nouns with the i-prefix are mass nouns. There is another group of nouns which do not have a prefix. These zero prefix nouns are identified as borrowed words.

3.1.3 Singular plural pairings Another system that comes up is the singular and plural pairings. This is shown in table 3.2 below: Table 3.2: Singular and plural pairings.

SINGULAR PLURAL a- N- u- e-/ɛ e-/ɛ N- o-/ɔ- i-

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3.1.4 Agreement classes It is a grammatical requirement in Logba to cross reference the subject on the verb as concord. This is used to put the nouns into agreement classes. The nouns which have the o-/ɔ- verbal concord are by far the largest group of nouns. They comprise nouns with the following prefixes. o-/ɔ-, u-, e-/ɛ-, and a- prefix nouns18. These are all singular nouns. Nouns that trigger the i- verbal concord are those that take i- noun prefix. Nouns whose stems belong to the o-/ɔ- noun prefix take the o-/ɔ- sin-gular class. Nouns that are cross referenced by the N- prefix as verbal concord are those nouns that take the N-noun prefix. Nouns with the e-/ɛ- plural noun prefix trigger the concord of the same form.

3.2 Subject agreement markers

The Subject agreement classes of all the Noun classes are further illustrated with example sentences in Table 3.3. Table 3.3: Subject Agreement classes with example sentences

NOUN PREFIX

VERBAL CONCORD

EXAMPLE SENTENCE

a- ó- A-gbi=ɛ ó-ŋú n-wo u-tsa. CM-dog=DET SM.SG-see CM-bee CM-home The dog saw a bee hive.

ɔ- A-ndɔ-=a ɔ-zɔ ɔ-dzátsúmɛ. CM-cat=DET SM.SG-go CM-kitchen The cat went to the kitchen.

N- Ń- N-kɔ=a ń-dó. CM-fowl=DET SM.PLU-go.out The fowls went out.

a- á- A-fútá á-kɔ a-gli=é yó. CM-cloth SM.SG-hang CM-wall=DET skin The cloth hangs on the wall.

u- ó- U-dzi=ɛ ó-glɛ belet. CM-girl=DET SM.SG-tie belt The girl has a belt on her waist.

ɔ- U-nansá=á ɔ-zɔ Tota. CM-chief=DET SM.SG-go Tota The chief went to Tota.

18 A small group of a-prefix nouns, which I describe as artefacts because they are - wood, clay, cotton and metal objects, take a-prefix as agreement marker in the singular. In the plural, they fall in the class of nasal prefix nouns and take N- as agreement marker.

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e- é- E-nansá é-bá Klikpo. CM-chief SM.PLU-come Klikpo Chiefs came to Klikpo.

e- ó- E-feshi-=é o-bo u-tsá nu. CM-sheep=DET SM.SG-stay CM-house in The sheep is in the room.

ɔ- E-bitsí=e ɔ-fɔnyí kɔɖuatsia. CM-child=DET SM.SG-peel banana. The child peels banana.

e- á- E-kele-wɔ á-lé a-fá=á nu. CM-grass-PLU SM.PLU-be AM-house=DET in Grasses are in the house.

o- i- ó- O-ló ó-rí=e. CM-crocodile SM.SG-hold=3SGOBJ crocodile caught him.

ɔ- Ɔ-gblawò=e ɔ-la Kofi. CM-teacher=DET SM.SG-beat Kofi The teacher beat Kofi.

i- í- I-wɔ i-bo a-fá=á nu. CM-mortar SM.PLU-stay CM-house=DET in Mortars are in the house.

N- Ń- N-ɖú ń-tɔ u-zí-e yó. CM-water SM-pour CM-door=DET skin Water pours on the door.

i- i- I-nɔ í-tsi futsu=é nu. CM-meat SM-be.in soup=DET in Meat is in the soup.

The verbal subject marker is specified as SM.SG when it refers to a singular noun and SM.PLU when it refers to a plural noun. The subject marker is left unspecified for singular or plural when it refers to liquid and mass nouns. For liquid and mass nouns, SM is used. No class distinction is indicated in the glossing of the subject marker. The prefixes on the noun are glossed as CM for both singular prefix and plural prefix. The additional suffix –wɔ attached to some nouns is glossed as PLU. Other noun class agreement markers such as those on demonstratives and quantifiers are glossed with AM (agreement marker). There is an agreement relation between the noun and the demonstrative. In the singular, o-/ɔ- is used as a prefix to the demonstrative, a- for plural, i- for mass nouns and other i-prefix nouns. N- is the agreement marker for liquid nouns and any other N-prefix nouns.

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The agreement relation between the noun and question word bɛ ‘how much’ is identical to that of the demonstrative but restricted to the plural classes so the plu-ral agreement marker a- is used, i- for mass nouns and for other i-noun prefix nouns and N- for liquid and N-prefix nouns. Other question words which combine with singular nouns use o-/ɔ- as a prefix to the question word. In respect of numbers, when used as modifiers the numbers one to six which have i-prefix when counting, exhibit variation in the prefix to show agreement with the head noun. But it is only when the head noun is individuated that the agreement is shown. With the singular prefix classes, nouns belonging to u-, e-/ɛ-, o-/ɔ- take the o-/ɔ- agreement on the number. Countable nouns belonging to the N-class take the N- agreement marking on the number. The a-prefix class of artefacts takes a- agreement marker. The a- noun prefix class of animates take o-/ɔ-. The e-/ɛ- plural nouns take the a- agreement marking on the number. The choice between e-/ɛ-, and o-/ɔ- depends on the [ATR] harmony in the word. The agreement systems are shown in Table 3.4. Table 3.4: Agreement systems.

NUMBER PREFIX VERB AGREEMENT DEMONSTRATIVE I a- SG o-/ɔ- o-/ɔ- II N- PLU N- N- III u- SG o-/ɔ- o-/ɔ- IV e-/ɛ- PLU e-/ɛ a- V e-/ɛ- SG o-/ɔ- o-/ɔ- VI N- PLU a- N- VII o-/ɔ- SG o-/ɔ- o-/ɔ- VIII i- PLU i- i- IX a- SG a- a-

A combination of external verb agreement and noun phrase internal agreement results in nine different agreement classes: five singular and four plural classes. Two of the ‘plural’ agreement classes also contain nouns that have no number distinction. These are mass nouns with a noun prefix i- in class VIII and liquid nouns with a nasal prefix in class II. There are two singular noun classes with a noun prefix a-. These are distinguished in verb agreement only. There are two plural noun classes with a noun prefix N-. These too are distinguished in verb agreement only. The singular classes I, III, V, and VII have identical agreement patterns but different noun prefix and different plural pairings .

3.2.1 Further statements about the nouns The following statements can be made about nouns in Logba:

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With some plural nouns in class II and VI with a nasal noun prefix there is addi-tional suffixation of the plural marker -wɔ. The following nouns attest to this: 1. a-gutɔ ŋ-gutɔ-wɔ ‘bat’

a-dzimi n-dzimi-wɔ ‘mudfish’ e-féshí n-féshí-wɔ ‘sheep’

Some nouns have only [-wɔ] attached to them without the alternation of the noun prefix. These nouns are loans either from Ewe or can be traced to other languages in the area. The plural morpheme in Ewe is [wó]. It is probable that the Logba form [-wɔ] is based on this morpheme. These nouns show the same agreement as their singular counterparts. The following nouns are examples: 2. a-kpɔnɔ a-kpɔnɔ-wɔ ‘biscuit’

u-kplɔ u-kplɔ-wɔ ‘table’ a-kó a-kó-wɔ ‘parrot’

There is another group in the e- class (IV/V) which makes use of no plural prefix. They appear to form a class because they are nouns relating to the things in the environment. 3. e-ví e-ví ‘sun’

e-tsí e-tsí ‘land’ e-gbe e-gbe ‘stone’ e-ke e-ke ‘root’

There are other prefixless nouns which take the plural suffix -wɔ and without pre-fix. These nouns can be traced to Ewe. Some of the words, for example, a-bladzo have prefixes in Ewe. 4. mangɔ mangɔ-wɔ ‘mango’

bladzó bladzó-wɔ ‘plantain’ fesre fesre-wɔ ‘window’ seƒóƒó seƒóƒówɔ ‘flowers’

There is a simplification of the singular-plural prefix system going on. In an elicita-tion session in Jim Borton Memorial Secondary School in Adzakoe on nouns and their plurals from students who are native speakers between 16 to 21years of age, the students added the suffix -wɔ to nouns. When I presented the data to older speakers in Klikpo, Adiveme and Alakpeti, they frowned on these forms describing them as ungrammatical and a careless adulteration of the language. This simplification and generalisation is common among the younger speakers. One can infer that in a not too distant future, when the present generation of adult population passes away, what will remain of the class system will be difficult to

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notice. This does not mean that the -wɔ suffix is inappropriate. There are many nouns for which this suffix is the accepted form. In nouns referring to peoples there can be singular suffix parallel to the plural suffix. A good candidate to exemplify this point is the noun A-kpana-nyi, which means ‘a person who hails from Akpana’. There is a template for prefixing and suffixing on the noun in the language and that there is an internal shift in the lan-guage in favour of the suffix, -wɔ. In addition, I propose that the noun prefix is a language internal grammatical feature and the wɔ suffix is a product of the contact with Ewe (see Bertho 1952:1051). It is probable that this process will continue until a large number of the prefixes will be ‘bleached out’ of the language. There are nouns which attract neither plural prefix nor plural suffix. These are nouns which are non-count or mass nouns. They also include undifferentiated nouns like ‘stone’, ‘land’ and nouns like ‘sun’ and ‘moon’. It is probable that the world knowledge of the people makes them conceive these nouns as having no identifiable plural. Some examples are in (5a- 5d). 5a. a-

a-bobí ‘moon /month’ a-bu ‘valley’ a-débí ‘kidney’ A-drúva ‘Thursday’ a-nú ‘mouth’

5b. u-

ú-sú ‘urine’ u-súsɔfolí ‘bladder’ u-mɛnta ‘salt’ u-múshi ‘smoke’

5c. e-

é-gbe ‘stone’ e-tsí ‘land’ e-ví ‘sun’ e-ke ‘root’

5d. o-/ɔ- ɔ-dɔntí ‘waist’ ɔ-dzá ‘fire’ o-kúnu ‘anus’ o-lómí ‘testis’

There are a few nouns that have suppletive and compound plurals. The stem of the plural a-ha ‘persons’ is closely similar to the Ewe word for group ha. The plural for

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‘man’ and ‘woman’ are compounds using the word ina- as the first word of the compound followed by the word for man or woman. This is illustrated in (6): 6. i-na ‘person’ a-há ‘persons’ ɔ-sá ‘man’ i-ná-sá19 ‘men (literally: person men)’ u-dzɛ ‘woman’ i-ná-dzɛ20 ‘women (literally: person women)

Noun classes may have semantic bases. This has been demonstrated for some lan-guages (see Breedveld 1995, Aikhenvald 2000). However, the patterns displayed in languages are not universal, there are marked language specific differences. A rough semantic range is typical of each noun class. Each class has other nouns which are not easily accounted for by a single semantic feature. a- class as Class I and Class IX The a- class hosts a large number of nouns. Three sub-semantic groups emerge. These are: a. Animals. b. Body parts c. Artefacts. The semantic subgroup of Animals contains nouns referring mostly to animals, and insects. The o- / ɔ- prefix is used to refer to them. 7a. Animals

a-n.dɔ ‘cat’ a-gbɛ ‘dog’ a-n.kɔ ‘chicken’ a-klɔ ‘goat’ a-gú ‘antelope’ a-lá ‘scorpion’ a-kpakpla ‘frog’ a-gbíglɔmɔ ‘spider’

7b. Insects

a-zuzɔ ‘housefly’ a-nyɔ ‘louse’ akpakpla ‘frog’ is borrowed from Ewe and it is integrated in this class. This is based on the form and the meaning in Ewe and Logba. b. Nouns referring to visible parts of the body form a second semantic group within this class. These terms can be applied to parts of animals as well. 8. a-trɔ ‘breast’ a-ŋaŋa ‘rib’

a-fuí ‘thigh’ a-gbashi ‘arm’ a-kukɔli ‘finger nails’

c. Nouns in this group are things made from e.g. clay or wood or cotton by humans for use in their daily activities. They constitute class IX and have an a- verbal agreement prefix. 19 There are some speakers who have the plural as asáwɔ. 20 There are some speakers who have the plural as ɛdzɛwɔ.

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9. a-lɛ ‘clay-bowl’ a-kɔntí ‘basket’

a-kpó ‘farm-bag’ a-sɔ ‘pot’ a-biá ‘chair’ a-fúta ‘cloth’

u- class Class III This class contains at least four semantic clusters, namely: 1. Kinship terms, 2. Social organisation terms, 3. Human category terms and 4. Important socio-cultural possessions. 10a. Kinship terms

u-gusa ‘brother’ u-tí ‘father’ u-gu ‘husband’ u-má ‘mother’

10b. Social group terms

u-sá ‘clan’ u-nánsa ‘chief’ (status) u-bɔme ‘town’

10c. Human category terms

u-dzɛ ‘woman’ u-bí ‘child

Socio-culturally salient entities and their parts (or things that belong to them) be-long to this class. It could be argued that u-tsa ‘house’ is the bridge between the social organisation and these socio-culturally important terms. Among these, barn, grinding stone can be found in the home and in some cases in the farm: 11. u-tsá ‘house’ u-loégbé ‘grinding stone’

u-bo ‘farm’ u-mútsí ‘barn’

e- class Class V This is a small class comprising natural elements and items relating to ritual and religious practices 12. e-ví ‘sun’ e-gbe ‘stone’ ɛ-kpɛ ‘year’ e-kelé ‘grass’ e-tsí ‘ground’ e-fiéyí ‘calabash’ e-feshi ‘sheep’ e-te ‘tooth’

While in the field I observed a ritual caried out for the expiation for an attempted suicide in one of the Logba villages21. For example, some of the items listed above 21 The ritual is recorded on a DVD and is available for viewing.

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were used or referred to during the ceremony confirming that they are a functional class. o- class Class VII The nouns in this class refer to God, man, important people, big animals and soft and attached human body parts. This class can be referred to as the augmentative class, the class of important things. This class includes the words related to male gender including specific body parts such as testis. The nouns belonging to the different sub-groups include: 13a.God and important people Ɔ-kpaya ‘God’ o-núkpá ‘king’ ɔ-sá ‘man’

13b.Big animals ɔ-sámínángo ‘leopard’ o-dró ‘elephant’ o-gbómí ‘monkey’ ɔ-sɔ ‘horse’ o-ló ‘crocodile’

13c.Soft and attached body parts

o-lómí ‘testis’ o-tsóe ‘ear’ ɔ-tɔ ‘cheek’

o-núkpá ‘king’ is perhaps loaned from Ga: o-ló the word for ‘crocodile’ is similar to Ewe e-ló but the prefix is different. The word for horse could also be borrowed from Ewe: esɔ. In fact, in some Ewe dialects the word has o- prefix. For example in the Peki dialect, it is o-sɔ N-class This class is dominated by nouns referring to non-individuated entities especially liquids. Some of the members are: 14. n-da ‘liquor’

n-ɖú ‘water’ n-fú ‘oil’

i-class In this class are non-count nouns which refer to either abstract entities like peace or masses made up of particles such as rice or sand. 15. i-be ‘time’ i-yóyú ‘peace’

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i-n-fieyi ‘sand’ i-yánu ‘air’ i-tsí ‘soil’ i-múnyí ‘hair’ i-kágo ‘rule’ i-hanágo ‘indiscipline’ i-m-bí ‘rice’

3.3 Compounding

3.3.1 Compounding of nouns When two nouns are compounded the vowel prefix of the second noun is elided with the low tone it carries. If the second noun has a nasal prefix, it maintains its position forming a syllabic consonant. The order in compounds is head final. Ex-amples are in (16): 16. idzɔ iyɔ ‘yamstick’ idzɔyɔ ‘yam-pole’

iwó nɖú ‘bee water’ iwónɖú ‘honey’ ankɔ afɔ ‘hen egg’ ankɔfɔ ‘hen egg’ agbí afúta ‘spider cloth’ agbífúta ‘spider web’

3.3.2 Compounding of postpositional phrase +noun A noun may be added to a noun and postposition to form a compound. The vowel prefix of the noun is elided with the low tone it carries. Examples in (17): 17. ukplɔ tsu afúta table on cloth ukplɔtsúfútá ‘table cloth’

udzi tsu imunyi heart on hair udzitsúmúnyí ‘chest hair’

3.3.3 Compounding of noun +wasa The lexical formative wasa ‘owner’ is added to a noun stem to form a new nominal as in (18) 18. aŋkpá wasa ‘juju owner’ aŋkpáwasa ‘jujuman’ adzɛ wasa ‘witch owner’ adzɛwasa ‘witch’

3.3.4 Compounding of noun +sex-determining word A noun can be compounded with a root of ɔ-sa ‘man’ or u-dzɛ ‘woman’ The prefix of the sex determining word is elided, as exemplified in (19).

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19. afá udzɛ ‘house woman afádzɛ ‘landlady’ afá ɔsá ‘house man’ afása ‘landlord’

aklɔ ɔsá ‘goat man aklɔsa ‘he-goat’ abué udzɛ ‘animal woman’ abuédzɛ ‘female animal, goat’

In (19) the compound word, abuédzɛ is used in most cases to refer to nanny-goat. This is a sacred animal to the Logba people. They are not supposed to kill it or inadvertently eat a meal prepared with it.

3.3.5 Compounding of noun + verb Another compound which is common is a sequence of noun and verb. The verb denotes a property. The following are examples: 20. iyó yú ‘skin cold’ iyóyú ‘peace’

asɔ druí ‘pot red’ asɔdruí ‘unmentionable’ asɔdruí is used to give a fore-warning if one of the interlocutors in a speech situa-tion is making a remark which is considered by the other to be malicious and un-complimentary. The colour, red symbolises danger. In the sentence below, a child makes a statement about one of the funeral customs in Logba and the mother warns: 21. Abózí asɔ druí ló!

a-bó-zí a-sɔ-druí ló! 2SG-FUT-lift CM-pot-red warning (I warn you) ‘You should be careful not lift the red pot.’

3.4 Nominalisation

Nominalisation is a process of forming a noun from some other word class (see Comrie and Thompson 1985). The following are nominalisation processes in Logba.

3.4.1 [V+ –go] nominalisation A noun can be formed by the suffixation of the -go nominalising suffix to the verb. The –go nominalising suffix is produced with a low tone and it is invariant for vowel harmony. A syllabic nasal which is homorganic with the velar nasal and acts as a linker for the two morphemes is produced with a low tone. It has been ob-served that this linker consistently occurs where the preceding syllable is a high tone, as shown by the stems below:

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22. na ‘walk’ na-go ‘walking’ (journey) glɛ ‘tie’ glɛ-go ‘tied’ sa ‘leave’ sa-go ‘leaving’(migration) blɔ ‘make’ blɔ-go ‘making’ bu ‘be rotten’ bu-go ‘rotten one’ tó ‘become thick’ tó-ŋ-go ‘thick one’ (liquid) tsé ‘be old’ tsé-ŋ-go ‘old one’

These nominalised verbs can function as a subject in a sentence. The verb, yu ‘be cold’ is converted to a nominal, iyúgoe ‘coolness.’ It has taken i- prefix, thus enter-ing the group of non-count mass nouns. All derived nouns in –go use the noun prefix i- when functioning as an independent noun. This is illustrated in (23) 23. iyúgo é xe íbo etsienu izi

i-yu-go=é xe i-bo e-tsienu i-zi CM-cold-NOM=DET RP SM-stay CM-soil SM-be.good ‘The coolness (moisture) in the ground is good’

The nominal with –go suffix can also function as an object of a sentence iglɛgoe ‘tied one’ is the object of the verb ŋú ‘see’ in the sentence below in (24). 24 Ovanukpiwo e o ŋú iglɛgoé

O-vanukpiwo=e o-ŋú i-gle-go-é CM-hunter=DET SM.SG-see CM-tie-NOM=DET ‘The hunter saw the tied one’

The nominalising suffix -go makes these words, which are used to qualify other nouns, morphologically nominals. When they are used as qualifiers or modifiers they do not take the i-prefix. In (25a), bugo ‘rotten one’ qualifies avúdágo ‘leaf’ and in (25b) tsengo ‘old one’ qualifies amugunɛdzɛ ‘my sister’ 25a.Avúdágo bugo móózí

a-vudago bugo mo-o-zi CM-leaf rotten one NEG-3SG be.good ‘Rotten leaf is not good’

25b.Nkpɛ bɛ amúgunɛdzɛ tséngo olé?

N-kpɛ bɛ amú-gunɛdzɛ tséngo o-lé CM-year Q 1SGPOSS-sister old_one AM-be ‘What is the age of my old sister?’

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3.4.2 Nominalisation involving nominalised verbs A nominalised verb can further form a compound with a noun. The nominalised verb occupies the final position and the noun class is determined by the first nomi-nal. 26. ɔgbá ‘road’ [nago]N ‘walking’ ɔgbánago ‘journey’

asɔ ‘pot’ [bligo]N ‘broken’ asɔblígo ‘broken pot’ ɔtá ‘war’ [gugo]N ‘fighting’ ɔtágúgo ‘fighting war’

There is an alternative analysis in which the verb and object as its constituent are permuted and a nominalising suffix –go added to the VP to be permuted to form a nominal. According to Ameka and Dakubu (in press), this appears to be an areal phenomenon as nominalized verb is everywhere in Kwa preceded by its object.

3.4.3 Agentive nominalisation [V+ -wo] -wo is invariant for vowel harmony and marks the agent. It is suffixed to the verb which is usually an action verb. The resulting noun has the o-/ɔ- noun class prefix. (27) is an illustration of agentive nominalisation. 27. blɔ ‘make’+ wo ɔblɔwo ‘creator; maker’ gbla ‘teach’ + wo ɔgblawo ‘teacher’

kpɛ ‘eat’+wo ɔkpɛwo ‘eater’ mɛ ‘sew’+wo ɔmɛwo ‘seamstress’

zɔ ‘sell’+wo ɔzɔwo ‘seller’

As the object requires an object to be expressed, either the word iva ‘thing’ or a noun which can occupy the object slot for the verb in question may be used. The result is a compound consisting of the object noun plus the verb with wo, in this order. The resulting compound has the noun class prefix of the noun object but the agreement of class I. In this case, agreement is according to the semantic feature of [+human]. Examples are in (28). 28. iva ‘thing’ ɔgblawo ivagblawo ‘teacher’ ina ‘person’ ɔkpɛwo inakpɛwo ‘eater’ utsá ‘house’ dówo utsadowo ‘mason’ avá ‘medicine’ blɔwo aváblɔwo ‘herbalist’

3.4.4 Instrumental nominals [iva +V + -N] Some Instrumental compounds involve the generic noun iva ‘thing’ to which a verb and a noun are added in this order. The instrumental noun follows the verb and the generic noun iva ‘thing’ precedes it. The noun formed refers to things used for the

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activity described by the stem. It is possible to have elision of vowels at stem boundaries in rapid speech. This is shown in the first and second examples in (29). 29. iva za asɔ thing cook pot ivazásɔ ‘cooking pot’

iva mɛ iva thing sew thing’ ivamɛva ‘needle’ iva gɔ egbe thing grind stone’ ivagɔegbe ‘grinding-stone’

3.4.5 Locative nominals [VO + -me] Nominals with locative meaning are derived when a locative, [-me] ‘place’ is suf-fixed to the verb which is preceded by the associated nominal. 30. ina [vla me] ‘person’ [bury place] inávláme ‘cemetery’ iyo [gu me] ‘skin’ [wash place] iyógume ‘bathhouse’ nda [zá me] ‘drink’ [cook place] ndazáme ‘distillery’

3.5 Pronouns

Table 3.6 represents pronoun and the pronominal affixes in Logba. Table 3.6

INDEPENDENT SUBJ. PREFIX OBJ. SUFFIX SING. 1 amú ma- (N) -m(ú) 2 awú a- -wú 3 ó ɔlɛ iyɛ ó-/ɔ- a- -(l)é -(l)ɛ -nɛ

NON COUNT N- i- PLU. 1 atú ati- -tú 2 anú ani- -nú 3 á alɛ é- ɛ- á- í- Ń- -á

The term ‘independent’ is used to refer to pronominal words that function as nomi-nals and can constitute a whole utterance (see Siewierska 2004:17). The independ-ent person markers are used as single word responses to questions and emphatic forms in utterances. The bound form, on the other hand, is attached to the verb

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stems. The example sentences in (31a), (32a), and (33a), below are connected dis-course and (31), (32), and (33) are careful word for word versions of each of them. 31. Ɔla ɛ. 31a. Ɔlɛɛ. ɔ-la=ɛ ɔ-lɛ=ɛ 3SG-beat=3SGOBJ 3SG-beat=3SGOBJ ‘He/She beat him/her.’ ‘He/She beat him/her.’

32. Gbla mú. 32a. Gbla ḿ. gbla=muh gbla=m teach=1SGOBJ teach=1SGOBJ ‘teach me.’ ‘teach me.’ 33. Maɖú ubonukpíwo. 33a. Nɖú ubonukpíwo.

ma-ɖú u-bonukpiwo n-ɖú u-bonukpiwo 1SG-be CM-farmer 1SG-be CM-farmer

‘I am a farmer.’ ‘I am a farmer.’ (34) illustrates how pronouns combine with the negative marker. In the sentence below, the 2SG pronoun, a combines with mo the negative marker. 34 amolóŋu ɔŋkpɛ gu abɛgoénu

a-mo-ló-ŋu ɔ-ŋkpɛ gu a-bɛgoé-nu 2SG-NEG-again-see CM-nothing from CM-dead.palm.tree-in ‘You see nothing again from the dead palm tree’ [15.10.26]

Pronouns substitute for nouns in a sentence. While the major defining criterion of grammatical relations is constituent order there are different forms of the personal pronouns depending on their syntactic function. The 3SG subject pronouns are prefixed to the verb and they choose the variant depending on the [ATR] value of the verb stem. The 3SG bound object pronoun has no class agreement and is [-(l)é] or [-(l)ɛ] [ nɛ] as the object. If the vowel in the verb stem is [+ATR], then [–(l)e] will be selected. On the other hand, if the vowel in the verb stem is [–ATR], [-(l)ɛ] will be selected. (35) and (36) are examples: 35.nyitamble adzi e abóyi é abɔzɔ gatetsi. nyi-tamble adzi=e a-bó-yi=é day-third occasion=DET 2SG-FUT-remove=3SGOBJ a-bɔ-zɔ gatetsi.

2SG-FUT-go mill.under ‘The third day you will remove it22 and go to the mill’ [15.12.02]

22 It refers to tsiyi ‘corn’ class III

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36. Xe atɔ ɛ… xe a-tɔ=ɛ COND 2SG-process=3SGOBJ ‘If you process it23…’ [15.9.55]

Where the speaker wants to be emphatic the full form of the 3SG object pronoun -lɛ/-le nɛ is used. In (37) lɛ refers to linguist staff and in (38) nɛ refers to palm oil. 37. anitimi lɛ tá tsami mango ani-ti-mi=lɛ tá tsami mango

2PLU-HAB-take=3SGOBJ give linguist another ‘..you give it to another linguist’

38. Abóloblu nɛ nu tsyɔɔ. A-bo-lo-blu=nɛ nu tsyɔɔ 2SG-FUT-PROG-stir=3SGOBJ in IDEO

‘You will be stirring in it for some time.’ [15.11.35]

When the bound form of the pronoun is used no word can come between the pro-noun and the verb. However, the independent form of the pronoun, when used in emphatic speech, is not attached to the verb. (40) is ungrammatical because the independent form of the pronoun stands alone without the support of its corre-sponding bound form as can be seen in (41) below: 39. Máfó mémgbá á nu udántsí mɛ

má-fó mémgbá=á nu u-dántsí mɛ 1SG-wash plate=DET in CM-morning this ‘I washed the plate this morning’

40. *Amufo memgba á nu udantsi mɛ

* amú-fo memgba=á nu u-dantsi mɛ 1SG.IND-wash plate=DET in CM-morning this ‘I washed the plate this morning’

41. Amu mafo memgba á nu udantsi mɛ amú ma-fó memgba=á nu u-dantsi mɛ 1SG.IND SG-wash plate=DET in CM-morning this ‘I washed the plate this morning’ (Emphatic) The independent form is used in listing when the items to be listed are in the sub-ject. The independent form of the pronoun functions like any other noun and has to

23 It refers to idzɔ ‘yam’ class VIII

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be indexed on the verb with an agreeing pronoun when it is subject. The agreeing pronoun is a bound form of the pronoun. In (42) and (43) ati 1PLU is used. ani ‘2PLU’ is used in (44). (43) is ungrammatical because the bound form of the pro-noun is used in listing instead of the independent form. 42. Amu, Gameli kpɛ Selorm atikpɛ ímbí amu, Gameli kpɛ Selorm ati-kpɛ í-mbí 1SG.IND Gameli CONJ Selorm 1PLU-eat CM-rice ‘I, Gameli and Selorm ate rice’ 43. *Ma, Gameli kpɛ Selorm atikpɛ i mbi *ma, Gameli kpɛ Selorm ati-kpɛ i-mbi 1SG Gameli CONJ Selorm 1PLU-eat CM-rice ‘I, Gameli and Selorm ate rice’ 44. Anu kpɛ Esi anisa anu kpɛ Esi ani-sa 2PLU.IND CONJ Esi 2PLU-leave ‘You and Esi left’ The independent form can occur as head of an expanded NP and be modified by an adjective or a demonstrative. The adjective and the demonstrative come after the independent pronoun. In (45) okpukpɛ ‘alone’ is used to modify the 1SG.IND pro-noun whereas in (46) the adjective klɔyi ‘small’ and the demonstrative ɔ-mɛ ‘this’ are used. It can also be pointed out that ebítsí ‘child’ is a noun in apposition to the 2SG.IND pronoun. 45. Amú okpukpɛ ko mázɔ ubo é nu amú okpukpɛ ko má-zɔ u-bo=é nu 1SG.IND alone only 1SG-go CM-farm=DET in ‘I alone went to the farm’ 46. Awú ebítsí klɔyi ɔmɛ alé ɔyɔ nángo ɔmɔá tsú awú e-bítsí klɔyi ɔ-mɛ a-lé

2SG.IND CM-child small AM-this 2SG-climb ɔ-yɔ nángo ɔ-mɔá tsú CM-tree big AM-that on ‘You this small boy you climbed that big tree’ The 1SG SUBJ pronoun ma has another form N. This is the result of the elision of the central vowel /a/ and the assimilation of the nasal to the place of articulation of the following consonant. Clitics normally share properties of their host (see Siew-ierska 2004:26). The underlying pronoun clitic in sentences (48) and (49) below then become homorganic with the consonant adjacent to it.

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47.Mátá adzi ɛ má-tá a-dzi=ɛ 1SG-shoot CM-bird=DET ‘I shoot the bird.’

48.Mbázɔ Ugɛ m-bá-zɔ U-gɛ

1SG-FUT-go CM-Accra ‘I will go to Accra’

49. Nɖú ebítsí n-ɖú e-bítsí 1SG-be CM-child

‘I am a child’ [a-] is the second person singular subject form and [-wu] is the object form. The subject form of the second person is in (50) and the object form is in (51). 50. aŋú agbɛ únámɛ

a-ŋú a-gbɛ ú-námɛ 2SG-see CM-dog CM-yesterday ‘You saw a dog yesterday’

51. Mbá lá wú

m-bá-lá=wú 1SGSUBJ-FUT-beat=2SGOBJ ‘I will beat you’

The 1PLU and 2PLU subject pronouns are disyllabic with low tones. Their coun-terpart in the object form is however monosyllabic with a high tone. The 1PLU subject is used in (52), 2PLUOBJ in (53) and 1PLUOBJ in (54). 52. Ati trɔ iɖu fɛ atilígbe atamá

ati trɔ i-ɖu fɛ ati-lí-gbe 1PLU carry CM-gunpowder also 1PLU-PRSPROG-smoke a-tamá CM-tobacco ‘We carry gunpowder yet we are smoking tobacco’ [15.4.25]

53. Ɔŋú nú sukukpo é tsú ɔ-ŋú=nú sukukpo=é tsú 3SG-see=2PLUOBJ school.compound=DET on ‘He saw you on the school compound’

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54. Etɔnam ɔbú tú ilɔ á nu Etɔnam ɔ-bú=tú i-lɔ=á nu Etɔnam SM.SG-ask=1PLUOBJ CM-word=DET in ‘Etɔnam asked us about the matter’

On further investigation it has been observed that the choice of pronouns is evi-dence of dialectal variation especially for humans in the third person. In the inde-pendent singular, [o] is the form used mostly by native speakers from Tota. [ɔlɛ] is used by speakers of the Alakpeti dialect. In the plural native speakers who speak the Alakpeti dialect use the [alɛ] for the 3PLU.IND in their descriptions. [Iyɛ] is used when reference is made to a noun that is [-HUMAN] in the 3SG in all dialects as shown in (57). Those who speak the Tota dialect, use [á-] for the 3PLU SUBJ. (55) below is for Tota dialect. In (56) ebitsiklɔyi ɔkpɛ ‘a small child’ agbɛ ‘dog’ and akpakpla ‘frog’ are nouns introduced in a narration. The grammar requires that an agreeing pronoun has to be indexed on the verb when it is subject. The 3PLU SUBJ pronoun used in the Alakpeti dialect is [e-]. 55. Ami mpáni wɔ fɛ péya nu

a-mi m-páni wɔ fɛ péya nu 3PLU-take CM-needle pierce (put in) peas in ‘They take needle and pierced through the peas’ [TRPS.70]

56. Ebítsíklɔyi ɔkpɛ, agbɛ kpɛ akpákplá ényá

e-bítsí-klɔyì ɔ-kpɛ a-gbɛ kpɛ a-kpákplá é-nyá CM-child-small CM-one CM-dog CONJ CM-frog SM.PLU-live ‘There lived a small child, dog and a frog.’ [15.1.0124]

57. Iyɛ ámá yɛ awɔ zúgbó kɔtsú

iyɛ ámá yɛ a-wɔ zúgbó kɔtsú 3SG back CONJ 2SG-move head hospital ‘After it you head towards hospital’ [15.14.20]

In the 3PLU.OBJ pronominal form is á in all dialects. And for all classes (58) and (59) are examples. 58. Manɛ á Ugɛ

ma-nɛ=á U-gɛ 1SG-buy=3PLUOBJ CM-Accra ‘I bought them in Accra.’

24 Even though this speaker Roselyn Adzah is a native of Tota, she resides in Alakpeti. This is apparently the reason for using a mixture of Tota and Alakpeti varieties.

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59. Kofi lá á gbaŋgbaŋ Kofi lá=á gbaŋgbaŋ Kofi beat=3PLUOBJ severely ‘Kofi beat them severely.’

3.5.1 Possessive pronouns Pronominal possession (where the possessor is a pronoun) is expressed using the independent form of the pronoun. This is juxtaposed to the possessed noun phrase without any overt marker. The vowel of the possessed noun is maintained except for kinship terms. In the examples in (60), and (61) ugusa ‘brother’ and ntsurí ‘lad-der’ are used with all the independent pronouns and in (62) the possessor is a pro-noun and each of the possessed item has a different vowel as class marker and modified by a qualifier. 60. amgusa ‘my brother’ awú gusa ‘your brother’ ó gusa ‘his/her brother’ atú gusa ‘our brother’ anú gusa ‘your brother’ alɛ gusa ‘Their brother’ 61. amú ntsurí ‘my ladder’ awú ntsurí ‘your ladder’ ó ntsurí ‘his/her ladder’ atú ntsurí ‘our ladder’ anú ntsurí ‘your ladder’ alɛ ntsurí ‘Their ladder’ 62. awú idzɔfɔ bíbí ‘your small yam slice’ aḿ efiéyí kɔŋklɔ ‘my old calabash’ alɛ ɔgɔ nango ‘their big grinding stone’ anú agbɛ bíbli ‘your (PLU) black dog’ atú ubo vuvɔ ‘our new farm’ ó olómí kisayi ‘his long testis’ When a pronominal possession is expressed using a kinship term with the 1SG pronoun, both the vowel of the pronoun and the possessed noun are deleted. The tone of the vowel of the pronoun which is deleted moves leftwards and docks on the bilabial nasal (see section 2.5.1). The words in (63) illustrate this: 63. amú-ugune-udzɛ-tsengo amgunedzetsengo ‘my older sister’ 1SG.IND-sister-woman-old

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amú-ugusa-klɔyi amgusaklɔyi ‘my small brother’ 1SGIND-brother-small aḿú-utí aḿtí ‘my father’ 1SGIND-fahter

3.5.2 Reflexive pronouns In Logba, a reflexive pronoun is expressed when yo ‘skin’ is suffixed by the inde-pendent pronoun. However, in the 1PLU, and the 2PLU, yo ‘skin’ occurs after the bound form of the pronoun. Another analysis that is plausible is that in the singu-lar, yo is suffixed to the independent pronoun but in the plural it is suffixed to the bound form. This is illustrated in (64) 64. SG1 am(u)yó malá aḿyó ‘I beat myself’ 2 awuyó alá awuyó ‘You beat yourself’ 3 oyó ɔlá oyo ‘He / she / it beat himself’ PLU 1 atiyó atilá atiyó ‘We beat ourselves’ 2 aniyó anilá aniyo ‘You beat yourselves’ 3 áyó álá áyó ‘They beat themselves’ In a sentence, the subject NP which is normally the pre-verbal argument controls the reflexive expression. In (65) because the agentive NP, Binka is singular o yo ‘3SGIND skin’ is selected. However, in (66) a coordinate NP, Setor kpe Akpene caused 3PLU.IND to be used. 65. Binka ɔlá o yo

Binka ɔ-lá o yo Binka SM.SG-beat 3SG.IND skin ‘Binka beat himself’

66. Setor kpe Akpene álá á yo. Setor kpe Akpene á-lá á yo. Setor CONJ Akpene SM.PLU-beat 3PLU.IND skin ‘Setor and Akpene beat themselves’ The emphatic form of the reflexive is a construction involving a juxtaposition of independent pronoun and nta ‘own’ which comes before yó. The independent form of the pronoun precedes nta. This is illustrated in (67) below: 67. amu nta am(u ) yó

1SG own 1SG skin ‘my own self’

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awu nta awu yó 2SG own 2SG skin ‘your own self’

ɔ nta o yó 3SG own 3SG skin ‘his / her own self’

These are used in (68) and (69): 68. Malá amú nta amú yó

ma-lá amú ntá amú yó 1SG-beat 1SG.IND own 1SG.IND skin ‘I beat my own self’

69. ɖɔɖí awúgúne bɔtɛ awú nta awú yó ɖɔɖí awú-gúne bɔtɛ awú nta awú yó love 2SG-brother like 2SG.IND own 2SG.IND skin ‘love your brother as your own self’ [15.8.06]25

nta ‘own’ can also be used to emphasise the bare pronoun. This is shown in (70). 70. Asiedu oŋú ɔlɛ nta Asiedu o-ŋú ɔlɛ nta Asiedu SM.SG-see 3SG.IND own ‘Asiedu saw the very one’ The use of nta shows further that Asiedu saw him personally and not that he met someone else in the house and left a message for him.

3.5.3 Reciprocal pronouns Reciprocal pronoun is formed with the plural pronouns ati, ani, á before the noun nɖa ‘companion’. The antecedent is plural and the verbs used in constructions involving reciprocals are generally two argument verbs. In (71) there is a coordi-nate NP Udzi e kpɛ ɔsa a ‘the woman and the man’ and a 3PLU is used to agree with it. In (72) Amu kpe Esi ‘Esi and I’ is used and this triggers 1PLU. (73) is however marked as ungrammatical because a singular agentive NP is used with 3PLU. 71. Udzi é kpɛ ɔsá a áɖɔɖi á nɖa.

udzi=e kpɛ ɔsa=a á-ɖɔɖi á nɖa Woman=DET CONJ man=DET SM.PLU-love 3PLU companion ‘The woman and the man loved one another.’

25 This line is taken from Aɖɔɖi ‘love’, a song composed by T.K. Bediako. This is one of the first attempts to compose a song in Logba (see 15.8).

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72. Amú kpɛ Esi ati yáyí ati nɖà. amú kpɛ Esi ati-yáyí ati nɖa 1SG.IND CONJ Esi SM.PLU-look.for 1PLU companion

‘Esi and I looked for one another.’ 73.*Binka ɔyayi á nɖa

*Binka ɔ-yayi á nɖa Binka SM.SG-search 3PLU companion ‘Binka searches one another’ The noun akpakplawɔ, and nɖa are used in (74) below to indicate literally that the frogs line up behind each other’s body. The sentence is a description of the picture in the last page of the frog story. To show there is a physical contact with each of them yo ‘skin’ is used as a compound with nɖa ‘companion’. This shows the recip-rocal is used for sequence relationship between entities. 74. akpakplawɔ etsíɖí ánɖa yó úmókóe

a-kpakpla-wɔ e-tsíɖí á nɖa yó ú-mókóe CM-frog-PLU SM.PLU-line.up 3PLU companion skin CM-this.place ‘The frogs line up behind each other at this place’

The form: ati-nɖa ‘1PLU-companion’ ani-nɖa ‘2PLU-companion’ a-nɖa ‘3PLU-companion’ are identified with some native speakers who use the Alakpeti dialect. However, in the Tota dialect a-nɖa ‘3PLU-companion’ is used for 1PLU, 2PLU and 3PLU. Westermann (1903) records that the reciprocal is expressed with the independent form of the plural pronouns: atu ‘1PLU’, anu ‘2PLU’, and a ‘3PLU’ with anɖakame26 ‘companion.’ Both dialects replaced anɖakame with anɖa and replaced the independent pronoun with the bound form. One can deduce from this point that the Alakpeti dialect is close to what Westermann recorded. Based on this assump-tion, it can be said that Tota dialect, in this regard, has simplified the grammar by using the 3PLU-nɖa throughout.

3.5.4 Logophoric pronoun Some languages have special pronouns that are used in indirect speech complement clause to show that the noun in the clause is co-referencial with the subject in the main clause. Logba is no exception. In sentence (75), ɔ- that is prefixed to ká ‘put’ is the 3SG pronoun that refers to another person who is not the speaker. In (76), (77) and (78) the logophoric pronoun ɔlɔ refers to the subject NP, the speaker who is being quoted. 26 In my fieldwork, I have recorded anɖa ‘one another’ and anɖakame ‘friend’ This can be found in the texts in chapter 15.

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75. Guadi ɔwá tɛ ɔká koko eví ubo é nu Guadi ɔ-wá tɛ ɔ-ká koko e-ví u-bo=é nu Guadi SM.SG-say COMPL 3SG-put cocoa CM-sun CM-farm=DET in ‘Guadi said he (not the speaker) dried cocoa in the farm’.

76. Guadi ɔwá tɛ ɔlɔká koko evi ubo e nu

Guadi ɔ-wá tɛ ɔlɔ-ká koko e-vi u-bo-=e nu Guadi SM.SG-say COMPL LOG-put cocoa CM-sun CM-farm=DET in ‘Guadi said he (Guadi, the speaker) dried cocoa in the farm’.

77. Ɔwa tɛ ɔlɔlɔzɔ ubo é nu Ɔ-wa tɛ ɔlɔ-lɔ-zɔ u-bo=é nu 3SG-say COMPL LOG-PRSPROG-go CM-farm=DET in ‘He says he (the speaker) is going to farm’

78. Ako tɛ evianŋgba yɛ ɔlɔtɔkpɛ abɛ A-ko tɛ e-vianŋgba yɛ ɔlɔ-tɔ-kpɛ a-bɛ CM-parrot COMPL CM-noon CONJ LOG-HAB-eat CM-palmfruit ‘Parrot says it is noon that it (parrot) eats palmfruit’ [15.4.50]

4 NOUN PHRASES The head of the noun phrase in Logba may be a noun or an independent pronoun. The head is followed by constituents that modify it. The types of NPs and the structure of NP are discussed in this chapter.

4.1 Noun phrases

The structure of a simple Noun Phrase (NP) is as follows: [NOUN]– QUALIFIER – QUANTIFIER – DETERMINER - INTENSIFIER [PRO] A nominal word is minimally made up of a stem. For most nouns, there is a class prefix (CM) which also signals number27. This depends on the class to which the noun belongs. The plural morpheme –wɔ comes immediately after the stem of most plural nouns. In (1a) the noun, u-klontsi, has a vowel class prefix and -wɔ. In (1b) adzayi has only a class prefix. 1a. book u-klontsí u-klontsí-wɔ

CM-book CM-book-PLU 1b. firewood a-dzayi n-dzayi CM-firewood CM-firewood The only element obligatory in the NP is the head which is either a noun or a pro-noun. In (2) the NP is atele ‘ant’. The other elements in the NP can only support the head. This implies that none of them can be the only element in the NP slot. 2. Atele ɔta ebitsi e

a-tele ɔ-ta e-bitsi=e CM-ant SM.SG-sting CM-child=DET ‘The ant stings the child’

The Qualifier is either an adjective or a derived nominal. This is followed by the Quantifier. There is no agreement between the adjective and the head noun but some numbers that function in the Quantifier slot and the Determiner are marked for agreement with the noun head. In (3) the singular headword E-bitsi makes ɔ-kpɛ, the quantifier and ɔ-mɛ the determiner to have the ɔ- prefix, which is singular. On the other hand, in (4) because the head word E-bit-wɔ is plural the quantifier a-nyɔ and the determiner a-mɛ have the a- prefix which is also plural.

27 A detailed discussion of this is in chapter three under Noun classes.

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3. Ebitsi klɔyi ɔkpɛ ɔmɛ e-bitsi klɔyi ɔ-kpɛ ɔ-mɛ CM-child small AM-two AM-those ‘That (one) small child’

4. Ebitwɔ klɔyi anyɔ amɛ

e-bít-wɔ klɔyi a-nyɔ a-mɛ CM-child-PLU small AM-two AM-those ‘Those two small children’

Another element in the NP is the intensifier. Other examples of intensifiers are ko ‘only’, blibo ‘whole’ gblɛlɛ ‘many’ An intensifier occupies the final boundary of the NP. After the intensifier, any element that follows does not belong to the NP. The intensifier peteé ‘all’ can be added to the NP in (4). This is shown in (5) be-low: 5. Ebitwɔ klɔyi anyɔ amɛ peteé

e-bit-wɔ klɔyi a-nyɔ a-mɛ peteé CM-child-PLU small AM-two AM-those all ‘All those two small children’

4.1.1 Types of noun phrases The types of noun phrases are discussed in the sub-sections below:

4.1.1.1 Conjoined noun phrase NPs are linked using the conjunction kpɛ ‘and, with’ to indicate addition. In (6) Agbiglɔmɔ ‘spider’ and adzì ‘bird’ are linked with kpɛ ‘and’. In (7) three nouns are joined and the conjunction is between the second agbɛ ‘dog’ and akpakpla ‘frog’ the third noun. 6. Agbíglɔmɔ kpɛ adzi a-gbiglɔmɔ kpɛ a-dzi CM-spider CONJ CM-bird ‘Spider and bird’ 7. Ebitsi kloyi ɔkpɛ, agbɛ kpɛ akpakpla enyá

e-bitsi kloyi ɔ-kpɛ a-gbɛ CM-child small CM-one CM-dog

kpɛ a-kpakpla e-nyá CONJ CM-frog SM.PLU-live ‘A small child, a dog and a frog lived’. [15.1.01]

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4.1.1.2 Alternate noun phrase When alternate possibility is to be expressed alo ‘or’ is used to link the NPs. In (8), the nouns pampro ‘bamboo’ and iyɔ ‘stick’ are linked with alo forming an NP. 8. ákpo tso pampro alo iyɔ

á-kpo tso pampro alo i-yɔ 2SGFUT-go cut bamboo or CM-stick

‘you cut bamboo or sticks;’ [15.9.27] It is worth noting that the NP conjunctions used in Logba, kpɛ ‘and, with’ and alo ‘or’, are similar to the ones used in Ewe. The only difference is that the form for ‘and’ used in Ewe is kple. In the Ga language alo is used with the same meaning. The linker for clauses is different from the NP conjunction in Ewe and many lan-guages in the GTM area.

4.1.1.3 Possessive noun phrase Possession is expressed by the juxtaposition of the possessor and the possessed. A determiner obligatorily occurs on the possessed entity. The class marker of the possessed noun is maintained except for kinship terms. In (9a) - (9d) the possessed entities are non-human nouns and the class markers are maintained. However, in (10a) and (10b) where the possessed entities are kinship terms ma=a ‘the mother’ and tsi-ɛ ‘the father’ the class markers are elided. 9a. Kɔdzo aklɔ a 9b. Kofi ɔyɔ a

Kɔdzo a-klɔ=a Kofi ɔ-yɔ=a Kɔdzo CM-goat=DET Kofi CM-tree=DET ‘Kɔdzo’s goat’ ‘Kofi’s tree’

9c. Ubonukpíwo abueklonti é 9d. ivanuvo otu é u-bonukpíwo a-bueklonti=é i-vanuvo o-tu=é CM-farmer CM-animal.skin=DET CM-hunter CM-gun=DET ‘Farmer’s animal skin’ ‘hunter’s gun’ 10a.Kofi ma a 10b.Kofi tsi e

Kofi ma=a Kofi tsi=e Kofi mother=DET Kofi father=DET ‘Kofi’s mother’ ‘Kofi’s father’

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4.2 Nominal modifiers

4.2.1 Adjectives Most languages distinguish easily between verbs and nouns but in some languages what are called adjectives are a small number or many which are derived from other word classes. In Ewe, for example, Ameka (1991:78) identifies five un-derived adjectives and quite a large number which are adjectives derived from verbs and nouns. This situation possibly informs Welmers (1973:274) to warn that one should be circumspect in making judgements about words which are adjectives and those which are not because according to him ‘what one may consider an ad-jective may not be an adjective after all. Dixon (2004:1) suggests that “a distinct word class ‘Adjectives’ can be recognised for every human language” He goes on to offer an elaborate explanation:

In some languages, adjectives have similar grammatical properties to nouns, in some to verbs, in some to both nouns and verbs and in some to neither. I suggest that there are always some grammatical criteria - sometimes rather subtle - for distinguishing the adjective class from other word classes.

Similarly, Bhat (1994:12) notes that attempts to define adjectives as a distinct cate-gory and differentiate them from other categories have been met with many prob-lems and linguists have been debating on which criteria will be applicable to all languages. From the above discussion, I think to get the adjectives in any language apart from using language internal semantic and morphosyntactic evidence, one also has to consider the word category from a typological functional perspective. Dixon (2004:3) argues for an internal morpho-syntactic definition for adjectives and then notes that there are seven major semantic types linked to the adjective class. He also observes that there are four core semantic types associated with both large and small adjective class. These are Dimension, Age, Value and Colour. He then points out that the other semantic types- Physical property, Human propensity and Speed are typically associated with medium sized and large adjective classes. My objective in this section is to describe how property concepts or qualities are expressed in Logba and present their grammatical properties. An adjective in Logba is a class of words which occurs after the head noun in the noun phrase, does not show any agreement relation with the head noun but specifies its attrib-utes. Logba has a number of adjectives which is relatively small when one consid-ers other word classes like nouns and verbs. Adjective occurs after the referent noun. There is no agreement between the head noun and the adjective. In (11a) the head noun ifiami ‘cutlass’ is followed by the adjective kɔŋklɔ ‘old’. In (11b) vuvɔ ‘new’ is the adjective and occurs after the

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head noun mfúta ‘clothes’ (11c) gbali ‘bad’ modifies iva ‘thing’ and klɔyi ‘small’ in (11d) is the adjective and occurs after ebitwɔ ‘child’. 11a. Ebemi ifiami kɔŋklɔ xe mivenu ɖa ye ebemi fɔnyi koko e. é-be-mi ifiami kɔŋklɔ xé mi-ve-nu ɖa 3PLU-FUT-take cutlass old RP NEG-pass-NEG big

ye é-bé-mi fɔnyi koko=e CONJ 3PLU-FUT-take break cocoa=DET ‘They will take an old cutlass that is not too big to break the cocoa.’ [15.15.13]

11b. Ekpe vuvɔ matá wú

ekpe vuvɔ ma-tá=wú year new 1SG-give=2SGOBJ ‘I wish you new year.’

11c. Iva gba li petee ta i zɔ imɛ lo!

iva gbali petee ta i-zɔ i-mɛ loo thing bad all let SM.SG-go AM-DEM ADR ‘All the bad things should leave here, I tell you!’ [LIBATION]

11d. Ibotɛ atsue ebitwɔ klɔyi ko atsiɖu ibotɛ atsu-e e-bit-wɔ klɔyi ko atsi-ɖu reason 1PLU-EMPH CM-child-PLU small only 1PLU-be ‘for us only small children we are’ [ 15.7.20] Out of over 1635 words in my lexical database only one is an underived and non-ideophonic adjective. It is shown in 4.2.2 specifying its semantic class.

4.2.2 Non-derived adjective and its semantic type One non-derived adjective is identified in the data. It is shown in (12) specifying its semantic class. It can neither occur as a noun nor as a verb. 12. VALUE gbálí ‘bad’

4.2.3 Derived adjectives and processes of their derivation Derived adjectives are words expressing adjectival concepts which are derived from other categories. Three processes are identified by which lexical adjectives are derived. The derived adjectives occupy the same syntactic position in the NP as their non derived counterparts. A number of adjectives are derived from verbs and nouns. They are placed into three groups based on their process of derivation:

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4.2.3.1 Suffixation of –yi to value property verb Adjectives are formed by the suffixation of –yi to value property verbs. (13a) and (13b) below show that adjectives derived using the suffix –yi are adjectives of colour and dimension. The stem klɔ does not exist. It is possible that either this might have been used in the past or klɔyi ‘small’ is borrowed into Logba and not that it is derived by using the suffix -yi 13a. COLOUR drui ‘become red’ -yi drui-yi ‘red’ fli ‘become white’ -yi fli-yi ‘white’ 13b. DIMENSION kisa ‘become long’ -yi kisa-yi ‘long’ *klɔ ‘become small’ -yi klɔ-yi ‘small’ In (14a) druiyi ‘red’ qualifies memgba ‘bowl’ and in (14b) kisayi ‘long’ qualifies the noun ɔgbá ‘road’ These nouns are heads of the NP memgbá druiyi ɔmɛ ‘that red bowl’ and ɔgbá á kisayi ‘the long road’ respectively. (14b) and (15b) show that the verbs drui ‘become red’ and kisa ‘become long’ unlike the adjectives have vowel prefix to show agreement with the respective head noun. 14a. Memgbá druiyi ɔmɛ o bli. [memgbá druiyi ɔ-mɛ]NP o-bli Bowl red AM-that SM.SG-break ‘That red bowl broke.’ 14b. Mango é odrui

mango=é o-drui mango=DET SM.SG-become .red ‘The mango is ripe’

15a. Ɔgbá á kisayi ɔzɔ Klikpo. ɔ-gbá=á kisayi ɔ-zɔ Klikpo CM-road=DET long SM.SG-go Klikpo ‘The long road goes to Klikpo.’

15b. Ɔgbá á ɔkisa ɔgbá=a ɔ-kisa CM-road=DET SM.SG-become.long ‘The road is long’

4.2.3.2 Compounding of an intransitive verb root and a noun Deverbal adjectives are also derived from the compounding of an intransitive verb root and a noun. In the examples below kpi ‘go’ forms a compound with nouns like etsi ‘ground’ otsi ‘down’ and agu ‘top’

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16. kpi ‘go’ etsi ‘ground’ → kpíɛtsi ‘deep’ kpi ‘go’ otsi ‘down’ → kpontsi ‘short’ kpi ‘go’ agu ‘top’ → kpi-agu ‘tall’ In (17a) kpóntsi ‘short’ is used to qualify the head noun ina ‘person’, kpiagu ‘tall’ qualifies ɔsa ‘man’ in (17b) and kpiɛtsi ‘deep’ qualifies vuti ‘hole’ in (17c). As usual, these qualifiers do not exhibit any agreement relation with the head nouns. These derived adjectives are used attributively and not predicatively. 17a.Udzɛ xé ɔbá óɖu ina kpóntsi.

u-dzɛ xé ɔ-bá ó-ɖu [ i-na kpóntsi]NP CM-woman RP SM.SG-come 3SG-be CM-person short ‘The woman who came is a short person.’

17b Ɔsá kpíagu ɔbɔba ŋúm.

[ɔ-sá kpíagu] NP ɔ-bɔ-ba ŋú=m CM-man tall 3SG-FUT-come see=1SGOBJ ‘A tall man will come to see me.’

17c.Vuti kpɪɛtsi o le unansa ubo e nu.

[vuti kpɪɛtsi] NP ó-le u-nansá u-bo=é nu hole deep SM.SG-be(located) CM-chief CM-farm=DET in ‘A deep hole is in the chief’s farm.’

4.2.3.3 Derivation via reduplication Another process by which adjectives are formed is reduplication. It can be either a full reduplication of the stem of a noun as in u-bí ‘small child’ or a partial redupli-cation of a property verb, bli ‘black’. 18. bli ‘become black’ bí-bli ‘black’

u-bí ‘small child’ bíbí ‘small’ The forms in (19) are likely to be reduplicated but vɔ ‘become spoilt’ and vɔ ‘be-come new’ do not exist in Logba. It is possible that these words were used in the past in Logba but have lost their position in the lexicon to other words. vévé ‘im-portant’ is likely to be a borrowing from Ewe. Interestingly, the base form of the Ewe verb vé ‘become scarce’ which yields vévé ‘important’ does not seem to have been borrowed into Logba. Essizewa (2007) in a conference paper reports similar borrowing from Ewe into Kabye. 19. *vɔ ‘become spoilt’ vúvɔ ‘spoilt’ *vɔ ‘become new’ vuvɔ ‘new’

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*vé ‘become scarce’ veve ‘important’ In (20a) bíbli ‘black’ the derived adjective qualifies the head noun afuta ‘cloth’ and in (20b) bíbí ‘small’ qualifies idzɔ ‘yam’. 20a. Afúta bíbli afuí. a-fúta bíbli a-fuí CM-cloth black AM-lost ‘The black cloth is lost.’ 20b. Idzɔ bíbí óbo umutsi nu.

i-dzɔ bíbí ó-bo u-mutsi nu CM-yam small SM.SG-stay CM-barn in ‘The small yam is in the barn.’

4.2.4 Derived nominals Derrived nominals are words that can be used to qualify another noun in an NP structure. They therefore occupy the slot for adjectives. They can also occur by themselves as nouns and maintain a class prefix. These words are not in the real sense lexical adjectives.

4.2.4.1 Adding nominalising suffix [-go] to a verb The qualifiers are derived from the compounding of a verb and a –go nominalising suffix. 21. to-ŋ-go ‘thick one’

tse-ŋ-go ‘old one’ na-ŋ-go ‘big one’ bu-go ‘rotten one’

The qualifier tongo ‘thick one’ in (21) above may possibly be based on a loan from Ewe because Ewe has the word to which means ‘thick and slimy’. tse is a verb ‘become old’ to which -go is suffixed thereby becoming a noun. Also bu ‘become rotten’ is in the data but there is no word na related semantically to naŋgo. The nominalised verb is then used to modify another noun. The nominalising suffix go makes these words, which are used to qualify other nouns, morphologically nomi-nals. In (22), bugo ‘rotten one’ qualifies avúdago ‘leaf’ and in (23) tseŋgo ‘old one’ qualifies amugunɛdzɛ ‘my sister’ 22. Avúdago bugo móózí.

a-vúdago bugo mo-o-zi CM-leaf rotten-NOM NEG-SM.SG be.good ‘Rotten leaf is not good.’

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23. Nkpɛ bɛ amúgunɛdzɛ tséngo ólé?

n-kpɛ bɛ amú-gunɛdzɛ tsé-ngo ó-lé CM-year Q SGIND-sister old-NOM SM.SG-be ‘What is the age of my old sister?’

The –go derived forms can occur by themselves as nouns. They usually take the /i-/ prefix. In the example sentences below ibugoe ‘rotten one’ itsengoe ‘old one’ are used as noun heads in sentences (24) and (25). 24. Ibúgoé ilé akɔlíkpo e tsú.

i-bugo-é i-lé a-kɔlí-kpo=e tsú CM-rotten=DET SM.SG-be CM-refuse-hill=DET upper.surface ‘The rotten thing is on the refuse dump.’

25. Itseŋgo é iɖú Setor ɔblɛ.

i-tseŋgo=e i-ɖú Setor ɔ-blɛ CM-old.one=DET SM.SG-be Setor 3SG-own ‘The old one is Setor’s own.’

4.2.4.2 Compounding the stem wasa to a noun Human property terms are derived from the compounding of a noun stem and wasa ‘owner’ (see section 3.3.3). These are nouns which can function as qualifiers to the head noun. Each of these property nouns takes a class marker except kufiɔwasa ‘lazy owner’ which is without a class marker possibly because it is borrowed from Ewe28. 26. kúfiɔ ‘lazy’ wasa ‘owner’ → kúfiɔwasa ‘lazy’

aŋkpá ‘juju’ wasa ‘owner → aŋkpáwasa ‘jujuman’ adzɛ ‘witch’ wasa ‘owner → adzɛwasa ‘witch’

In (27a) aŋkpáwasa ‘jujuman’ modifies ɔsá ‘man’ and in (27b) kufiɔwasa ‘la-zyowner’ and ebitwɔ ‘children’ form an N-N structure in which the former modi-fies the latter. 27a. Ɔsá aŋkpáwasa á ɔbá. ɔ-sá a-ŋkpá-wasa=á ɔ-bá CM-man CM-juju-owner=DET SM.SG-come ‘The jujuman came.’

28 The southern Ewe speakers say kuvia. The form in Logba kufiɔ is the same as how the inland Ewe speakers pronounce it.

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27b. Ebi twɔ kufiɔwasa inú ábo ubo é nu. E-bit-wɔ kufiɔ-wasa a-nú á-bo u-bo=é nu CM-child-PLU lazy-owner AM-five SM.PLU-stay CM-farm=DET in ‘Five lazy children are in the farm.’

These property terms can be used as noun heads independent of the head nouns. For example, the noun head in both (27a) ɔsa ‘man’ and (27b) Ebitwɔ ‘children’ can be removed and the sentences will be grammatical. It is noted that these human property terms can be modified by other qualifiers. In (28a) kpiagu ‘tall’ qualifies aŋkpawasa ‘jujuman’ and in (28b) kuviawasa ‘lazy one’ is qualified by kpontsi ‘short’. 28a.Aŋkpáwasa kpiagu é ɔbá.

a-ŋkpá-wasa kpiagu é ɔ-bá CM-juju-owner tall=DET SM.SG-come ‘The tall jujuman came.’

28b. Kufiɔwasa kpontsi é ɔsá.

kufiɔ-wasa kpontsi=éɔ-sa lazy-owner short=DET SM.PLU-leave ‘The short lazy man left.’

This clearly shows that nominal qualifiers are not in the real sense adjectives. Rather, they only function as adjectives when they modify a head noun.

4.2.5 The use of ideophones Ideophones are another group of qualifiers used in the language to modify nouns. They are also not marked for agreement. Some of these ideophonic words are in (29a) below: 29a. gblɛlɛ ‘many’ gbi ‘many’

kpákpátsá ‘flat’ xatsaxla ‘rough’ gbáŋgbáŋ ‘strong’ miɔmiɔmiɔ ‘cold’

Out of the five ideophonic words above, the last two are borrowed from Ewe. gbáŋgbáŋ ‘strong’ is an Ewe word but it is used as an intensifier to describe ex-treme hotness. miɔmiɔmiɔ ‘cold’on the other hand, has the same meaning in Ewe as in Logba. In fact, these borrowed words are used widely in the languages in Southern Ghana.

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gblɛlɛ ‘many’ is used as an adjective to qualify ina ‘person’ in (29b) 29b.Ina gblɛlɛ aɖaŋu izi fiɛ ina ɔkpɛ.

[I-na gblɛlɛ] NP a-ɖaŋu i-zi CM-person many CM-advice SM-good fiɛ i-na ɔ-kpɛ exceed CM-person AM-one ‘The advice of many people is better than the advice of one person.’[15.4.80]

It is possible to find some of these ideophones used as verbs or adverbs in a sen-tence in addition to their use as adjectives. The examples in (30a) and (30b) attest to this: miɔmiɔmiɔ used as an adjective to qualify nɖú 30a.Mba nɔ nɖu miɔmiɔmiɔ.

M-ba nɔ [n-ɖu miɔmiɔmiɔ]NP 1SG-come drink CM-water fresh.cold ‘I drank fresh and cold water.’

miɔmiɔmiɔ used an adverb to modify the verb ná ‘walk’ 30b. Ahointsa ɔná miɔmiɔmiɔ. a-hointsa [ɔ-ná miɔmiɔmiɔ ] NP CM-chameleon 3SG-walk slow ‘Chameleon walks slowly.’

4.2.6 Verb phrase for expression of quality concepts Adjectives cannot be complements of the verb ‘to be’. Instead, a predicative pos-sessive construction is used with the verb bo ‘stay’ which translates in English as a predicative use of an adjective. In sentence (31) and (32) below, the subject NP is the possessor and the object is a quality that is possessed. In (31) the possessed quality is intse ‘strength’ and in (32) it is iló ‘bitterness’. Both are marked with /i/, a class marker noted for abstract nouns. 31. Kɔpu ɛ obo intsé

Kɔpu=ɛ o-bo i-ntsé cup=DET 3SG-stay CM-strength ‘The cup is strong’

32. Ava á obo iló A-va=á o-bò i-ló CM-medicine=DET 3SG-stay CM-bitterness ‘The medicine is bitter’

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Adjectives may be nominalised by adding a nominal class prefix to the substantive functioning in argument slots as head of NP. Once the adjective is nominalised it may function as a nominal, either in subject or object position in a sentence. In (33a) ovuvɔɔ ‘the new one’ is used as subject in (33b) obiblii is the object of the verb ŋu ‘see’. In (33c) ifliyié ‘the white one’ is subject in an intransitive construc-tion. 33a. Ovuvɔ ɔ óbom.

o-vuvɔ=ɔ ó-bo-m CM-new=DET SM.SG-stay-1SGOBJ ‘I have the new one.’

33b. Maŋú obíblié Ugɛ.

ma-ŋú o-bíbli-é U-gɛ 1SG-see CM-black=DET CM-Accra ‘I saw the black one in Accra.’

33c. Iflíyi é ikú.

i-flíyi=é i-kú CM-white=DET SM-die ‘The white one died.’

It is possible to express quality concepts using relative clauses. In (34), ekpe ‘year’ is specified as the coming year. 34. Abó miɛ ɖɔká ta ekpe é xé alába nu.

a-bó mi ɛ ɖɔká ta e-kpe=é 2SG-FUT take=3SGOBJ reserve give CM-year=DET xé a-lá-ba nu RP 2SG-PRSPROG-come in ‘You will reserve it for the next planting season.’ [15.9.75]

It can be argued that though Logba has one underived adjective, it has processes by which adjectives can be derived from other categories and structures which are used to express quality concepts. These findings confirm that Logba is not too different from the other neigbouring languages in terms of the adjective class and its properties.

4.3 Numerals

Numerals include cardinal and ordinal numbers. They are used as post head modi-fiers and occur in an NP after an adjective but before the determiner.

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4.3.1 Cardinal numbers Logba uses a base ten (decimal) number system. The cardinal numbers one to six have the prefix when they are used in counting. When used as modifiers they show variation in the prefix signalling agreement with its head noun. The cardinal num-bers from one to ten are in (35): 35. i-kpɛ ‘one’

i-nyɔ ‘two’ i-ta ‘three’ i-na ‘four’ i-nú ‘five’ i-glo ‘six’ glaŋkpe ‘seven’ mlamina ‘eight’ gɔkuaɖu ‘nine’ u-ɖu ‘ten’

In (36) below the prefix of the cardinal numbers agree with the nouns. However, when used independently in counting, it is only the i- prefix that is used regardless of the class of the noun (see 35 above for numbers 1 – 6). When ɔ-sa ‘man’ a sin-gular noun is used, the prefix for ɔ-kpɛ ‘one’ is [ɔ-]. It agrees with the head noun. For plural, the prefix of a-nyɔ ‘two’ becomes a- to agree with a-sa ‘men’ 36. Ɔsá ɔkpɛ ‘one man’

Asá anyɔ ‘two men’ Asá ata ‘three men’ Asa aná ‘four men’ Asá anú ‘five men’ Asá agló ‘six men’

In (37), afúta ‘cloth’ is the head noun and druyi ‘red’ is the qualifier. The singular prefix is [a-] the agreement marker for class IX. [N-] is the marker for the plural class, to which mfuta ‘clothes’ belongs.

37. Afúta druyi akpɛ ‘one red cloth’

Mfúta druyi nnyɔ ‘two red clothes’ Mfúta druyi ntà ‘three red clothes’ Mfúta druyi nná ‘four red clothes’ Mfúta druyi nnú ‘five red clothes’ Mfúta druyi ŋgló ‘six red clothes’

In (38), agbɛ ‘dog’ attracts [ɔ-] in the singular and [N-] in the plural.

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38. Agbɛ ɔkpɛ ‘one dog’ Ngbɛ nnyɔ ‘two dogs’ Ngbɛ nta ‘three dogs’ Ngbɛ nná ‘four dogs’ Ngbɛ nnú ‘five dogs’ Ngbɛ ŋgló ‘six dogs’

The prefix of i-kpɛ ‘one’ agrees with the noun head. In (39a) the noun head is abo ‘ball’ a singular noun so the prefix is ɔ-. The prefix becomes a- in (39b) to agree with the head noun afuta ‘cloth’. 39a. Abo ɔkpɛ ɔkpɔ etsi

a-bo ɔ-kpɛ ɔ-kpɔ etsi CM-ball AM-one SM.SG-lie ground ‘One ball lies on the ground’. [PV 07]

39b. Ami afúta drui akpɛ na akɔntsi e anú.

a-mi a-fúta drui a-kpɛ na a-kɔntsi=é a-nú 3PLU-take CM-cloth red AM-one for CM-basket=DET mouth ‘They take one red cloth and put on top of a basket’. [PV.16]

In (40) the head noun adzi ‘day’ is singular but the numeral quantifier has a nasal prefix ŋ-kpɛ and not ɔkpɛ. The nasal prefix is normally used for plurals. Adzi ŋkpɛ ‘one day’ is a popular expression used in the opening of stories. 40. Adzi ŋkpɛ, ebitsi ɛ ɔfɛdzu,

a-dzi ŋ-kpɛ e-bitsi=ɛ ɔ-fɛdzu CM-day AM-one CM-child=DET SM.SG-sleep ‘one day, the child slept’ [15.1.03]

ɔkpɛ ‘one’ is used to mark nouns indefinite. In (41), the use of ɔkpɛ ‘one’ after udzɛ tsengo ‘old woman’ is an indication that the old woman is not known earlier to the speaker. 41. Maŋú udzɛ tsengo ɔkpɛ

maŋú u-dzɛ tsengo ɔ-kpɛ 1SG-see CM-woman old CM-one ‘I saw an old woman’

Where the person unknown earlier to the speaker is more than one, it is marked with an a- to replace the class marker. In (42) a-kpɛ ‘one’ is juxtaposed with ina ‘person’. akpɛ has an a- prefix indicating that the person is indefinite and plural. ina belongs to class VIII mass nouns. This is a semantic agreement with a plural equivalent of the head noun.

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42. Abɛ aganyi fɛ la29 ina akpɛ ébétsezí e émi fɛ ɔdzá nu bɔtɛ ndzayi abɛ aganyi fɛ la i-na a-kpɛ

Palm front also DET CM-person AM-one e-be-tse-zi=e e-mi fɛ ɔdza nu 3PLU-FUT-HAB-take=3SGOBJ 3PLU-take put fire in bɔtɛ n-dzayi like CM-firewood ‘Palm front also some people put it into fire like firewood’ [15.10.30]

To form the numerals between eleven and nineteen, the numerals conjoin the stem of ten to tsa and the prefix of u-ɖu ‘ten’ is elided. 43. ɖu-tsa ikpɛ ‘eleven’

ɖu-tsa ɪnyɔ ‘twelve’ ɖu-tsa ita ‘thirteen’ ɖu-tsa ina ‘fourteen’ ɖu-tsa inu ‘fifteen’ ɖu-tsa iglo ‘sixteen’ ɖu-tsa glankpe ‘seventeen’ ɖu-tsa mlamina ‘eighteen’ ɖu-tsa gɔkuaɖu ‘nineteen’

Numbers which are multiples of ten are formed by compounding the stem of the numbers: ita ‘three’, ina ‘four’, inu ‘five’, iglo ‘six’, glankpe ‘seven’, mlamina ‘eight’, gɔkuaɖu ‘nine’ to the stem of uɖu, the word for ten. 44. ɔɖɔ ‘twenty’ uɖata ‘thirty’ uɖana ‘forty’ uɖanú ‘fifty’ uɖaglo ‘sixty’ uɖoglankpɛ ‘seventy’ uɖumlamina ‘eighty’ uɖugɔkuaɖu ‘ninety’ uga ‘hundred’ In forming the compound with the stem of the numbers, -u the final vowel of uɖu is replaced with /a/, a vowel which can go with both [+ATR] and [–ATR] vowels. In the pronunciations of some native speakers, /o/ is heard. It is possible that this is used to maintain a rounding harmony.

29 la is a determiner in Ewe. This is evidence of code mixing. It is common to hear most speakers using Ewe words when speaking Logba

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Numbers which come after multiples of ten are expressed by placing the number after the multiple of ten as is done when counting eleven to nineteen. The word tsa is used as a linker (conjunction). 45. ɔɖɔ tsa ɔkpɛ ‘twenty one’

uɖata tsa ɔkpɛ ‘thirty one’ uɖana tsa ɔkpɛ ‘forty one’ uɖanu tsa ɔkpɛ ‘fifty one’ uɖaglo tsa okpɛ ‘sixty one’ uɖoglaŋkpe tsa okpɛ ‘seventy one’ uɖomlamina tsa okpɛ ‘eighty one’ uɖogɔkuaɖu tsa ɔkpɛ ‘ninety one’ uɖɔ tsa inyɔ ‘twenty two’ uɖata tsa inyɔ ‘thirty two’ uɖana tsa inyɔ ‘forty two’ uɖonu tsa inyɔ ‘fifty two’ uɖaglo tsa inyɔ ‘sixty two’ uɖoglaŋkpɛ tsa inyɔ ‘seventy two’ uɖomlamina tsa inyɔ ‘eighty two’ uɖogɔkuaɖu tsa inyɔ ‘ninety two’

The expression for one thousand is a calque involving the Ewe word akpe ‘thou-sand’ and ɔkpɛ, the Logba word for ‘one’ as in (46) 46 . akpi ɔkpɛ thousand one ‘one thousand’ igamɔga is the word for million but the word miliɔnu ɔkpɛ, ‘million one’ which is a loan translation from English into Logba appears to be more frequently used. sTo express the frequency that an event has occurred, the verb that denotes the state of affairs is nominalised by a prefix u- and this nominal is modified by a cardinal number. It is exemplified in (47a), (47b) and (47c) how ‘n times’ is expressed: 47a. Obíná úbíná ata

o-bíná ú-bíná a-ta 3SG-roll CM-roll CM-three ‘He rolled three times’

47b. Alɛɛ úlá glánkpɛ

a-lɛ ɛ ú-lá glánkpɛ 3PLU-beat=3SGOBJ CM-beat seven ‘They beat him seven times’

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47c. Abó kpe á ukpe anyɔ a-bó-kpe=á u-kpe a-nyɔ 2SG-FUT-tap=3PLUOBJ CM-tap CM-two ‘You will tap them two times’ [15.10.10]

For half, the word used is ɔkpɛnutsigo which is a compound of four words: ɔkpɛ ‘one’ nu (Ewe) ‘thing’ tsi ‘share out’ go NOM. Some speakers also use the Ewe word afa ‘half’. The following examples in (48a) and (48b) illustrate the use of ɔkpɛnutsigo ‘half’ and afa ‘half’ 48a. Atinɔ adenklui asɔti ɔkpɛnútsigo. ati-nɔ a-denklui a-sɔti ɔ-kpɛnútsigo 1PLU-drink CM-fresh palm.wine CM-pot.small CM-half ‘We drank half pot of fresh palm wine.’ 48b.Peya akɔntsi afa ole ukplɔ á tsú. peya a-kɔntsi afa o-le u-kplɔ=á tsú pear CM-basket half SM.SG-be.located CM-table=DET on ‘Half basket of pear is on the table.’

4.3.2 Units of measure Cardinal numerals are used in measurement of items in the environment. For ex-ample, the foot or the arm of an average adult person is used as a standard for measurement. In estimating distance, a distinction is made between mkpa uɖú ‘ten feet’ as against yovu mkpa uɖú ‘white man foot ten’. In a discussion, I am reliably informed that the later refers to the imperial system. Some of the people especially those who have had formal education sometimes use the metric system of meas-urement.

4.3.3 Ordinal numbers The ordinals are formed by suffixing the morpheme -mble to the cardinal numerals. The word for first and last have different forms. The vowel prefix in the cardinals from two to six and ten is normally deleted. The following examples in (49) attest to this: 49. kelekele / gbantɔ / gbã ‘first’

nyɔmble ‘second’ tamble ‘third’ namble ‘forth’

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numble ‘fifth’ glomble ‘sixth’ glamkpemble ‘seventh’ mlaminamble ‘eight’ gɔkuaɖumble ‘ninth’ ɖumble ‘tenth’ igaŋgo ‘last’

gbantɔ ‘first owner’ and gbã ‘first’ are expressions borrowed from Ewe. However, kelekele is a Logba word. Syntactically, the ordinal numbers are adjectives and they do not have any agree-ment relation with the head noun. In (50) the head noun is abobi ‘moon’ and the ordinal number gɔkuáɖú mblé ‘ninth’ is used as a quantifier. 50. yédzé abobí gɔkuáɖú mblé nué …

yédzé a-bóbí gɔkuáɖú m-blé nu-é then CM-month nine CM-ORD in-EMPH ‘then in the ninth month…’ [15.9.52]

The ordinal number can also be complement of the verb ɖu ‘be’. This is exempli-fied in (51). 51. Kofi oɖu tamblé.

Kofi o-ɖu ta-mblé Kofi SM.SG-be three-ORD ‘Kofi is the third.’

The word dza ‘lead’ is used in expressions to imply first. This is clearly exempli-fied in the proverb in (52). 52. Avagbalifɛwo ódza nɔ.

a-va-gbali-fɛ-wo ó-dza nɔ CM-medicine-bad-put-owner SM.SG-lead drink ‘The owner of bad medicine leads in drinking.’ [15.4.69]

nyɔmblé ‘second’ is used in some contexts to mean ‘friend’ or ‘partner’ This usage appears to be a calque of the Ewe expression (e)velia ‘second’ or ‘friend’. In (53) the paramount chief is telling Hayse, one of the informants, to inform his friend, nyɔmbliɛ ‘the second’ 53. tátá tɛ áwú nyɔmbli ɛ

tátá tɛ áwú nyɔ-mbli=ɛ inform COMPL 2SG two-ORD=DET ‘inform your friend’ [15.7.13]

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adzí and unyì are used to refer to day. adzi cannot be used with cardinals numerals. For this reason, it is not grammatical to say (56) 54. abɔ fɛ tsiyi nɖú unyí nta

a-bɔ fɛ tsiyi n-ɖú unyí-nta 2SG-FUT put maize CM-water day-three ‘You will put maize in water for three days’ [15.12.01]

55. unyitamblé adzi ɛ abóyiɛ

u-nyi-ta-mblé adzi=ɛ a-bó-yi-ɛ CM-day-three-ORD period=DET 2SG-FUT remove=3SGOBJ ‘on the third day you remove it’ [15.12.02]

56. * ɔmi utrɔmɛ adzi ita

*ɔ-mi u-trɔmɛ a-dzi i-ta 3SG-take CM-work CM-day CM-three ‘he works for three days’

57. ɔmi utrɔmɛ unyi ita ɔ-mi u-trɔmɛ u-nyi i-ta 3SG-take CM-work CM-day CM-three ‘He works for three days’

It is noted that there is one instance in which adzi ‘day’ collocates with the deviant cardinal ŋ-kpɛ ‘one’ to introduce the setting in stories as in (58): 58. ye adzi ŋkpe iva mɛ petee xé madzi unyi me

ye a-dzi ŋ-kpe i-va-mɛ pétée xé CONJ CM-day CM-one CM-thing-this all RP ma-dzí u-nyi me 1SG-call CM-name here ‘then, one day all the things whose names I have called here’ [15.3.18]

4.4 Determiner

Determiners are clitics that show whether the noun refers to a particular example (definite). In Logba, a determiner is a clitic and occurs after a quantifier and before intensifier in a fully expanded noun phrase.

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4.4.1 Definiteness marker The determiner is realised as /ɛ/ and /á/. These are allomorphs which are morpho-logically conditioned. /ɛ/ has [é] and [ɛ] as allomorphs which are phonetically con-ditioned (see section 2.3.5). Nouns that end with the vowel -a take -a as a definiteness marker. 59. akpakpla -a akpakpla a ‘the frog’

okla -a okla a ‘the mat’ Those that take -e as determiner are nouns with the final syllable ending in [-o] 60. Akpana-wo -e Akpana-wo e ‘The Logba people’

Aʋie-wo -e Aʋie-wo e ‘The Ewe people’ Another group of nouns which take the suffix –e as determiner are nouns with the final syllable ending in [-u] 61. déblékú -e débléku e ‘the cloud’

dzósú -e dzósu e ‘the blood’ fútsú -e fútsu e ‘the soup’

Nouns with the final syllable ending in -i select -ɛ 62. akɔntsi -ɛ akɔntsi ɛ ‘the basket’

igbeɖi -ɛ igbeɖi ɛ ‘the cassava’ Either -ɔ or a is selected for nouns with the final syllable ending in -ɔ. In the Tota dialect –a is used while -ɔ is used in the Alakpeti dialect. 63. aklɔ-ɔ aklɔ-ɔ/a ‘the goat’

agbiglɔmɔ-ɔ agbiglɔmɔ-ɔ/a ‘the spider’ There is a constraint in which two front mid vowels /e/+/e/, /ɛ/+/ɛ/ do not occur in a sequence in Logba. When it occurs, it is phonetically realised as /ie/, /iɛ/ (see section 2.3.3 for a discussion of this). 64. agbɛ - ɛ agbí ɛ ‘the dog’

afe - e afi e ‘the comb’ aganɛ - ɛ agani ɛ ‘the scorpion’ eŋgblɛ - ɛ eŋgbli ɛ ‘the snail’

Definiteness is an obligatory category. Words that are known from the context have to be marked for ‘definiteness.’

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For generic reference, no determiner is suffixed to the noun. In the sentence below, asangbla refers to any member of a class of ‘tortoise’ so it is used without a deter-miner. 65. asángblá ɔtsɔ ná blewuu

a-sangblá ɔ-tsɔ-ná blewuu CM-tortoise SM.SG-HAB-walk slowly ‘A tortoise walks slowly’

4.4.2 Indefiniteness marker If the noun refers to a particular member of a class which is however unknown to the adressee, the word, ɔ-kpi-ɛ ‘CM-one DET’ which functions as a specific indefi-nite marker is used to modify the noun. With nouns already modified by an adjec-tive, ɔ-kpiɛ ‘one’ comes after the adjective. In (66) the head of the NP Adzakoe is modified by another noun kɔƒé ‘village’ and then ɔkpiɛ ‘one’30. In (67) ɔkpíɛ fol-lows the head noun ɔsa ‘man’ and the qualifier tséŋgo ‘old.one’ 66. Kpaita, ápété ányá Adzakoe kɔƒé ɔkpiɛ nu

Kpaita, á-pété á-nyá [ Adzakoe kɔƒé ɔ-kpíɛ ] nu31 Now 3PLU-all 3PLU-stay Adzakoe village AM-INDEF in ‘Now, they all stayed in one of the villages in Adzakoe’ [15.2.12]

67. Ɔsá tséŋgo ɔkpíɛ o-tsi mɔ ɔ-sa tsengo ɔ-kpiɛ o-tsi mɔ CM-man old AM-INDEF 3SG-sit there ‘An old man sat there’[15.2.75]

4.4.3 Demonstratives Diesel (1999) defines demonstratives as deictic expressions serving specific syntac-tic functions. He notes that from a broader perspective it entails not only their use as pronouns and noun modifiers but also they are used as locational adverbs and help to focus the attention of the hearer to an object or location in the speech situa-tion. Demonstratives can be used independently as anaphoric pronoun referring to nouns. Two forms of demonstratives are distinguished in Logba: proximal demon-strative and distal demonstrative. The former denotes a referent that is near the deictic centre and the latter refers to an entity that is a distant location from the deitic centre. This is shown in (68).

30 Adzakoe is one of the Logba towns; see chapter one and the Logba map for the location 31 nu ‘in’is a postposition. The whole NP can be said to be inside the postpostional phrase. See chapter 5 for a discussion of adpositional phrases.

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68. Proximal mɛ Distal mɛ There is however a dialectal variation in the use of demostratives. The Tota dialect uses mɔ for the distal demonstrative. There is concord between the noun and the demonstrative. In the singular, o-/ɔ- is used as a prefix to the demonstrative, a- for plural, i- for mass nouns and other i-prefix nouns. N- is the agreement marker for liquid nouns and any other N-prefix nouns. In (69) the head noun uklontsi ‘book’ is a singular count noun so ɔ- prefix is se-lected. The book is before the speaker and the speaker holds the book and shows it to the addressee. In (70) aha ‘people’ a plural count noun triggers the selection of a- as the prefix for the distal demonstrative. The people in the story world are men-tioned by the story teller to the children. In (71) and (72) where ilɔ ‘news’ and ibɛ ‘time’ mass nouns are the heads, so the prefix i- is selected. In (72) the news being referred to is known to the audience so the proximal demonstrative is used. One thing that should be noted is that the post verbal NP in (73), Egemi uzúgbó umɔ ‘mount Gemi there’ is an N-N compound followed by a distal demonstrative to show that Logba market in the story world is far away on the top of mount Gemi. 69. Uklontsi ɔmɛ ozi

u-klontsi ɔ-mɛ o-zi CM-book AM-DEM AM-be.good ‘This book is good’

70. Ahá (á)mɛ péteé xe ma-dzi-ɛ

aha a-mɛ pété-e xe ma-dzi-ɛ People AM-DEM all-EMPH RP 1SG-call-CFM ‘All these people I call,’ [15.2.11]

71. ilɔ imɛ ikpɛ lɛ ámɛ i-lɔ i-mɛ i-kpɛ lɛ á-mɛ CM-news AM-DEM SM-eat 3SGOBJ CM-stomach ‘This news eats up his stomach’ (This idea disturbed him) [15.2.63]

72. ibɛ ɪmɛ nu Akpana ovu e enyá Egemi uzúgbó umɔ

i-bɛ i-mɛ nu Akpana o-vu=é e-nyá CM-time AM-DEM in Akpana CM-market=DET SM.SG-stay

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egemi u-zúgbó u32-mɔ egemi CM-head AM-there ‘That time Logba market was on top of Mount Gemi there’[15.2.24]

Also, demonstratives can be coreferencial to the NP that is already introduced in the discourse and therefore known to the discourse participants. In (73) ofonyi é ‘the gourd’ is one of the instruments in the story. By using a demonstrative after the noun the story teller is informing the audience that the gourd he is making reference to is the same gourd which is already introduced. 73: aha, tee ofonyi é omɛ ɖe tee ɔlɛ amantsi

aha, tee o-fonyi=é o-mɛ ɖe téé AFF may be CM-gourd=DET AM-this COND maybe ɔlɛ a-mantsi 3SGIND CM-back ‘yes, may be if this gourd were at his back’ [15.2.44]

Demonstratives can be used independently as pronouns with a noun prefix refer-ring to the unexpressed noun. In (74) imɛ ‘this’ is the post verbal NP to the verb ri ‘hold’. imɛ ‘this’ is coreferencial in the story to the song (tune) which the bird is blasting and as a result, disturbing the other animals in the forest. The story teller repeats this for emphasis. 74. Ori imɛ omi ka,…

o-ri i-mɛ o-mi ka, 3SG-hold AM-this 3SG-take put.down ‘It takes this tune and puts it down, …’ [15.3.42]

The demonstrative can be used to show the relationship between the speaker and the entities he wants to talk about. In stories, the story teller is situated in the deic-tic centre and the entities that he refers to are in the story world which is his artis-tic creation. In both (75) and (76) mɔ ‘distal demonstrative’ is used. An indication that the story world the story teller is refering to is located far away from him. 75. ɔsa tsengo ɔkpiɛ o tsi mɔ ɔ-sa tsengo ɔ-kpiɛ o-tsi mɔ CM-man old AM-INDEF SM.SG-sit there An old man sat there [15.2.75]

32 u- prefix is selected here instead of i-prefix because the preceding noun, uzugbo ‘head’ has back vowels.

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76. yɛ ápetee eɖu egusa yɛ enya mɔ yɛ á-petee e-ɖu e-gusa yɛ e-nya mɔ CONJ 3PLU-all 3PLU-be PLU-friend CONJ 3PLU-stay there And they all were friends and stayed there. [15.3.20]

4.5 Intensifiers

Intensifiers add emphasis or precision to the meaning of a word. In Logba, an in-tensifier functions as a modifier in a fully expanded NP. The intensifiers identified are as follows: 77. kpóyi ‘completely’

pétee ‘all’ ko ‘only’ dzaa ‘no addition’

The object noun phrase in (78) has all the slots filled: mfúta vuvɔ nnyɔ mmɛ petee ‘all these two new clothes’ is an NP in which the head noun is mfúta ‘clothes’, vuvɔ ‘new’ is the qualifier, nnyɔ ‘two’ is the quantifier mme ‘these’ is the deter-miner and petee ‘all’ is the intensifier. In (79) the subject NP iva gbali petee ‘all the bad things’ the noun head iva ‘thing’ is modified by a qualifier gbali ‘bad’ and an intensifier petee ‘all’ 78. Manɛ mfúta vuvɔ nnyɔ mmɛ pétée Ugɛ

Ma-nɛ m-fúta vuvɔ n-nyɔ m-mɛ petee Ugɛ 1SG-buy CM-cloth new AM-two AM-DEM all Accra ‘I bought all these two new clothes in Accra’

79. Iva gbali pétée ta izɔ imɛ loo!

Iva gbali pétée ta i-zɔ i-mɛ loo! thing bad all let 3SG-go AM-DEM ADR ‘Let all the bad things go away here’ [LIBATION]

The intensifiers identified so far are as follows: 80. kpoyi ‘completely’

péteé ‘all’ ko ‘only’ dzaa ‘no addition’

I will discuss the use of each intensifier in turn: kpoyi ‘all’ and petee ‘completely’ are synonymous. They are used almost inter-changeably with both count and non-count nouns. It is probable that petee ‘all’ is borrowed from Ewe. It is used in Ewe with the same meaning. The intensifier ko

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‘only’ is used to show that no other thing apart from the one mentioned exists even though it is expected. The use of dzaa ‘just’ shows that no addtion is expected. Intensifiers cannot function as head in an NP. It must always be preceded by either a head noun or a modifier in the NP. It only functions as a modifier as such it can-not stand alone as an NP. It is possible to have a sentence in which there is more than one intensifier. In (81), there are two intensifiers dzaa ‘just’ and ko ‘only’ modifying ɔyɔ nango ɔkpiɛ ‘a certain big tree’ 81.Ebítsi ɛ ɔkla fɛ ɔyɔ nango ɔkpiɛ dza a ko etsi. ebitsi=ɛ ɔ-kla fɛ ɔ-yɔ nango ɔ-kpiɛ child=DET SM.SG-hide into CM-tree big AM-INDEF dzáa ko etsi. no.addition only under ‘The child went and hid under only a big tree.’

5 ADPOSITIONS AND ADPOSITIONAL PHRASES

The discussion in this chapter centres on adpositions looking closely at each of the two classes in Logba – prepositions and postpositions.

5.1 Adpositions

Adpositions refer to both prepositions and postpositions. They are a closed class of lexical items which may derive diachronically from nouns and verbs (see Ameka & Essegbey 2006, Payne 1997). Some languages have either of the two but Logba has both prepositions and postpositions.

5.1.1 Prepositions Preposition is a word which precedes a noun or pronoun forming an adjunct. This phrase is usually not a core argument. Preposition in Logba comprises a closed class of five members. They are shown in table 5.1: Table 5.1 Prepositions

PREPOSITION MEANING fɛ ‘at’ na ‘on’ kpɛ ‘with, and’ gu ‘about’ dzígu ‘from’

These prepositions in table 5:1 are used in example sentences (1) – (5) 1. Ina ɔkla fɛ abia á amá

i-na ɔ-kla fɛ a-bia=á a-má CM-person SMSG-hide at CM-chair=DET CM-back ‘The person hides behind the chair’ [TPRS.64]

2. Aklá pepa na agli é yó

a-klá pepa na a-gli=é yó 3PLU-paste paper on CM-wall=DET skin ‘They paste paper on the wall’ [TRPS.44]

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3. Udzi e o glɛ uzugbo kpɛ afuta udzi=é ó-glɛ uzugbo kpɛ a-futa CM-woman=DET SM.SG-tie CM-head with CM-cloth ‘The lady tied her head with a cloth’ [TRPS.46]

4. Nkpe ɔkpɛ gu aviɛtsɔɛzágo yo

n-kpe ɔ-kpɛ gu a-viɛtsɔɛzágo yo 1SG-know AM-one about CM-local.soap skin ‘I know something about how to make local soap’ [15.14.01]

5. Dzigu nkpe nglo lízɔ glankpe yedze edze nyí

dzi-gu n-kpe n-glo lɪ-zɔ glankpe stand.from CM-year AM-six hold-go seven yedze e-dze nyí then 3PLU-start fruit ‘from six going to seven years then it begins to bear fruit’

Most prepositions are verbs which have undergone grammaticalization. na ‘on’ in (2) is a preposition and shows the relation of the figure ‘paper’ and the ground ‘wall.’ The paper rests on the wall. An alternative interpretation is that na is a verb in a serial verb construction with kla ‘paste’ and this literally translates as ‘They paste paper put wall skin’. na however, does not occur on its own as a verb. fɛ, unlike na can function both as a verb and a preposition. It functions as a verb with the agreement marker prefixed to it. This is shown in (6): 6. Udzi ɛ ɔfɛ afɔkpa.

u-dzi=ɛ ɔ-fɛ a-fɔkpa CM-woman=DET SM.SG-put CM-shoe ‘The woman wears a shoe.’ [TRPS.21]

As a preposition, it is preceded by the finite verb kla ‘hide’ in (1). The person is covered by the chair; he is not on its surface. As such, he can not be seen easily. It can therefore be argued that fɛ has undergone a semantic restriction as a result of its collocation with the adjacent finite verb. In another context, fɛ has an adverbial function meaning ‘also’ and it is in sentence final position modifying mɔ imɔ ‘laugh a laugh’. This is illustrated in (7): 7. Udzi ɛ ɔlɔkpɛ akpɔnɔ ɔlɔnyɔ lɛ ɔndzɪ yɛ ɔlɔ mɔ imɔ fɛ.

u-dzi=ɛ ɔ-lɔ-kpɛ a-kpɔnɔ CM-woman=DET SM.SG-PRSPROG-eat CM-biscuit ɔ-lɔ-nyɔ=lɛ ɔ-ndzi 3SG-PRSPROG-stay=3SGOBJ 3SG-sweet

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yɛ ɔ-lɔ-mɔ i-mɔ fɛ CONJ 3SG-PSPROG-laugh CM-laugh also ‘The woman is eating biscuits it is sweet for her she is laughing also.’

The words fɛ ‘also’ fɛ ‘put’ and fɛ ‘at’ have high tone. The semantic relationship is not clear to suggest that they share the same meaning. I therefore suggest that they are homonyms. gu ‘about’ and dzigu ‘from’ are closely related. dzigu ‘from’ is a stronger form of gu ‘about’. dzigu ‘from’ is used when the boundaries between what one wants to refer to are clearly defined. gu ‘about’ is used when the relationship to be ex-pressed is either an approximation or is unclear. kpɛ is both used to join additive NPs and mark instruments. The use of kpɛ is common with Ewe,33 Gbe languages and other GTM languages. (8a) and (8b.) illustrate this: 8a. Ama ɔkpa akukɔli kpɛ uhɛ

Ama ɔ-kpa a-kukɔli kpɛ u-hɛ Ama SM.SG-cut CM-fingernail with CM-knife ‘Ama cut fingernail with knife’

8b. Esi o blí uzi e kpɛ hama

Esi ó-blí u-zi=e kpɛ hama Esi SM.SG-break CM-door=DET with hammer ‘Esi broke the door with hammer’

From this discussion, one can say that the words which are used as prepositions in Logba have other grammatical functions; they can function as verbs, conjunctions, or adverbs.

5.1.2 Postpositions Postposition forms a constituent with a preceding NP adjacent to it. It is a word that heads a phrase and its dependent is the NP. Ameka & Essegbey (2006) point out that even though postpositions in Ewe evolve diachronically from nouns they constitute a distinct class. Postposition in Logba is a closed class of nine members of which five are body part terms that have grammaticalised. The grammaticaliza-tion is considered to be cognitively motivated (see Heine 1997). Table 5.2 shows the postpositions in Logba. 33 The form in Ewe is [kple] but the functions are similar. Kofi kple Yawo yi suku ‘Kofi and Yawo went to school’ Yawo bla ta kple avɔ ‘Yawo tied the head with cloth.’

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Table 5.2 Postpositions

POSTPOSITION GLOSS nu ‘containing region’ etsi ‘under’ tsú ‘on’ ité ‘front’ zugbó ‘head’, ‘on’ yó ‘skin’, ‘surface contact’ anú ‘mouth’ ‘tip’ ‘edge’ otsoe ‘ear’, ‘side’ amá ‘back’ ‘behind’

In sentences (9) – (16), postpositions are used. The postpositions add meaning to the location of the figure. For example, in (12), tsu ‘on’ can be used in the syntac-tic position of zugbo ‘head’, ‘on’. When this is done, the native speaker will have a subtle semantic difference in the sentence. ukpu e zugbo refers to ‘the peak of the mountain’ while ukpue tsu refers to ‘any position on the mountain top’ 9. Afu ta a tsi bagi é nu a-futa a-tsi bagi=é nu CM-cloth SM.SG-be.in bag=DET containing.region ‘Cloth is in the bag’ [TRPS AV 14] 10. Idatɔa itsi afutaa etsi i-datɔ-a i-tsi a-futa-a etsi CM-spoon=DET SM.SG-be.in CM-cloth=DET under ‘The spoon is under the cloth’ [TPRS.24] 11. Odzutsuklo e o le nɖu é tsu

o-dzutsuklo=e ó-le n-ɖú-é tsú CM-river=DET SM.SG-be CM-river=DET on ‘The boat is on the water’ [TRPS.11]

12. Ɔyɔa ole ukpu e zugbo ɔ-yɔa óle u-kpu=e zugbó CM- tree SM.SG be CM-mountain=DET head ‘The tree is on top of the hill’ [TRPS.65]

13. Awu e ákɔ agli é yó

awu=e á-kɔ a-gli=é yó dress=DET SM.SG-be.hang CM-wall=DET skin ‘The dress hangs on the wall’ [TRPS.09]

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14. Ɔŋkpa ole akɔntsi é anu ɔ-ŋkpa o-le a-kɔntsi=é anu CM-rope SM.SG-be CM- basket=DET mouth ‘A spinned rope is on the tip of the basket’ [PV.19]

15. Odzúnúinɔ ole memgba otsoe

o-dzú-nú-inɔ o-le memgba o-tsoe CM-river-in-animal SM.SG-be plate CM-ear ‘Fish is on the side of the plate’

16. Amúti ózutsi ɔfafɛgo é itɛ

amú-ti o-zutsi ɔfafɛgo=é itɛ 1SG-father SM.SG-sit CM-fence=DET front ‘My father sits in front of the fence’

In sentences (9) – (16) above, the postpositions contribute greatly in showing the location of the figure. In sentence (9), the figure occupies the containing region. The bag is a container and the cloth occupies the space in it. nu is therefore se-lected as the postposition to delimit the space the object occupies. In (10), there is a space under the cloth where the spoon is located. So the cloth is above the spoon and covers it. Another situation in which etsi can be used is illustrated in sentence (17): 17. Andɔ a o tsi ukplɔ a etsi

a-ndɔ=a o-tsi u-kplɔ=a etsi CM-cat=DET SM.SG-be.sit CM-table=DET under ‘The cat sits under the table’ [TRPS.31]

In (17), the body of the table does not touch the cat as one can visualise in (10) where the cloth touches the spoon. The ‘under’ relation is not sensitive to whether the figure is visible or touching the ground. The same postposition is used to de-scribe the location of the two figures. In sentence (11), tsu ‘on’ is the postposition used. It describes a horizontal surface with support from below. This contrasts with (13) where the ground is a vertical wall and yo ‘skin’ is selected. tsu ‘on’ is used for similar situations like a cup on a table, a pen on a desk, a dog on a mat and yo ‘skin’ is used for a handle on a door, a spider on the wall and a handle on a bag. In (16) itɛ ‘front’ is used to show the position of the ‘father’ in relation to ɔfafɛgo e ‘the fence’ This contrasts with ama ‘behind’ in sentence (1). In sentence (12), the postposition used is zugbo. This example is a description of a figure that is positioned on a ground that is either vertical or horizontal but above the view of the speaker. The outer edge of a plate - the sides bordering it is re-ferred to as otsoe ‘ear’ as in (15) memgba otsoe ‘the ear of the plate’ and anú

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‘mouth’ refers to the tip as in (14) akɔntsi é anu ‘the mouth of the basket’ It is evident that the postpositions used in sentences (12), (13), (14) and (15) are body part nouns which are transferred to entity parts. It can be argued that yo ‘skin’ and zugbo ‘head’ are postpositions because they have lost their prefixes which they would have if they were nouns and for that matter can be said to have undergone grammaticalization. The others, otsoe ‘ear’ anu ‘mouth’ ama ‘back’ are spatial nominals that function as postpositions but they have not grammaticalised to become postpositions. Postpositions are used in expressions that refer to time and other abstract concepts. In (18) ibɛ imɛ nu ‘in this time’ the postposition nu ‘containing region’ heads the phrase and its dependent is the NP ibe imɛ ‘this time’ In (19) tsu ‘on’ is used with the abstract NP ofu ‘pain’ 18.ibimɛ(ibɛ mɛ) nu Akpana ovu e enya Egemi

ibi-mɛ nu Akpana o-vu=e e-nya Egemi time-this in Akpana CM-market=DET SM.SG-stay Egemi ‘This time the Akpana market is in Egemi’ [15.2.24]

19. inadzi e óle ofu tsú inadzi=e ó-le o-fu tsú woman=DET SM.SG-be CM-pain on ‘The woman is in distress’ There are fixed expressions in which, the postposition is present with a preceding NP. These expressions are shown in Table 5.3 with the literal translations and meaning. Some of these expressions are fossilised. Table 5.3: Postpositional Expressions

EXPRESSION LITERAL MEANING GLOSS iyɛ tsú it on ‘be certain’ ofu tsú pain on ‘in distress’ imɔ amá neck back ‘after that’ ɔgbá amá road back ‘late’ anyi nu face in ‘texture’ ‘presence’ iɖie nu world the in ‘in the world, in life’

The postpositional expressions are used in sentences. (20) shows the use of iɖiɛnu ɛ ‘in the world’ and (21) exemplifies anyinu ‘face’ or ‘presence’ 20. Ekple ina ɔkpɛ xé óbo iɖiɛnu ɛ toto susu tɛ ɔlɛ kpe iva fiɛɛ. Ekple i-na ɔ-kpɛ xé ó-bo i-ɖiɛnu=ɛ Now CM-person CM-one RP 3SG-stay CM-world=DET

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to-to susu tɛ ɔlɛ kpe iva fiɛ -ɛ never-never think COMPL 3SGIND know thing exceed=3PLUOBJ

‘Now a single person in this world should not think that’he is wiser than all.’ [15.2.78]

21. Idzɔwasa anyinu idzɔ iŋú bé I-dzɔ-wasa anyi-nu i-dzɔ i-ŋú bé

CM-yam-owner face-in CM-yam SM-see well.cooked ‘Yam gets well-cooked in the presence of the owner’ [15.4.07]

Postposition can also be used metaphorically. In the example sentence (22), etsi ‘under’ is a postposition to the NP, Ayotsu nansa ‘Tota chief’ and shows that the subject NP, Asafohene is subordinate in status to the Tota chief. 22. Asafohene o tsi Ayotsu34 unansa etsi

A-safohene o-tsi Ayotsu u-nansa e-tsi CM-asafo.chief SM.SG-sit Ayotsu CM-chief CM-under ‘The Asafo chief is under the Tota chief’

34 Ayotsu is the local name for Tota. It means on the top of Aya. Tota is the Ewe name which means top of mountain (see explanation in section 1.1.2).

6 BASIC CLAUSE STRUCTURE, NON-VERBAL AND LOCATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS

The chapter is about basic clause structure in Logba and some specific verbal and non-verbal constructions. It opens with an overview of the basic clause structure and discusses grammatical relations and the syntactic properties of the constituents of the clause. Copula structures and non-verbal structures are then discussed. This is followed by comparative constructions and verbless predications. The chapter concludes with a discussion on basic locative constructions.

6.1 Constituent order

Logba has a strict SVO constituent order. The subject is followed by the verb and in a transitive clause; the verb is followed by a direct object. In a double object construction, the Goal comes before the Theme. The adjunct occurs at the final position of the clause but before utterance final particles eg. loo. The linear order of constituents in a simple double object clause is shown in (1) 1. SUBJECT – VERB – GOAL – THEME - ADJUNCT Table 6.1 presents a simple clause in which all the slots are filled. Table 6.1: Simple double object clause

SUBJECT VERB GOAL THEME ADJUNCT ɔsa a ɔgbla ebi twɔ ɔ akɔnta afa nu ɔ-sá-á ɔ-gbla e-bít-wɔ-ɔ a-kɔnta a-fá-nu CM-man-DET SM.SG-teach CM-child-PLU-DET CM-maths CM-house-in The man taught the children mathematics in the house’

This clause structure is typical of most Kwa languages spoken in the area espe-cially Akan and other GTM languages. The basic constituent order is modulated for topicalisation and focalisation. In topic constructions, a noun phrase or a post-positional phrase may be fronted to the left periphery as an external constituent of the clause. In focus constructions, a non-verbal constituent in the clause can be front shifted to the left periphery in pre subject slot. Temporal nouns and ideo-phonic adjectives can sometimes function as adjuncts. When Topic and focus slots are filled a simple clause is as shown in (6.2) 6.2: Simple clause with topic and focus slots filled (TOPIC) → (FOCUS) →SUBJECT→V→(OBJECT)

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6.2 Grammatical relations

Logba is a configurational language. That is grammatical relations are defined by the order in which they occur relative to the verb. Every clause has subject obliga-torily expressed. The subject is cross referenced on the verb in the form of a vowel prefix. Subject and object are nominals. Adverbs can occupy the immediate post verbal slot when an intransitive verb is used. Semantic roles are imposed on its nominal arguments, the roles linked to the grammatical relations may be different. The subject in a two argument clause is normally Agent and the object is Patient. It is possible to have a transitive clause with Theme and Location in Subject and Object positions respectively. In an intransitive clause, the only argument subject is in preverbal position. (1a) below, is a transitive clause with two arguments: Gameli, which is in preverbal position and Kofi, a post-verbal NP. In (1b) there is a clause in which the preverbal argument Kɔpu ɛ ‘the cup’ is the Theme and the postpositional phrase ukplɔ a tsu ‘on the table’ is the Location. In (1c) the postposi-tional phrase, ukplɔ a tsu ‘on the table’ is the subject. (1d) is an intransitive clause and the only argument, which is in pre-verbal position, is Selorm. 1a. Gameli ɔlá Kofi. Gameli ɔ-lá Kofi Gameli SM.SG-beat Kofi ‘Gameli beat Kofi.’ 1b. Kɔpu ɛ ɔlɛ ukplɔ a tsú.

kɔpu=ɛ ɔ-lɛ u-kplɔ=a tsú Cup=DET SM.SG-be CM-table=DET on ‘The cup is on the table.’[TPRS.01]

1c. Ukplɔ á tsú ídre u-kplɔ=á tsú í-dre CM-table=DET on SM-become dirty ‘The table is dirty’ 1d. Selorm ɔzɔ. Selormɔ-zɔ Selorm SM.SG-go ‘Selorm went.’ The subject argument may have different semantic roles to the verbs. This is be-cause the verb determines the semantic role of the arguments. The subject in (2a) is Agent, in (2b) it is Theme and in (2c), it is Experiencer.

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2a. Senanu ɔbá awɔ á. Senanu ɔ-bá awɔ=á Senanu SM.SG –kill snake=DET ‘Senanu kills the snake.’

2b. Agbí é ólé agli é yó. Agbí=e ó-lé agli=e yó

spider=DET SM.SG-be wall=DET skin ‘Spider is on the wall.’ 2c. Ɔsá á ɔŋúm. ɔ-sá=á ɔ-ŋu-m CM-man=DET SM.SG-see-1SGOBJ ‘The man saw me.’ In Logba, there are no special markers for subject and object on the NPs. However, there are distinct forms of pronouns for the subject and object (refer chapter 3). The NPs in (3a) and (4a) are replaced with pronoun affixes in (3b) and (4b) below to illustrate this. 3a. Kofi ɔlá Ama 3b. Ɔlá ɛ

Kofi ɔ-la Ama ɔ-lá=ɛ Kofi SM.SG-beat Ama 3SG-beat=3SGOBJ ‘Kofi beat Ama’ ‘He beat her’

4a. Setor ókpe igbeɖi é. 4b. Ókpe é Setor ó-kpe i-gbeɖi=e ó-kpe=é Setor SM.SG-peel CM-cassava=DET 3SG-peel=3SGOBJ ‘Setor peeled the cassava.’ ‘He peeled it’ Independent pronouns behave like nouns. When an independent pronoun is used, an agreeing pronominal prefix has to be prefixed to the verb. (5a) is grammatical because a corresponding bound pronoun ma ‘1SG’ is prefixed to the verb in addi-tion to the independent pronoun amu ‘1SGIND’ (5b) is marked as ungrammatical because the independent form is used without the bound form, that is the subject noun is not cross referenced on the verb. 5a. Amu maz(a)iva 5b.*Amu z(a)iva amu ma-z(a)-i-va amu z(a)-i-va 1SGIND 1SG-cook-CM-thing 1SGIND cook-CM-thing ‘I cooked,(no one else)’ ‘I cooked, (no one else)’

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There is a fixed order of the constituents in which the first object is the Recipient and the second one is the Theme. In Logba both the Theme and the Goal can be preposed. Even the postpositional phrase in adjunct slot can be fronted. Object 1 and Object 2 differ with respect to pronominalization. Sentences in which both objects are pronominalised are considered ungrammatical. The Goal is the first object and it can be pronominalised. In (6) the two objects: Goal and Theme are shown in a sentence. However, in (7) a pronoun is used in place of the first object. In (8) a pronoun is used to replace the second object and it is considered to be ungrammatical. In (9) the position of the second object pronoun is changed and in (10) both objects have been pronominalised. They are all ungrammatical. 6. Ɔta Yaku mango Ɔ-ta Yaku mango 3SG-give Yaku mango ‘He gave Yaku mango’

7. Ɔtá ɛ mango Ɔ-ta=ɛ mango 3SG-give=3SGOBJ mango ‘He gave him mango’

8. *Ɔta Yaku ɛ

*ɔ-ta Yaku-ɛ 3SG-give Yaku=3SGOBJ ‘He gave Yaku it’

9. *Ɔta ɛYaku

*ɔ-ta=ɛ Yaku 3SG-give=3SGOBJ Yaku ‘He gave it Yaku’

10. *Ɔta ɛ ɛ

*ɔ-ta=ɛ ɛ 3SG-give=3SGOBJ 3SGOBJ ‘He gave him it’

This implies that the second object is barred from pronominalisation. The question is how to get a construction that will make it possible to pronominalise the second object; that is the Theme. To pronominalise the second object, a manipulative SVC is normally employed in which the Theme is used as the object of V1. Similar be-havior of second object in double object construction is reported in Stewart (1963) and Saah & Eze (1997) for Akan and Igbo. The pronominalisation of the second object in an SVC is illustrated in (11)

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11. Omi é tá Yaku O-mi=é tá Yaku 3SG-take=3SGOBJ give Yaku ‘He take it give Yaku’

Another property that distinguishes object 1 from object 2 is the use of the objects in relative clauses. While a gap strategy is used to relativise object 1, a marker strategy is used for object 2. This is attested in (12) and (13). 12. Yaku xe Amozi o tá ∅ mango

Yaku xe Amozi o-tá ∅ mango Yaku RP Amozi SM.SG-give GAP mango ‘Yaku who Amozi gave mango’

13. Mango xe Amozi o tá Yakue

Mango xe Amozi ó-tá Yaku-e Mango RP Amozi SM.SG-give Yaku-MARKER ‘Mango which Amozi gave Yaku’

From these, one sees that there is a difference between the objects in respect of pronominalisation and relativisation. These tests have shown that Object 1 (Goal) and Object 2 (Theme) are different.

6.3 Copula constructions

In this section, I intend to show copula constructions in Logba and describe them.

6.3.1 Equative constructions In equative constructions the verb ɖú ‘be’ is used. The pre-verbal NP is definite and either has a proper noun or a noun and a demonstrative. There is an agreement marker prefixed on the verb. The structure of the construction in Logba is in 6.4 below: 6.4: Structure of equative construction (NP1) — (SM-Cop) — (NP2) +definite

The sentences below are examples of equative constructions. The order of NPs in (14a) and (15a) are permuted to get (14b) and (15b). The initial subject has to be definite.

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14a.Kofi oɖú ubonukpíwo. Kofi ó-ɖú u-bonukpíwo Kofi SM.SG-be CM-farmer

‘Kofi is a farmer.’ 14b.Ubonukpíwo é o ɖú Kofi.

u-bonukpiwo=é ó-ɖú Kofi CM- farmer=DET SM.SG-be Kofi ‘The farmer is Kofi.’

15a. Kɔdzo oɖú avablɔwo.

Kɔdzo o-ɖú a-vablɔwo Kɔdzo SM.SG-be CM-herbalist

‘Kɔdzo is a herbalist.’ 15b.Avablɔwo é o ɖú Kɔdzo.

a-vablɔwò=e ó-ɖú Kɔdzo CM-herbalist=DET SM.SG-be Kɔdzo

‘The herbalist is Kɔdzo.’ ɖú ‘be’ in its bare form has a present time reference. When a speaker intends to express future time, the future marker bó is prefixed to the verb. This is exempli-fied in (16). 16. Kofi obóɖú ubonukpíwo. Kofi o-bó-ɖú ubonukpíwo Kofi SM.SG -FUT-be farmer ‘Kofi will be a farmer.’ ɖú cannot be used in the progressive. Sentence (17) is ungrammatical because lo ‘PRSPROG’ is attached to ɖu ‘be’. 17. *Kofi olóɖú ubonukpíwo. *Kofi o-ló-ɖú obonukpíwo Kofi SM.SG -PRSPROG-be farmer

‘Kofi is being a farmer.’ When a past time is to be expressed, the adjunct expression dzé ‘ago’ is used. (18) shows dze in clause final position: 18. Kofi oɖú obonukpíwo dzé. Kofi o-ɖú obonukpíwo dzé Kofi SM.SG –be farmer ago ‘Kofi was a farmer.’

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This implies that he was once a farmer but he is not a farmer at speech time

6.3.2 Predicative possessive constructions This construction is expressed by a clause whose nucleus is filled by the verb bo ‘stay’. The possessed NP is the subject and the possessor NP is the object. The literal meaning of the clause is that the possesed item stays with the possessor. This is shown in the sentences below. Sentences (19a-c) are examples of material things and (20a-b) are non-material things. 19a.Awu ábowú. a-wu á-bo-wú

CM-dress SM.SG -stay-2SGOBJ ‘You have a dress.’

19b.Ukló óbo é.

u-klo ó-bo=é CM-car SM.SG -stay=3SGOBJ ‘He has a car.’

19c.Ambué anyɔ ábo ḿ.

a-mbué a-nyɔ á-bo=ḿ CM-orange AM-two SM.PLU-stay=1SGOBJ ‘I have two oranges.’

20a.Asusú ɖúkpá a bo Esi.

a-susú ɖúkpá á-bo Esi CM-brain good SM.SG –stay Esi ‘Esi has good ideas.’

20b.Ugunɛ ɔkpɛ obo é. u-gunɛ ɔ-kpɛ ó-bo=é CM-sister AM-one SM.SG -stay=3SGOBJ ‘She has one sister.’ bo is used generally to refer to present and future possessive situations. For past time reference nyá is used as the verb in the predicative possessive constructions. This means that at the time of talking the speaker is without the item in question. In (21), the object complement –m, the possessor, has no car. This is illustrated below: 21. Ukló ɔnyá m . u-kló ɔ-nyá=m CM-lorry SM.SG –stay.PAST=1SGOBJ ‘I had a car.’

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nyá is also used to express sensation that one had experienced in the following expressions : 22. Ɔgɔ ɔnyá m . ɔ-gɔ ɔ-nyá=m CM-hunger SM.SG-stay.PAST=1SGOBJ ‘I had hunger.’

23. Nɖúgɔ ɔnyá m.

n-ɖúgɔ ɔ-nyá=m CM-thirst SM.SG-stay.PAST=1SGOBJ ‘I had thirst.’

The present progressive collocates with nyá to give a progressive sense, it is grammatical in this attested expression in (24): 24. Ɔgɔ ɔlɔnyá m . ɔ-gɔ ɔ-lɔ-nyá m CM-hunger SM.SG -PRSPROG stay.PAST=1SGOBJ ‘I have been having hunger.’ This implies that the person making the statement was suffering from the pangs of hunger some time before speech time and it is continuing. On the other hand, ɔgɔ ɔnyam ‘I had hunger’ will imply the speaker was hungry at a particular time in the past but not at the time he was making the statement. So when ɔlɔ nyam is used, the possession of the NP argument in the subject is from the past and it is progres-sive in speech time. It can also be used in the construction involving ɖu ‘be’ as V1 and nya ‘stay’ as V2 to mean the feeling of a current sensation. (25) attests to this fact. 25. Nɖúgɔ nɖú ónyá ḿ. nɖu-gɔ n-ɖu ɔ-nya=m water-hunger SM.SG-PRSPROG.be 3SG-stay=1SGOBJ ‘I am thirsty.’

6.4 Comparative constructions

A Comparative Construction has a semantic function of assigning a graded position on a predicative scale to two objects: The entity that is compared and the standard to which it is compared. This construction is strategically used in discourse by a speaker to get a mental picture of the quality of an object that is compared to the quality that has been described.

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Comparative construction according to the terminology used by Stassen (1985) involves the following elements: Standard; the NP which indicates the object that serves as the yardstick of the comparison; Comparee, the object that is compared. The parameter, is the property on which the comparison is based and the index is the type of comparison. Both the parameter and the index are referred to as the scale. The verb fiɛ ‘exceed’ comparative construction illustrated in (26) and (27) is by far the most widely used comparative construction in the language. The NP Binka, ‘name’ is the comparee and the parameter is kpontsi ‘be.short’ and Howusu ‘name’ is the standard: 26. Binka okpontsi fiɛ Howusu.

Binka o-kpontsi fɪɛ Howusu Binka SM.SG –be.short exceed Howusu ‘Binka is shorter than Howusu.’

In (27) below, the standard abia ‘chair’ is the object complement of fiɛ which is the index. The parameter is kpiagu ‘be.high’ 27. Ukplɔ okpiagu fiɛ abia.

u-kplɔ o-kpiagu fiɛ a-bia CM-table SM.SG -be.high exceed CM-chair ‘The table is higher than the chair.’

From the structure, it is evident that ‘more than’ comparison is expressed by using a Serial Verb Construction in which V2 fiɛ ‘exceed’ is the index on the scale of comparison and the V1 kpontsi ‘be.short’ and kpiagu ‘be.high’ are the parameters. The comparative verb, V2 fiɛ ‘exceed’ can occur as a simple predicate. When it occurs in a sentence as the main verb the subject NP is cross referenced on it. This is illustrated in (28) where it is cross referenced but no parameter is expressed and the value is referred to as parameter: However, when the index of (the comparee) fiɛ ‘exceed’ occurs in V2 as in (29) it is not cross referenced. 28. Amu peya áfiɛ ŋkɔntsi inyɔ.

amu peya á-fiɛ ŋ-kɔntsi nnyɔ 1SG IND peas SM.SG-exceed PLU-basket AM-two ‘My peas are more than two baskets.’

The comparee is subject NP and the parameter is in V1

29. Awú awu ɔbibi fiɛ Esinam. awú a-wu ɔ-bibi fiɛ Esinam 2SG IND CM-dress SM.SG –be.small exceed Esinam ‘Your dress is smaller than Esinam’s.’

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In sentence (30) below, Comparee is the event manɛ uklontsi ‘I bought books’ fiɛ ‘exceed’ is the index. udzɛ (nɛ uklontsi) ‘woman bought books’ is the standard. 30. Manɛ uklontsi fɪɛ udzi ɛ.

ma-nɛ u-klontsi fiɛ u-dzi=ɛ 1SG-buy CM-book exceed CM-woman=DET ‘I bought books more than the woman.’

In sentence (31) below, Parameter is V1 - Object mi utrɔmɛ ‘work’. inashina (ɔmi utrɔmɛ). ‘everybody works’ is the standard. 31. Ɔsa á ɔmí utrɔmɛ fiɛ inashina. ɔ-sa=a ɔ-mí u-trɔmɛ fiɛ i-nashina CM-man=DET SM.SG-take CM-work exceed CM-everybody ‘The man works more than everybody.’

When the standard is plural or compound the interpretation of the construction would be superlative. That is the comparee is the highest degree among the mem-bers of the standard. The standard is Kwaku kpɛ Kwadzo ‘Kwaku and Kwadzo’ The comparee is Kuma ‘name’. (32) shows that Kuma is bigger than Kwaku and Kwadzo. Thus, degree is not grammaticalised in the exceed construction. 32. Kuma ɔɖa fiɛ Kwaku kpɛ Kwadzo.

Kuma ɔ-ɖa fiɛ Kwaku kpɛ Kwadzo Kuma SM.SG-big exceed Kwaku CONJ Kwadzo ‘Kuma is bigger than Kwaku and Kwadzo.’

Apart from the ‘exceed’ comparative constructions which is dominant in the lan-guage, there are other strategies employed to express comparison. These are dis-cussed below:

6.4.1 Structures expressing superlative The superlative is expressed using the verb ɖú ‘be’ and NP with a determiner suf-fixed to it + 3PLU-nu ‘in them’. The 3PLU could be replaced with a noun. (33) and (34) illustrate this. The standard of comparison is expressed in an NP with the containing region postposition nu ‘in’ resulting in a superlative interpretation. 33. Seli o ɖú otsengo e ánu.

Seli ó-ɖú otsengo=e á-nu Seli SM.SG-be old.one=DET 3PLU-containing.region ‘Seli is the oldest among them.’

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34. Setɔ oɖú obibi e ebítwɔ nu. Setɔ o-ɖú obibi=e e-bít-wɔ-nu Setɔ SM.SG-be small.one=DET CM-child-PLU-containing.region ‘Setɔ is the smallest one among the children.’

6.4.2 Structures expressing equality Equative structure where the copula complement is ikpɛ ‘one’ is used to express egalitarian comparison. This expression is used as a predicate of the NP(s) that is used in the comparison. The example sentence (35) below is an explanation given by the Klikpo chief about the state regalia: 35. katawɔɛ petee i ɖu ikpɛ

katawɔɛ petee i-ɖu i-kpɛ parasol all SM-be AM-one

‘all parasols are one’ [15.7.20]

6.4.3 Comparisons expressing semblative The word bɔtɛ ‘like’ is used in expressions of semblance. The index of similarity is either expressed in a verb preceding bɔtɛ ‘like’ as in (37) or in a verb following bɔtɛ ‘like’ which in that case is preceded by a form of ɖu ‘to be’ as in (36). The comparee is in a form of the subject and the standard follows the verb. 36. anyɛ ko iɖu bɔtɛ tsitsi menu ami kerosene xe ami tsu ɔdza

anyɛ ko i-ɖu bɔtɛ tsitsi menu a-mi kerosene this only SM-be like overturn where 2SG-take kerosene xé a-mi tsú ɔ-dzá RP 2SG-take on CM-fire ‘this is like how you will take kerosene and pour it into fire’ [15.11.58-59]

37. Avá ɔndzi bɔtɛ iwónɖú.

avá ɔ-ndzi bɔtɛ i-wó-n-ɖú CM-medicine SM.SG –be.sweet like CM-bee CM-water ‘The medicine is sweet like honey.’

6.5 Verbless predication

Verbless predications involve two NPs juxtaposed without a verb linking them. The first NP function as the topic and the second as a comment on it. Some em-phatic expressions are said using verbless predication. It can be said that inadzengo ‘human being’ is the topic and ɔkpɛ ‘something’ is the comment in (38). The topic seems to be emphatic since it is marked with an intensifier ko ‘only’. Structures

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like these express a kind of similarity between the topic and the comment. This expression is used in an answer to a question in emotional situations. (38) and (39) are examples. (38) has the structure as: NP + ko ‘only’ NP. (38) is usually a statement made to emphasise the unique role that human beings are perceived to play in all that is done in Logba 38. Inadzengo ko ɔkpɛ.

inadzengo ko ɔ-kpɛ human.being only AM.one “Human being is something.”

The expression, in (39) on the other hand, appears to be tautological. afánu ‘home’ is mentioned twice. It is first used as a topic and second as a comment. This is a statement that is often made to show the importance of the land of birth to the Logba people. As a result, they believe that all that they own come from the land which is their final resting place. 39. Afánu ko afánu. afánu ko afánu home only home “Home is home.” (There is no place like home)

6.6 Basic locative constructions

Basic Locative Construction (BLC) is the construction that is used in answer to when a where question is posed. When the question where is x is posed the answer is a construction in which there is a locative verb and an NP - Postposition indicat-ing the location. The elicitation tool employed in this research is the Topological Relation Picture Series (TPRS) (Bowerman and Pederson 1993). This book is de-signed to help researchers to identify the resources that languages have for encod-ing static topological relation between Figure and Ground (Talmy 1983). Figure is the entity whose location is at stake and Ground is where the figure is located. For example, in picture 1 of TPRS, there is a picture of a cup on a table. The cup is the Figure and the table is the Ground. Another elicitation tool used is Picture Series for Positional Verbs. (Ameka et al. 1999). In this manual, there are different pic-tures of objects in different positions and a question was posed to consultants: where is x and they had to provide full clause answers to describe the pictures they see especially the position of the figure to the ground.. The data from elicitation tools and those from what I will refer to as semi-natural responses were used as a basis for the discussion on locative constructions. The description of BLC is made up of a reference object and a search domain or part of the reference object where the figure is located. Based on these criteria, Levinson and Wilkins (2006) identify four language types using the verbal compo-

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nent in the BLC. In the first group, there is no verb in the BLC. In the second group are languages that use a copula in all the BLC. This verb may either be a copula as in English or a locative verb as in Ewe. There is also a third group which has a large set of dispositional verbs of which Akan and Likpe are examples. In addition, Dutch is cited as belonging to a group that has a small contrastive set of positional verbs (see Levinson and Wilkins 2006). Judging from this grouping, I propose that Logba belongs to the same group with Akan and Likpe. This is be-cause, in addition to the locative verb le ‘be located’ which is the unmarked form, there are about eleven other dispositional verbs used in the BLC. Table 6.3 below shows the verbs used in locative constructions in Logba.

Table 6.3: Locative verbs VERB GLOSS le be.located kpɔ lie kɔ hang tɔ fix tsi sit ye stand gbɛ lean gbo fall tsoga lie across buá turn upside down glɛ tie dzi tie firmly

The fixed order of elements in a locative construction is: 40a. NP V[LOC] [NP Postp] PostpP The subject noun phrase position is filled by the FIGURE. This is followed by the locative verb and postposition. A postposition phrase denotes the GROUND where the figure is located. The postposition is in most cases a grammaticalised body part noun. Other variations of the locative construction have come up in the elicitation which is worth mentioning. In all, the subject noun phrase position which is filled by the Figure and the position of the locative verb do not change. In the first variation, there is a preposition before the NP-Postposition. In the second variation, a body part NP follows the locative verb immediately. FIGURE GROUND 40b. NP V[LOC] Prep [NP Postp] PostpP

40c. NP V[LOC] [NP ] Body Part

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It has been observed that when some consultants were questioned they used a Se-rial Verb Construction to describe the location of the pictures. These constrcutions describe more than the basic location. The V1 helps V2, the locative verb to provide information about the manner in which figure is located as shown in (41). 41. V1 V2 gbo ‘fall’ gbɛ ‘lean’ dzɔ ‘straight’ kpɔ ‘lie’ From the analysis of the data, one is able to arrive at the following as the interpre-tation of the verbs found in the data collected:

6.6.1 Locative verbs

6.6.1.1 le ‘be.located’ le is the unmarked locative verb. It appears Logba has borrowed this verb from Ewe. This is because the same form is in Ewe. For example: 42. Ewe Kɔpua le kplɔa dzi. kɔpu-a le kplɔ-a dzi cup-DET be.located table-DET upper surface ‘The cup is on the table.’ 43. Logba Kɔpu é ole ukplɔ á tsu . kɔpu=e ó-le u-kplɔ=á tsú cup=DET SM.SG-be.located CM-table=DET upper.surface ‘The cup is on the table.’ le is able to collocate with a wide number of postpositions. This is shown in (44) (45), (46), and (47). For example in (44) below, zugbo refers metaphorically to a body part and implies that the person wears the hat. In (46), it refers to the top of an item. This is used when the speaker does not want to specify anything about the portion of the figure but only the general location. 44. Kutó ole ɔsá á zugbo.

kutó o-le ɔ-sá=á zugbo hat SM.SG.be CM-man=DET head ‘The hat is on the man’s head.’ [TRPS 05]

45. Udzutsuklo e o le nɖu e tsu .

udzutsuklo=e ole nɖú=e tsu boat=DET SM.SG-be water=DET on ‘The boat is on the water.’ [TRPS 11]

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46. Ɔyɔ o le ukpu e zugbo. ɔ-yɔ ó-le u-kpu=e zugbó CM-tree SM.SG –be CM-mountain=DET head ‘The tree is on the top of the hill.’ [TRPS 65]

47. Agbí e óle agli é yó.

agbí=e ó-le a-gli=é yó spider=DET SM.SG- be CM-wall=DET skin ‘The spider is on the wall.’ [TRPS 07/2]

6.6.1.2 kpɔ ‘lie’ kpɔ is used to signal that an item is located somewhere in a horizontal position with its whole body touching the ground. kpɔ is used when reference is made to a human being lying on a mat. It is also used for a bottle that is not on its base but is in a flat position. Other flexible objects and objects without a base (eg. pot) for sitting or standing are also described as lying in relation to the ground. kpɔ ‘lie’ is also used in greetings expression. ite ikpɔ? ‘front lies’ as in (51) is used as a form of greeting to find out whether the person addressed is in good condition. (48), (49), (50) and (51) are examples: 48. Bɔl ɔkpɔ abiaá etsi.

bɔl ɔ-kpɔ a-bia-á etsi ball SM.SG- lie CM-chair under ‘The ball is under the chair.’ [TRPS.16/2]

49. Agbi ɛ ɔkpɔ utsa á yo.

a-gbi=ɛ ɔ-kpɔ u-tsa=á yo CM-dog=DET SM.SG-lie CM-house=DET skin ‘The dog lies near the house.’ [TRPS.06/2]

50. Ɔsa a ɔkpɔ ɔklaá tsu . ɔ-sa=a ɔ-kpɔ ɔ-kla=á tsu CM-man=DET SM.SG-lie CM-mat=DET on ‘The man lies on the mat.’ 51. Ité ikpɔ loo? i-té i-kpɔ loo CM-front SM.SG-be.lie ADR ‘You are in front?’ Lit: The front lies there.

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6.6.1.3 kɔ ‘hang’ This verb is used for figures which are attached to their referenced objects by sus-pension making the lower part of the figure to be loose and possibly dangle. It could be a dress on a hook (TPRS 9) or drying line, (TPRS 37) a picture on a wall, (TPRS 44) or a light on a ceiling. (TPRS 52) In an answer to a question with re-spect to a flag hoisted, in (56) a non locative impersonal construction is used in-volving the verb kɔ ‘hang’ but the answer does not specify the ground on which it is hanged. In (52) and (53) the verb is used with the postposition yó ‘skin’ which refers to only part of the ground. agu ‘top’ refers to a location meaning ‘above’. This is exemplified in (54), (55) 52. Awu ɛ a kɔ ivakuivaá yo.

a-wu=ɛ a-kɔ ivakuiva=á yó CM-dress=DET SM.SG-be-hang thing.hang.thing=DET skin ‘The dress hangs on the hanger.’ [TRPS.09]

53. Ivatago ɛ íkɔ agli é yó.

i-vatago=ɛ í-kɔ a-gli=é yó CM-picture=DET SM.SG-hang CM-wall=DET skin

‘The picture hangs on the wall.’ [TRPS.44/2] 54. Debleku ɔkɔ agu. debleku ɔ-kɔ a-gu

cloud SM.SG-hang CM-top ‘Cloud is above.’ [TRPS 36]

55. Flagi é ɔkɔ agu. flagi=é ɔ-kɔ a-gu Flag=DET SM.SG-hang CM-top ‘The flag hangs up.’ 56. Ákɔ flagi é.

á-kɔ flagi=é 3PLU-hang flag=DET ‘They hang the flag.’

6.6.1.4 tɔ ‘fix’ tɔ is used to describe situations in which a figure is attached to a referent object so firmly that it will be difficult to remove it. ‘A handle on a door’ or ‘a writing on a dress’ are typical examples of situations for which tɔ is used. tɔ suggests that the figure is pasted on the entity by someone. For a fruit in a tree some speakers de-scribe it with the verb, tɔ signalling that the fruit is somehow fixed in the tree.

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Some speakers use kɔ ‘hang’ focusing on the suspended nature of the fruit in the tree. (57) and (58) exemplify the use of tɔ: 57. Urime e ɔtɔ bagi e yo.

u-rime=e ɔ-tɔ bagi=é yó CM-handle=DET SM.SG-fix bag=DET skin ‘The handle is on the bag.’ [TRPS.66]

58. Uzidaiva ɔtɔ uzi é yo.

u-zi-da-iva ɔ-tɔ u-zi=é yó CM-door-open-thing SM.SG-fix CM-door=DET skin ‘The handle is fixed on the door.’ [TRPS.61]

6.6.1.5 tsi ‘sit’ The locative verb tsi ‘sit’ is used for figures on their base supported from below. A good example of figures for which tsi is used is those that are able to support themselves like humans and animals. (59), (60) illustrate this: 59. Andɔ a otsi ukplɔ a etsi.

A-ndɔ=a o-tsi u-kplɔ=a etsi CM-cat=DET SM.SG-sit CM-table=DET under ‘The cat sits under the table.’ [TRPS.31]

60. Andɔ a o tsi utsa a yo.

A-ndɔ=a o-tsi u-tsa=a yo CM-cat=DET SM.SG-sit CM-house=DET skin ‘The cat sits near the house.’ [TRPS.06]

6.6.1.6 yé ‘stand’ ye ‘stand’ is used for living things that have to support themselves on the horizon-tal surface because they are designed or naturally made to be in a vertical position. Human beings and some animals stand in a vertical position. Inanimates that have vertical dimension eg. houses, trees, are also perceived to be ‘standing’ when they are in a vertical position. In the case of a pole, ye ‘stand’ is used to describe it when it is upright on a horizontal surface. The sentences (61), (62), and (63) are illustrations of the use of these expressions. 61. Ɔyɔ a oye ukpo e yo. ɔ-yɔ=a o-ye u-kpo=e yo CM-tree=DET SM.SG-stand CM-mountain=DET skin ‘The tree stands on the hill.’ [TRPS.17]

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62. Utsa a o ye ɔfafegu ɛ nu u-tsá=a ó-yé ɔ-fafegu=ɛ nu CM-house=DET SM.SG –stand CM-fence=DET in ‘The house is inside the fence’ [TRPS.60]

63. Ɔsa a o ye utsa a zugbo . ɔ-sa=a o-ye u-tsa=a zugbo CM-man=DET SM.SG-stand CM-building=DET head ‘The man stands on the top of the building.’ [TRPS.34/2]

6.6.1.7 gbɛ ‘lean’ gbɛ ‘lean’ is used for figures that do not stand straight but rather are touching the body of the reference object at the upper part and it is supported at the two parts. A ladder is a classic example because it can not stand without resting part of its body on a wall or a fence. yo ‘skin’ is the postposition that is usually selected when gbɛ ‘lean’ is used. (64) and (65) attest to this: 64. Ntsɔɖi ɔgbɛ agli e yo. n-tsɔɖi ɔ-gbɛ a-gli=e yo CM-ladder SM.SG –lean CM-wall=DET skin

‘The ladder leans against the wall.’ [TRPS.58] 65. Ɔyɔ a ɔgbɛ fesri-e yo. ɔ-yɔ=a ɔ-gbɛ fesri=e yo

CM-stick=DET AM-lean window=DET skin ‘The stick leans on the window.’

6.6.1.8 gbó ‘be.placed’ When a figure is partially on its base and it does not lean on anything, the verb gbo is used. This verb is sometimes used for the figure, for example a bottle, when it makes an acute angle with the ground as if it were lying on the ground. (66) is an example. 66. Tumpa ógbó na egbi é tsú. tumpa ó-gbó na e-gbi=é tsú

bottle SM.SG-be.placed on CM-stone=DET upper surface ‘A bottle lies on the stone.’ [PV.26]

If the figure is neither standing nor leaning a Serial Verb Construction is used in order to give an accurate description of the situation. The Serial Verb Construction is mainly two verbs; the initial verb takes the agreement marker and no word comes in between the two verbs. The initial verb, gbo ‘be placed’ describes the

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manner of the location and the second verb gbɛ ‘lean’ concentrates on the position in (67), and (68) or kpɔ ‘lie’ in (69). 67. Ɔyɔtsi ɛ ogbo gbɛ ɔyɔ a yo. ɔ-yɔtsi=ɛ o-gbo gbɛ ɔ-yɔ=a yo CM-Stick=DET SM.SG-be.placed lean CM-tree=DET skin ‘The stick leans against the tree.’ [PV.01]

68. Afu ta druiyi o gbo gbɛ akɔntsi ɛ nu.

a-futa druiyi o-gbo gbɛ a-kɔntsi=ɛ nu CM-Cloth red SM.SG-be.placed lean CM-basket=DET in ‘red cloth is leaning in the basket.’ [PV 02]

69. Tumpa ɔkpɛ ogbo kpɔ oyɔtsigbo e tsu.

tumpa ɔ-kpɛ o-gbo kpɔ o-yɔtsigbo=e tsu bottle AM-one SM.SG-be.placed-lie CM-stump=DET on ‘One bottle lies on the stump.’ [PV.26]

A figure may lie down in a straight line or lie across a horizontal surface. When it lies straight, a compound dzɔkpɔ ‘straight lie’ which comprises a word borrowed from Ewe dzɔ ‘straight’ and the Logba word kpɔ ‘lie’ is used to describe the posi-tion of the figure. dzu ye ‘straight stand’ is used when the figure is standing straight. The vowel in dzu should be a half open back vowel /ɔ/ but I suggest that this has changed to /u/ partly because of the [ATR] vowel harmony. Example (70) shows the use of dzuye. 70. Ɔyɔtsibi ɛ odzuye itite ɔyɔtsigboe tsu. ɔ-yɔtsi-bi=ɛ o-dzu-yé i-tite CM-stick-small=DET SM.SG-straight 3SG-stand ɔ-yɔtsigbo-e tsu CM-stump=DET on ‘The small stick is standing straight on the stump.’ [PV.38]

The expression, tsoga ‘placed across’ is borrowed from Ewe. It is used to describe a figure that is streched or situated over a ground from one side to the other. It may be a stick lying over the mouth of the basket or a log on a path or road situated from one edge to the other. (71) is an example, 71. Iɖatɔ a otsoga memgba nu. i-ɖatɔ=a o-tsoga memgba nu CM-spoon=DET SM.SG-lie.across bowl containing.region ‘The spoon lies across the bowl.’

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6.6.1.9 glɛ ‘tie’ The verb glɛ ‘tie’ is used to describe a situation in which a rope or a ropelike fig-ure eg. thread, twine, etc is used around an object including a human being as in TRPS 42 glɛ belet ‘wear belt’. 72. Udzi ɛ ɔglɛ belet.

u-dzi=ɛ ɔ-glɛ belet CM-girl=DET SM.SG-tie belt ‘The girl ‘ties’ belt.’

In contexts involving things worn on the body the locative verb is at times not used. Instead, a verb meaning ‘to wear’ is used. Examples are (73) and (74): 73. Ina a ɔfɛ ishikpe. i-na=a ɔ-fɛ i-shikpe CM-person=DET SM.SG-wear CM-ring ‘The person wears a ring.’ 74. Ɔsá a óbua kuto. ɔ-sá=a ó-bua kuto CM-man=DET SM.SG-put.on hat ‘The man put on a hat.’

As these are part of a common cultural knowledge, it is redundant using a locative construction. Things worn on the body are therefore described with a verb ‘to wear’ or ‘put on’.

7 VERBS AND VERBAL MODIFIERS

This chapter discusses verbs and verbal modifiers. It is in four parts: the first part deals with the structure of the verb and the verb phrase. The second part discusses the inherent semantic features of verbs and how they are used to classify verbs. The third part links the discussion to tense, aspect, mood and negation. The final part deals with adverbs.

7.1 Structure of the verb

The verb cluster can be marked for various features. The sequence of the markers with respect to the verb root is as follows: The negative (NEG) is doubly marked in pre and post verb form. The verb stem (STEM) usually has a pronominal vowel prefix, the subject marker (SM) which signals agreement with the noun phrase that functions as subject to the verb in the clause. This is followed by tense aspect and mood (TAM) markers and then followed by the verb stem. This is represented in (1) 1. NEG [SM – TAM – STEM] NEG In the sentences below, the verb stem is preceded by the following: SM, PTPROG, FUT, and PRSPROG. In (2a), the SM ɔ- and the the Past progressive aspect, tsú are used. In (2b), the SM á- and the Future marker, -bá- are used. In (3), the SM o- and the Present progressive aspect marker, -ló are used. 2a. Binka ɔtsɔkpɛ fufui afa nu.

Binka ɔ-tsɔ-kpɛ fufui a-fa-nu Binka SM.SG-PTPROG-eat fufu CM-house-in ‘Binka was eating fufu in the house.’

2b. Kofi kpɛ Ama ábázɔ ubonu.

Kofi kpɛ Ama á-bá-zɔ u-bo-nu Kofi CONJ Ama SM.SG-FUT-go CM-farm-in ‘Kofi and Ama will go to the farm.’

3. Ebitsi ɛ o lóyuedi .

e-bitsi=ɛ ó-ló-yuedi CM-child=DET SM.SG-PRSPROG-cry ‘The child is crying.’

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7.2 Verbs and argument structure

The verb is central in the clause. The semantics of the verb have participants and some of these participants are realised as arguments in the syntax. The verb ex-presses states of affairs and determines the number of arguments with which it combines to make a simple proposition. All the arguments in a clause gravitate around the verb. For example, an intransitive verb basically has one argument; a transitive verb, two and a ditransitive verb, three. These arguments have semantic roles in the state of affairs. Following Essegbey (1999), I classify the verbs in Logba according to the number of core arguments that they require.

7.2.1 One place verbs These verbs are intransitive and are used in one argument clause. The simple ar-gument of such a verb functions as the subject and is realised as a pre verbal con-stituent in terms of order. It is also cross referenced on the verb by a pronominal prefix that agrees with the class of the noun and the harmony of the verb stem. Some one place verbs can participate in causative alternation in which the subject of an intransitive verb becomes the object of the transitive clause. In the example sentence below, the verb blí ‘break’ and fáshí ‘tear, be torn’ are used. asɔ ‘pot’ in (4) and afúta ‘cloth’ in (6) are the subjects and in (5), and (7) these NPs have be-come the object and Asafo and ɔsá ‘man’ have become the subjects. 4. Asɔ a ábli.

a-sɔ=a á-bli CM-pot=DET SM.SG-break

‘The pot broke.’ 5. Asafo oblí asɔ a .

Asafo ó-blí a-sɔ=a Asafo SM.SG-break CM-pot=DET ‘Asafo broke the pot.’

6. Afúta afáshí.

a-fúta a-fáshí CM-cloth SM.SG-be.torn ‘The cloth is torn.’

7. Ɔsá ɔfáshí afúta. ɔ-sá ɔ-fáshí a-fúta CM-man SM.SG-tear CM-cloth ‘The man tore the cloth.’ (C&B)

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7.2.1.1 Voluntary motion verbs The semantic types of verbs that are one place are varied. They include some activ-ity verbs which can be described as voluntary motion verbs involving moving entities. Examples are in (8): 8. gbígbe ‘crawl’

ké ‘jump’ léntá ‘fall’

In the following sentences, (9) ebitsi e ‘the child’ (10) ɔsa a ‘the man’ are agentive subjects: 9. Ebitsi e o ló gbígbè.

e-bitsi=e o-ló-gbígbè CM-child=DET SM.SG-PRSPROG crawl ‘The child is crawling.’

10. Ɔsa a o ké. ɔ-sa=a o-ké CM-man=DET SM.SG-jump ‘The man jumped.’

7.2.1.2 Verbs denoting emission of vocal sounds Another set of one place verbs are those that describe the emission of vocal sounds. These verbs take an argument which is an agentive subject. They are in (11) 11. fálí ‘bleat, of a goat’ yuédí ‘cry’ kpófú ‘bark, of a dog’ The sentence below is an illustration of verbs that describe emission of vocal sounds. 12. Kweku olóyuédì.

Kweku o-ló-yuédì Kweku SM.SG-PRSPROG-cry ‘Kweku is crying.’

13. Agbí ɛ ókpófú. Agbí=ɛ ó-kpófú dog=DET SM.SG-bark ‘The dog barked.’

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7.2.1.3 Property verbs Property verbs are verbs which express non-dynamic situations. They are mainly intransitive verbs and are used in a clause with a preverbal argument and denote properties or qualities. These verbs are predicated of entities that are said to pos-sess the properties. They are inchoative verbs (BECOME x) (see Van Valin & La Polla 1997) They can be assigned stative verb (BE x ) interpretation in some con-texts. Examples of such verbs are in (14) 14. drui ‘be/become red’ dre ‘be/become dirty’ bli ‘be/become black’ flí ‘be/become white’ kisa ‘be/become long’ dzɔ ‘be/become straight’ tsá ‘be/become tired’ zi ‘be/become good’ mú ‘be/become dark’ yi ‘be/become full’ yú ‘be/become cold’ In the sentence (15) below, the verb kisa ‘be/become long’ is a property verb. Us-ing it in the clause makes the pre verbal argument ɔgbá ‘road’ the possessor of the quality that the verb denotes. 15. ɔgbá á ókísá. ɔ-gbá=á o-kisá

CM-road=DET SM.SG-be.long ‘The road is long.’ The following verbs are used in some contexts to express entry into a state and in some cases they show further that there is a dynamic change in the state into which the entity that is being referred to has entered. I have indicated the context in which the following verbs can be used with this sense. 16. ɖá ‘become big’ lià ‘become hard’ yi ‘beome weedy’ yi ‘beome full’ 17.ɖá ‘big’

Akpene uvu é ɔlɔɖá. Akpene u-vú=é ɔ-lɔ-ɖá Akpene CM-stomach=DET SM.SG-PRSPROG-big ‘Akpene’s stomach is becoming big.’

This is said when a reference is made to the belly of a pregnant woman. Akpene is pregnant and her belly is developing.

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18. yi ‘weedy’ ubo é nu ílíyí. u-bo=é nu í-lí-yí CM-farm=DET in SM-PRSPROG-be.weedy ‘The farm is becoming weedy.’ This statement is made with reference to the fast growth of weeds on a fertile piece of farmland. 19. lia ‘be hard’ Igbeɖi ɛ ili lia. i-gbeɖi=ɛ i-li-lia CM-cassava=DET SM-PRSPROG-be.hard ‘The cassava is becoming hard.’ This statement is made when cassava which is cooked for the preparation of fufu is becoming hard contrary to what is expected. 20. yì ‘full’ nɖú e nnyí.

n-ɖú=e n-nu-yi CM-water=DET SM-PRSPROG-full ‘The water is becoming full.’

This was overheard at the public stand pipe when the container that is put under the tap is getting full. The person whose turn it will be in the queue makes this statement for the owner to get ready and carry the bowl of water away. It has been observed that there are limited contexts in which dre ‘become dirty’ yi ‘become full’, dzɔ ‘become straight’ can be used in a two argument clause with an agentive pre verbal argument in a causative alternation. This is illustrated (21), (22) and (23). 21. Kwaku ódre utsá nu. Kwaku ó-dre u-tsánu Kwaku SM.SG-dirty CM-room.in ‘Kwaku dirties the room.’ 22. Akpene oyi nɖu e. Akpene o-yi n-ɖú=e Akpene SM.SG-full CM-water=DET ‘Akpene fills the water.’

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23. Kahia ɔdzɔ pampro é. Kahia ɔ-dzɔ pampro=é Kahia SM.SG-straighten bamboo=DET ‘Kahia straightens the bamboo.’ The causative counterpart of some other verbs is expressed periphrastically using the verb blɔ ‘make’ or tá ‘give’ plus the nominalised form of the verb. (24) blɔ ‘make’ is used with the nominalised form bli → iblí ‘blackness’ (25) tá ‘give’ is used followed by a postposition phrase as object with the nominalised form of yú → iyú ‘coldness’ following the object. 24. Kofi oblɔ asɔ a iblí.

Kofi o-blɔ a-sɔ=a i-blí Kofi SM.SG-makes CM-pot=DET CM-blackness Kofi makes the pot black.’

25. Setɔ otá utsa nu iyú. Setɔ ó-tá u-tsá-nu i-yú Setor SM.SG-give CM-room-in CM-coldness ‘Setor makes the room cold.’

7.2.1.4 Achievement verbs The one place verbs also include some achievement verbs. The subject argument that is used with the verbs in this group undergoes a change. The following are examples: ku ‘die’ prɔ ‘be wet’ bú ‘spoil ’fashi ‘torn’ dónu‘shrink’

26. Abɛgo é ókú.

a-bɛ-go=é ó-kú CM-palm-trunk=DET SM.SG-be.die ‘The palm trunk is dead.’

27. Avudago é ódónu.

a-vudago=é ó-dónu CM-leaf=DET SM.SG-shrink ‘The leaf shrank.’

There are however expressions in the language in which ku ‘die’ and bú ‘spoil’ are used in two argument constructions. When a person pretends not to hear what he is told because he feels the speaker is bothering him, the expression (28) is used.

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28. Óku ntsoe fɛ ilɔ a nu. ó-ku n-tsoe fɛ i-lɔ=a nu 3SG-die PLU-ear in CM-word=DET in ‘He/She turned a deaf ear to the case.’

When an item is spoilt and one gets to know that someone or thing has contributed in a way to it the verb: bu ‘spoil’ may be used in a two argument construction. This is attested in (29). 29. Pepí o bu koko a . pepí o-bu koko=a harmattan SM.SG-spoil koko=DET ‘Harmattan spoils the cocoa.’

7.2.2 Two place verbs Two place verbs have two arguments, For example an Agent, a preverbal NP and a Patient, a post verbal NP. These arguments function as subject and object respec-tively. Of the two arguments, it is the subject argument that is cross referenced on the verb. These verbs express dynamic states of affairs in which the Agent does something which affects the Patient. Examples of these verbs are in (30). 30. nɔ ‘drink’ fáshí ‘tear’

ba ‘kill’ tsó ‘cut’ dá ‘open’ yué ‘pound’ la ‘beat’

These verbs are used in sentences (31), (32) and (33). 31. Osei ɔnɔ nɖú. Osei ɔ-nɔ n-ɖú Osei SM.SG-drink CM-water ‘Osei drank water.’ 32. Howusu óbá ada.

Howusu ó-bá a-da Howusu SM.SG-kill CM-lizard ‘Howusu killed lizard.’

33. Agbi ɛ ódá uzí é.

A-gbi=ɛ ó-dá u-zi=é CM-dog=DET SM.SG-open CM-dooor=DET ‘The dog opened the door.’

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7.2.2.1 Creation verbs There are many types of verbs used in two place constructions. Creation verbs are one group of two argument verbs. The agent is realised as the subject and does something to an entity to create a new entity. For these verbs either the material that is used to create or the product of the creating activity may function as the second argument of the verb and occupy the object slot. Examples of these verbs are in (34): 34. ŋɔnyi ‘write’ mɛ ‘sew’ do ‘build’ lo ‘weave’ ‘plait’ glɛ ‘tie’eg. thread, The subjects in (35) and (36) Ama, Esi are Agents. afúta a ‘the cloth’ and ɔŋkpáá ‘the thread’ are the created entities and they occupy the object slot. 35. Ama ɔmɛ afúta a.

Ama ɔ-mɛ afúta=a Ama SM.SG-sew cloth=DET ‘Ama sewed the cloth.’

36. Esi ɔglɛ ɔŋkpá a.

Esi ɔ-glɛ ɔ-ŋkpá-a Esi SM.SG-weave CM-thread=DET ‘Esi wove the thread.’

The material used for the creation which is not the Agent NP can be realised as the subject in a two place construction. This is illustrated in (37) and (38). afuta ‘cloth’ and ɔŋkpa ‘thread’ which are in the object slot in (35) and (36) are in the subject slot in (37) and (38) 37. Afu ta á a mɛ nwu ata. a-fúta=a á-mɛ n-wu a-ta CM-cloth=a SM.SG-sew PLU-dress AM-three ‘The cloth sewed three dresses.’ 38. Ɔŋkpá a oglɛ imunyi petee. ɔŋkpá=a o-glɛ imunyi petee rope=DET SM.SG-tie hair all ‘The thread tied all the hair.’

7.2.2.2 Caused change of location verbs Another set of two place verbs are caused change of location verbs. Examples are in (39):

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39. hɛ ‘pull’ tɔ ‘push’ zí ‘carry’ The agent which occupies the pre verb position moves the NP in object postion from one location to the other. In (40) ukplɔ a ‘the table’ the object undergoes a movement which is caused by ebitsi e ‘the child’ the NP that fills the subject slot. 40. Ebítsi é ɔhɛ ukplɔ á.

e-bítsi=e ɔ-hɛ u-kplɔ=a CM-child=DET SM.SG-pull CM-table=DET ‘The child pulls the table.’

7.2.2.3 Agricultural verbs of planting Also in the set of two place verbs there are verbs that can be classified as agricul-tural verbs of planting. The NP in the object slot is the material that is planted by the agent which occupies the preverbal subject position. Examples of the verbs are in (41) 41. fɛ ‘plant’ ŋunya ‘broadcast seed’ ɖu ‘sow’ In the sentence below, the postverbal object argument koko e ‘the cocoa’ is placed in a location in the soil by the agent, the preverbal argument. 42. akpɛ eŋunya koko e fɛ ubo e nu a-kpɛ e-ŋúnyá koko=é fɛ u-bo=é nu CM-one SM.PLU-broadcast cocoa=DET in CM-farm=DET in ‘some broadcast the cocoa in the farm’ [15.15.07]

7.2.2.4 Peel verbs A number of two place verbs express removal of outer covering with either the hands or an instrument from the Patient. The removal depends on the nature of the outer covering and the instrument that is used. Example of peel verbs are in (43): 43. gba ‘shave’ vlɔ ‘peel (cassava)’ fɔnyí ‘peel (banana, orange)’ kpe ‘peel (yam)’ gba ‘shave’ collocates with the following post-verbal NP. gba idzi ‘shave beard’, gba uzugbó ‘shave hair on the head’, gba imunyí ‘shave hair on the body’. fɔnyí is used to refer to removing the peel off banana and plantain. Interestingly, this same verb is used for the removal of the cocoa pod, which is comparatively harder.

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There is a difference in the meaning of ‘peel verbs’ based on the nature of the outer covering of the item to be peeled. Banana has a soft outer covering that can be removed with the hand almost effortlessly. The outer covering of cassava and yam are layered differently and therefore require different strategies in the use of an Instrument, such as for banana, cassava and yam. So, fɔnyi, vlɔ and kpe are used respectively. In (44) fɔnyi ‘break open’ is used for cocoa. The same verb is also used for banana and orange. In respect of cocoa, a cutlass is used, but the hand is used to remove the outer covering of banana and orange. The use of knife in re-spect of orange depends on the type of orange. In (45) vlɔ is used for cassava be-cause cassava has a harder inner layer in addition to the outer one and in (46) kpe is used for yam as it has only one layer which is not as hard as that of cassava. This difference in the outer layer of cassava and yam accounts for the choice of vlɔ for one and kpe for the other. 44. Guadi ɔfɔnyi koko e.

Guadi ɔ-fɔnyi koko=e Guadi SM.SG-break.open cocoa=DET ‘Guadi breaks the cocoa.

45. Seƒe ɔvlɔ igbeɖi e.

Seƒe ɔ-vlɔ i-gbeɖi=e Seƒe SM.SG-peel CM-cassava=DET ‘Seƒe peels the cassava.’

46. Seƒe okpé idzɔ ɔ.

Seƒe ó-kpe i-dzɔ=ɔ Seƒe SM.SG-peel CM-yam=DET ‘Seƒe peels the yam.’

7.2.2.5 Perception verbs Perception verbs also are two place verbs. They involve the experiencer that is coded as subject, and the object slot is filled by the entity that is perceived. Exam-ples of these verbs are in (47): 47. nu ‘hear’ dze ‘look’ ŋú ‘see’ klɔa ‘smell’ These verbs are illustrated in (48) and (49) below: 48. Kahia oŋú m.

Kahia o-ŋú=m Kahia 3SG-see=1SGOBJ ‘Kahia saw me.’

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49. Esi o lódze akpá asɔ á nu.

Esi ó-ló-dze a-kpá a-sɔ=á nu Esi SM.SG-PRSPROG-look CM-fish CM-pot=DET in ‘Esi is looking at the fish in the pot.’

7.2.2.6 Speech act verbs Speech act verbs are two argument verbs that involve a speaker and an addressee. The subject position is the NP that refers to the speaker and the object slot is filled by the addressee or the content of speech. (50) are examples of speech act verbs. 50. klɔá ‘insult’

wá ‘tell/say’ dzu (gbe) ‘pray’

Speech act verbs are used in the sentences below. When positive consequences are expressed, the direct object is a benefactive because the addressee is a recipient of the compliments expressed by the speaker. It is however malefactive when a nega-tive consequence is expressed. The example sentence in (51) expresses malefactive and (52) expresses benefactive. The verb in (52) is gbe ‘voice’ which is com-pounded with the verb dzu ‘sound’ to give the meaning ‘pray’

51. Udzi ɛ ɔklɔá ebítsi ɛ.

U-dzi=ɛ ɔ-klɔá e-bítsi=ɛ CM-woman=DET SM.SG-insult CM-child=DET ‘The woman insulted the child.’

52. Abiasa ódzugbe Ayadzi.

abiasa ó-dzu-gbe A-yadzi Logba priest SM.SG-sound-voice Saturday ‘Logba piest prayed on Saturday.’

7.2.2.7 Light verbs Another class of two argument verbs are the so called ‘light verbs’ with relatively little semantic content which take a specified object. The object of these verbs contributes greatly to the semantics of the verb phrase. Without the verb, the object cannot be used independently. mi ‘take’ plus utrɔmɛ ‘work’ means ‘to work’. la ‘beat’ plus alaga ‘speech’ means ‘to speak’. These verbs are referred to as light verbs (Lefebre and Brousseau 2002) or inherent complement verbs (Essegbey 1999). Examples of some of the verbs are in (53):

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53. a. mi ‘take’ utrɔmɛ ‘work’ ‘to work’ b. zɔ ‘move’ iku ‘song’ ‘to sing’ c. la ‘beat’ alaga ‘speech’ ‘speak’ d. la ‘beat’ ilɔ ‘word’ ‘explain’ e. gu ‘make’ otá ‘war’ ‘fight (battle)’ f. gu ‘make’ ima ‘fist’ ‘fight (fist)’ g. dó ‘say’ ɖase ‘thank’ ‘to express thanks’ h. gá ‘give out’ anú ‘mouth’ ‘to greet’ i. ɖi ‘enjoy’ onukpa ‘chief’ ‘reign’ j. tso ‘cut’ ilɔ ‘word’ ‘end ones speech’ k. tɔ ‘fix’ etsí ‘ground’ ‘start speaking or work’

In the example sentence in (54) a light verb la ilɔ ‘explain’ is used. This is an ex-pression of gratitude by Ophelia to the chief after he explained the use of the lin-guist staff to them 54. Anyintsɛ tɛ ala ilɔ imɛ wa tsu .

anyintsɛ tɛ a-la i-lɔ i-mɛ wa tsu. Thanks COMPL 2SG-beat CM-word AM-this tell 1PLUOBJ ‘Thanks that you have explained this to us.’ [15.7.19]

7.2.2.8 The verb +iva The verb expression involving the verb and noun express a verb idea. These verb expressions in their citation take a generic verb + iva ‘thing’. Below are examples. 55. V-N (iva)

ta-iva [tiva] swear thing ‘swear’ kpɛ-iva [kpiva] eat thing ‘eat’ za-iva [ziva] cook thing ‘cook’ ɖu-iva [ɖiva] plant thing ‘plant’

The verb cannot occur alone even though it has meaning by itself. iva ‘thing’ is used as a complement when the speaker expresses the general activity encoded by the verb without reference to any particular undergoer. A phonological process results in the deletion of the final vowel of the verb word. iva can be replaced by specific complements. ta ‘swear’ can take complements like Biblia ‘Bible’, Akpanamɔ ‘Logba god’ and other words referring to things that one can swear by. The verb ɖu ‘plant’ can be used with complements which refer to items that can be planted like idzɔ ‘yam’ and igbeɖi ‘cassava’. The reason they are cited with iva is that they require an object. These verbs fall under the class described as obligatory complement verbs (Essegbey 1999:13).

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In sentences (56) and (59), iva ‘thing’ is used as the complement of the verb. It is replaced by the complement idzɔ bugo é ‘the rotten yam’ in (57) and imbí bibi e ‘the small rice’ in (60) for specificity. (58) and (61) are ungrammatical because the object position is left unfilled. 56. Kofi óɖu iva.

Kofi o-ɖu i-va Kofi SM.SG-plant CM-thing ‘Kofi planted.’

57. Kofi óɖu idzɔ bugo e

Kofi ó-ɖu i-dzɔ bugo=e Kofi SM.SG-plant CM-yam rotten=DET ‘Kofi planted the rotten yam’

58. *Kofi óɖu

Kofi ó-ɖu Kofi SM.SG-plant *‘Kofi planted’

59. Ntsu zá iva.

n-tsu-zá iva 1SG-HAB-cook thing ‘I cook.’

60. Esi ɔzá imbí bibi é.

Esi ɔ-zá i-mbí bibi=é Esi SM.SG-cook CM-rice small=DET ‘Esi cooked the small rice.’

61. *Esi ɔzá

Esi ɔ-zá Esi SM.SG-cook *‘Esi cooked’

For the expression of certain verbal ideas, the verbs take specific complements. For example, the verb bu ‘count’ takes the postposition complement zugbo nu ‘head in’ The verb word bu-zugbo-nu which will literally be translated as ‘count-head-in’ but means ‘to think’ appears to be a calque from the Ewe phrase bu tame ‘think’ which also literally translates as ‘count head in’. Another class of verbs requires complements which are related in some way to them. They do not take iva ‘thing’ as an obligatory complement. Rather, they take objects that semantically repeat the information in the verb. These are referred to as cognate objects.

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In (62) imɔ, iyó and okugbali are semantically dependent on the action expressed by mɔ, yó. and ku. In addition, the objects share the morphology of the verb. 62 i. mɔ ‘laugh’ imɔ ‘laugh’ ii. yo ‘dance’ iyó ‘dance’ iii. ku ‘die’ okugbali35 ‘bad death’ (63), (64) and (65) are example sentences in which yó iyó and ku okugbali are used. (65) is ungrammatical because gbali is not attached to oku ‘death’ 63. Udzi é o yo iyo. u-dzi=é o-yo i-yo CM-woman=DET SM.SG-dance CM-dance ‘The woman danced.’ 64. Ebitsi klɔyi ókú okugbali. e-bitsi klɔyi ó-kú o-ku.gbali CM-child small SM.SG-die CM-death.bad ‘The small child died a bad death.’ 65. *Ebitsi klɔyi ókú oku. e-bitsi klɔyi ó-kú o-ku CM-child small SM.SG-die CM-death ‘The small child died a death.’

7.2.3 Three place verbs A large number of verbs in Logba are two place verbs. Three place verbs are few. Examples are gbla ‘show’, bú ‘ásk’, tá ‘give’ They take a pre-verbal NP (Agent), and two post-verbal arguments, Goal and Theme. There is a restriction on the order of the two complements in the immediate post verbal slot. Goal precedes the Theme. In the illustrated sentences below, those in which the Theme precedes the Goal (67) and (69) are ungrammatical: 66. Kofi ɔgbla Setɔ Akɔnta.

Kofi ɔ-gbla Setɔ Akɔnta Kofi SM.SG-show Setɔ Akɔnta ‘Kofi taught Setɔ Mathematics.’

35 Culturally, some unnatural deaths are regarded as evil and bad. Certain customs are per-formed to prevent a re-occurrence. This is however, not peculiar to the Logba people. The Ewes who are their neighbours also hold on to this belief.

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67. *Kofi ɔgbla Akɔnta Setɔ. Kofi ɔ-gbla Akɔnta Setɔ Kofi SM.SG-teach Akɔnta Setɔ

68. Howusu otá Asafo efeshi.

Howusu o-tá Asafo e-feshi Howusu SM.SG-give Asafo CM-sheep ‘Howusu gave Asafo sheep.’

69. *Howusu otá efeshi Asafo.

Howusu ó-tá e-feshi Asafo Howusu SM.SG-give CM-sheep Asafo

7.2.4 Labile verbs From the discussion of one place, two place and three place verbs, it can be in-ferred that there are some verbs that belong to more than one group depending on the way they are used in a clause. These are called labile verbs (see Payne 1997:216). Those found in Logba are placed into two main groups depending on a change of semantic function of the subject or not.

7.2.4.1 Alternation S=A verbs This group of verbs can occur in both one place and two place constructions but in both cases the Subject of one place construction remains the agent in the two place construction. In the sentences below the verbs teni ‘escape’ and buetsi ‘fall’ are used. In (70) and (72), they are used in one place constructions with Sowu as the Subject. (71) and (73) are two place constructions but the Subjects do not change their semantic roles or syntactic positions. The object slot is filled by a postposi-tional phrase which is a Locative. 70. Sowu oténí. Sowu o-téní Sowu SM.SG-escape ‘Sowu escaped.’ 71. Sowu oténí afá á nu.

Sowu o-téní a-fá=á nu Sowu SM.SG-escape CM-house=DET in ‘Sowu escaped from the house.’

72. Sowu obuetsí. Sowu o-buetsí Sowu SM.SG-fall ‘Sowu fell.’

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73. Sowu obuetsi ɔyɔ á nu.

Sowu o-buetsi ɔ-yɔ=á nu Sowu SM.SG-fall CM-tree=DET in ‘Sowu fell from the tree.’

7.2.4.2 Alternation S=A or P verbs Another group of verbs that can occur in one place and two place constructions have the NP that functions as object in a two place construction surfacing as the single argument in an intransitive clause. The following verbs in (31) are examples. 74. bu ‘be spoil’ kú ‘die’ When they are used in an intransitive construction, the subject NP is the patient. This is illustrated in (75) and (76) 75. Koko e obu. koko=e o-bu cocoa=DET SM.SG-be.spoil ‘The cocoa is spoiled.’ 76. Amuzu otsoe okú. Amuzu otsoe o-kú Amuzu ear SM.SG-die ‘Amuzu is deaf.’ On the other hand, these verbs can be used in transitive constructions with the subject NP as the Agent and the object NP as the patient. This is shown in (77). In (78) the subject is the Patient and the object okugbali is a cognate object. 77. Ubonukpíwo e obu koko e. ubonukpíwo=e o-bu koko=e farmer=DET SM.SG-spoil cocoa=DET ‘The farmer spoiled the cocoa.’ 78. Amuzu okú okugbali. Amuzu o-kú o-kugbali Amuzu SM.SG-die CM-death.bad ‘Amuzu died a bad death.’

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7.2.4.3 Verbs that can be used both as transitive and ditransitive It is also observed that there are some verbs that can be used in transitive and ditransitive constructions. The verb gbla ‘teach/show’ is an example. In a transitive construction it translates as ‘show’ and in some contexts it means ‘punish’. How-ever, in a ditransitive construction, it means ‘teach’. (79) and (80) illustrate this: 79. Masta ɔgbla amu bi inta.

masta ɔ-gbla amu bi inta Masta SM.SG-show 1SGIND child well ‘Master punished my child severely.’

80. Masta ɔgbla amu bi akɔnta inta. masta ɔ-gbla amú bí akɔnta intá Masta SM.SG-show 1SGIND child mathematics well ‘Master taught my child mathematics well.’

7.2.4.4 Verbs that are used as intransitive, transitive and ditransitive There is one verb identified that can be used in intransitive, transitive and ditransi-tive constructions without any shift in meaning. This verb is bú ‘ask’. In the use in transitive and ditransitive contructions O1 and O2 can either be NP or a postposi-tional phrase This is demonstrated in (81), (82) and (83) 81. Mabú. ma-bú 1SG-ask ‘I asked.’ 82. Mabú ilɔ á nu. ma-bú i-lɔ=á nu 1SG-ask CM-word=DET in ‘I asked about the matter.’ 83. Mabú Kofi ilɔ á nu. ma-bú Kofi i-lɔ=á nu 1SG-ask Kofi CM-word=DET in ‘I asked Kofi about the matter.’

7.3 Tense, aspect and mood markers

Four morphological preverbal markers are identified in Logba. They are present progressive, past progressive, habitual, and future markers.

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7.3.1 Present and past interpretation There is no clear cut present tense in Logba. The bare form of the verb indicates the simple past tense when dynamic verbs including achievement verbs like dónu ‘shrink’ in (27) are used. However, inchoative verbs and verbs that express quality concepts have present time interpretation. On one of my field trips in Logba, I visited a cocoa farm to record the processes involved in cocoa production in Alakpeti36. The example sentence (84) is one of the sentences recorded. The tenseless form of the verb gba ‘cover’ is used. The action of covering cocoa beans in the farm with leaves was completed and the chief farmer was narrating how it was done. The bare form of the verb was there-fore used. What is evident is the result of the cocoa that is covered in the farm. One sees a past action with traces in the present. A similar interpretation is found in the data in the use of many dynamic verbs that are unmarked for tense. In a sense, since there is no overt marking for tense on the verb, adverbials in the con-text are used where there appears to be an ambiguity. 84. Ebonukpiwo e a gbá avudago na koko e tsu

e-bonukpiwo=e a-gbá a-vudago na koko=e tsu CM-farmer=DET SM.PLU-cover CM-leaf put cocoa=DET on ‘The farmers covered the cocoa with leaves’

In (85), an inchoative verb gbé ‘become dry’ is used. It gives the quality that the NP argument possesses. The change of state took place before speech time but the state is present. The translation equivalent is present. The ‘end state’ of what hap-pened is what is talked about. In (86), temporal adverbials ekpɛbɛ vé nu ‘in the year past’ is used to locate the time of the drying of the river in the past. 85.Adɔ ogbé.

Adɔ o-gbé Adɔ SM.SG-dry ‘River Adɔ is dry.’

86.Adɔ ogbé ekpɛbɛ vé nu.

Adɔ o-gbé ekpɛbɛ vé nu Adɔ SM.SG-dry year.time pass in ‘River Adɔ dried last year.’

7.3.2 Present progressive The present progressive describes an event that is going on simultaneously to the speech reference time. The progressive morpheme is [lu] with a high tone. It is also

36 See appendix for an extract of the text collected from Mr. Guady.

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realised as [lɔ, lí, lé] depending on the quality of the pronominal prefix vowel and the [ATR] quality of the vowel of the verb stem (see section 2.5.7.1). (87) and (88) are examples of the progressive using the verb, nɔ ‘drink’ and a complement nɖú ‘water’ and fó ‘wash’ and the complement memgba a ‘the plate’ 87. 1SG Nnú nɔ nɖú.(Alakpeti) ‘I am drinking water.’ 1SG Ndu nɔ nɖú.(Tota) ‘I am drinking water.’ 2SG Alú nɔ nɖú. ‘You are drinking water.’ 3SG Ɔlɔ nɔ nɖú. ‘He /She is drinking water.’ 1PLU Atilí nɔ nɖú. ‘We are drinking water’ 2PLU Anilí nɔ nɖú. ‘You (PLU) are drinking water.’ 3PLU Ɛlɛ nɔ nɖú . ‘They are drinking water.’ 88. 1SG Nnú fó memgbá á.‘(Alakpeti) ‘I am washing the plate.’

1SG Ndú fó memgbá á. (Tota) ‘I am washing the plate.’ 2SG Alú fó memgbá á. ‘You are washing the plate.’ 3SG Óló fó memgbá á. ‘He /She is washing the plate.’ 1PLU Atilí fó memgbá á. ‘We are washing the plate.’ 2PLU Anilí fó memgbá á. ‘You are washing the plate.’ 3PLU Elé fó memgbá á. ‘They are washing the plate.’

(89), (90) and (91) are examples in which the present progressive is used in sen-tences. 89. Ɔkple, zãa ko ivanukpíwo ɔlɔba. ɔ-kple, zãa ko i-vanu-kpí-wo

CM-reason for.a.while only CM-bush-go-NOM ɔ-lɔ-ba SM.SG-PRSPROG-come ‘Because only after a while, the hunter is coming.’ [15.3.27]

90. Ankɔ tɛ ɔlɔkpɔ atsa nu fɛ alɛ uvi e ɔkpɔ ónyuí. a-nkɔ tɛ ɔ-lɔ-kpɔ a-tsa nu fɛ

CM-hen COMPL SM.SG-PRSPROG-lie CM-coop in also ɔlɛ u-vi=e ɔ-kpɔ onyui 3SG CM-tail=DET SM.SG-lie outside ‘The hen says it is lying in the coop but its tail lies outside.’ [15.4..28]

91. Atitrɔ iɖu fɛ atilí nɔ atama. ati-trɔ i-ɖu fɛ

1PLU-carry CM-gunpowder also ati-lí-nɔ a-tama

1PLU-PRSPROG-smoke CM-tobacco ‘We carried gunpowder but we are also smoking tobacco.’ [15.4.25]

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The Present progressive is also used for imminent actions and situations that are about to happen and there is assurance that the said action will take place. For example, a man who plans to travel to Have, a town near Logba, is indoors making the final preparations to start the journey. When I entered the house and asked his wife about him: ‘Where is your husband?’ The answer she gave was: 92. Obo utsa nu gake ɔlɔzɔ Have.

o-bo u-tsa nu gake ɔ-lɔ-zɔ Have 3SG-stay CM-room in CONJ SM.SG-PSPROG-go Have ‘He is in the room but he is going to Have.’

7.3.3 Past progressive The Past progressive and the Habitual are segmentally identical but tonally differ-ent. Past progressive describes situations that go on at some past time. Habitual refers to an event that is customary, regular or an action that is perceived as lasting for a period of time. The only distinction between the Past progressive and the Habitual is that a high tone is attached to the morpheme [tu] that marks the former while the latter has a low tone. The underlying form of the Past progressive morpheme is [tu] (see sec-tion 2.5.7.1). This is shown below using the verb nɔ ‘drink’ and a complement nɖú ‘water’: 93. 1SG Ntú nɔ nɖú. ‘I was drinking water.’ 2SG Atú nɔ nɖú. ‘You were drinking water.’ 3SG Ɔtɔ nɔ nɖú. ‘He /She was drinking water.’ 1PLU Atití nɔ nɖú. ‘We were drinking water.’ 2PLU Anití nɔ nɖú. ‘You (PLU) were drinking water.’ 3PLU Ɛtɛ nɔ nɖú . ‘They were drinking water.’ 94. 1SG Ntú fó memgbá nu. ‘I was washing the plate.’ 2SG Atú fó memgbá nu. ‘You were washing the plate.’ 3SG Otó fó memgbá nu. ‘He /She was washing the plate.’ 1PLU Atití fó memgbá nu. ‘Wewere washingthe plate.’

2PLU Anití fó memgbá nu. ‘You (PLU) were washing the plate.’ 3PLU Eté fó memgbá nu. ‘They were washing the plate.’ Below are other examples: 95. Oyubitsi otólé agli é unáme. O-yubitsi ó-tó-lé a-gli=é u-náme CM-thief SM.SG-PTPROG-climb CM-wall=DET CM-yesterday ‘The thief was climbing the wall yesterday.’

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96. Atitífiní atsá unánsánango afánu. Ati-tí-finí a-tsá u-nánsánango 1PLU-PTPROG-blow CM-horn CM-paramout.chief a-fá-nu CM-house-in ‘We were blowing horn in the paramount chief’s house.’ 97. Ntudɔ amfǒ ɔgbámá zɔ suku. N-tú-dɔ am-fǒ ɔ-gbá-má zɔ suku 1SG-PTPROG-follow 1SG-brother CM-road-back go school ‘I was following my brother to school.’

7.3.4 Habitual The habitual refers to an event that is customary; regular or an action that is per-ceived as lasting for a period of time or have occurred over and over again. The habitual morpheme is [tu] with a low tone. The vowel of this aspectual prefix may change to any of these vowels: u, o, i, or ɛ depending on the [ATR] value of the vowel of the verb stem (see section 2.5.7.1). This is illustrated below using the predicate expression kpɛ imbí ‘eat rice’: 98. 1SG Ntu kpɛ imbí. ‘I eat rice.’ 2SG Atu kpɛ imbí. ‘You eat rice.’ 3SG Ɔtɔ kpɛ imbí. ‘He /She eat rice.’ 1PLU Atiti kpɛ imbí. ‘We eat rice.’ 2PLU Aniti kpɛ imbí. ‘ ‘You eat rice.’ 3PLU Ɛtɛ kpɛ imbi. ‘They eat rice.’ (99) and (101) are questions aimed at eliciting answers that make use of the habit-ual. (100) and (102) are the answers offered by the addressee. 99. Utrɔmɛ mɛ ɛtɛblɔ?

u-trɔmɛ m(ɛ) ɛ-tɛ-blɔ CM-work Q 3PLU-HAB-make ‘Which work do they do?’

100. Ɛtɛkpí ubonu. ɛ-tɛ-kpi u-bo-nu 3PLU-HAB-go CM-farm-in ‘They go to farm.’

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101. Mɛ atublɔ udántsí xe adzí etsí? mɛ a-tu-blɔ u-dántsí xe a-dzí e-tsí Q 2SG-HAB-make CM-morning RP 2SG-stand CM-ground ‘What do you do in the morning when you wake up?’

102. Ntufo anyinu.

n-tu-fo a-nyi-nu 1SG-HAB-wash CM-face-in ‘I wash my face.’

Proverbs are generic statements that are assumed to articulate habitual happenings and timeless truths. One general type of expression in which habitual occurs is the proverb as in (103). 103.Antɛnyi tɛ mkpɔnyi momá olɛ fɛ ótokpe afágba.

a-ntɛnyi tɛ m-kpɔnyi mo-ma olɛ fɛ CM-earthworm COMPL CM-eye NEG-have 3SGIND also ó-to-kpe a-fá-gba SM.SG-HAB-know CM-house-path ‘The earthworm says it has no eyes but it knows the path to its home.’ [15.4.24]

7.3.5 Future The future locates a situation in time that will occur after the time of speaking. It is marked morphologically with bá bɔ bí bɛ á which precedes the verb. This de-pends on the quality of the vowel in the first syllable of the verb and the vowel of the SM. The vowel in the future morpheme may change to either /o/ or /ɔ/. In (46a) because the verb stem of zɔ ‘go’ is [-ATR], /ɔ/ is selected. /o/ is selected in (46b) to harmonise with the stem of the verb fó ‘wash’. However, in the 1PLU and 2PLU the future morpheme becomes [bi]. In the 3PLU, because the stem of the verb is [-ATR] and the pronominal prefix is [ɛ], the future morpheme becomes [bɛ]. In rapid speech, this morpheme may lose the bilabial plosive leaving only /á/. In envi-ronments where this vowel also undergoes deletion, the high tone remains only to hang on the vowel which comes to take that position. The conjugation below illus-trates the future using the verb: zɔ ‘go’ fó ‘wash’ 104. 1SG mázɔ mbázɔ ‘I will go’ 2SG aázɔ abázɔ ‘you will go’ 3SG ɔɔzɔ ɔbɔzɔ ‘he /she will go’ 1PLU atibízɔ ‘we will go’

2PLU anibízɔ ‘you will go’ 3PLU ɛbɛzɔ ‘they will go’

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105. 1SG máfó mbáfó ‘I will wash’ 2SG aáfó abáfó ‘you will wash’ 3SG óófó óbófó ‘he /she will wash’ 1PLU atibífó ‘we will wash’ 2PLU anibífó ‘you will wash’ 3PLU ébéfó ‘they will wash’ (106) is in the future. The speaker is issuing a warning of what he thinks will hap-pen. The future marker bɔ is used and it comes before the main verb, kpɛ ‘eat’ 106.Agbɛ ɔbɔkpɛ wu .

A-gbɛ ɔ-bɔ-kpɛ wu CM-dog SM.SG-FUT-eat 2SGOBJ ‘A dog will bite you.’ Generally the future is used in procedural discourse in the apodosis of the condi-tional clause. Future is also used in describing procedures in conditional hypotheti-cal contexts. Thus the future has modal qualities of marking non-actuality or inten-tion. Sentence (107) is a description of how to make palm oil. It is not an actual event. The speaker is narrating the various processes involved in palm oil making. She has used a conditional clause in the main clause in which the future abɔ gla ‘will pour’ is used. 107.Abɔna abɛ ɔdza xe abɛ ébeé abɔ gla fɛ akɔntsi nu.

A-bɔ-na a-bɛ ɔ-dza xe a-bɛ 2SG-FUT-put CM-palm.fruit CM-fire COND CM-palm.fruit é-be-é a-bɔ gla fɛ a-kɔntsi nu SM.SG-cooked-CFM 2SG-FUT pour into CM-basket in ‘You will put the palm fruit on fire when the palm fruit is cooked you will pour it into a basket.’ [15.11.04-05]

The future can be used with other TAM markers. The future morpheme is used with the present progressive aspect marker -lu to express the state of affairs which will be in progress at a certain future time. The future morpheme precedes the progressive morpheme. The following sentences are examples: 108.Esi ɔbɔlɔzɔ Agbɔ.

Esi ɔ-bɔ-lɔ-zɔ Agbɔ Esi SM.SG-FUT-PRSPROG-go Tafi ‘Esi will be going to Tafi.’

109.Asafo kpɛ ɔga ɛbɛlɛzɔ afán.

Asafo kpɛ ɔ-ga ɛ-bɛ-lɛ-zɔ a-fá-n Asafo CONJ CM-wife SM.PLU-FUT-PRSPROG-go CM-farm-in ‘Asafo and his wife will be going to farm.’

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Where one wants to express a habitual that will occur in the future, the future mor-pheme is used with an adjunct phrase that has a habitual sense. Examples of these phrases are adzisiadzi ‘everyday’, ibesibenu ‘always’. Adzi-sia-dzi ‘day-every-day is similar to the Ewe expression gbe-sia-gbe ‘day-every-day. There is a high prob-ability of it being a calque. ibe-shí-be-nu ‘time-every-time-in’ is also similar but in the Ewe expression, ɣe-sia-ɣi ‘time-every-time’ there is no postposition as the final morpheme. The following sentences are examples: 110.Yawo ɔbɔzá iva adzísíadzí.

Yawo ɔ-bɔ-zá ivà a-dzísíadzí Yawo SM.SG-FUT-cook thing CM-everyday ‘Yawo will cook everyday.’

111.Setorwu obófó memgbá ibeshíbenu.

Setorwu o-bó-fó memgbá i-beshibenu Setorwu SM.SG-FUT-wash plate CM-always ‘Setorwu will wash plate always.’

7.3.6 Negation A negative proposition is a denial of an assumed or a presupposed assertion. This contradiction is created because of the presence of a word, a morpheme or a parti-cle in the structure which has a negative (John Payne, 1985, Thomas Payne, 1997 and Croft and Cruse 2004). In Logba, there is a negative particle that is used to indicate negation on the verb. A bipartite morpheme mV….nu is used similar to Ewe me….o and French ne….pas. While in Ewe no constituent comes after o, except utterance final particles, in Logba, an NP or a pronoun which is object can come after nu. This is represented in (112). 112 SUBJ NEG –V – NEG (OBJ) The structure is used in examples (113) and (114). In (113) the pre verb form of the NEG morpheme is mo and in (114) it is ma. In both example sentences the object pronoun occurs after nu the post verbal NEG marker. 113.Iyɛ blɔwo é moókpé nu e.

iyɛ blɔ-wo=e mo-ó-kpé nu=e 3SGIND make-owner=DET NEG-SM.SG-eat NEG=3SGOBJ ‘He who owns it does not benefit from it.’ [15.4.30].

114.Adze okushieku gake maáŋúnu akpakpla a

a-dze okushieku gake 3PLU-search everywhere CONJ

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ma-á-ŋú-nú a-kpakpla=á NEG-SM.PLU-see-NEGCM-frog=DET ‘They searched everywhere but they did not see the frog.’[15.1.09]

It is evident from the examples that there is a bipartite negative marker mV…nu. The first part occurs before the verb cluster and the second occurs after it. The negative particle in (113) and (114) is tied to the subject pronoun. The first pair comes before the verb. If a lexical noun is used in the clause, a subject marker comes in between the verb and the first negative morpheme. In (113) the SM.SG is -o- referring back to the NP, iyɛ blɔwoe ‘the person who makes it’. The -a attached to ma in (114) is however, the SM.PLU prefix. The SM.SG and the SM.PLU are illustrated in the example sentences in (113) and (114). (115) shows the negative marker as it is used with various subjects. The verb used is kpi ‘go’. The negative markers are underlined: 115. AFFIRMATIVE NEGATIVE SG:1 ma kpi ‘I went’ ma kpi nu ‘I did not go’ 2 a kpi ‘You went’ a mo kpi nu ‘you did not go’ 3 o kpi ‘He/She went’ mo o kpi nu ‘he/she did not go’ PLU:1 atɪ kpi ‘we went’ ati mi kpi nu ‘we did not go’ 2 anɪ kpi ‘you went’ ani mi kpi nu ‘you did not go’ 3 ɛkpi ‘they went’ mɛ kpi nú ‘they did not go’ 3 á kpi ‘They went’ mɛ kpi nu ‘They did not go’ In the negative, when the 1SG Pronoun [ma] is used only the post verb NEG is used; the first negative marker of the pair mo is deleted. This is exemplified further in the sentences below. In the 3PLU, the pronoun fused with the vowel of the pre verb NEG and in the 2SG there is a syntactic reversal making the pronoun to occur before the pre verb NEG morpheme. Sentence (118) is ungrammatical because the whole pair mV…nu is used in the 1SG. 116. Maminú fiofio. ma-mi-nú fiofio 1SG-take-NEG broom ‘I did not take broom.’ 117. Mazɔnú ovu e nu. ma-zɔ-nú o-vu=e nu 1SG-go-NEG-CM-market=DET in ‘I did not go to the market.’

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118.*Mamozɔnú ovu e nu ma-mo-zɔ-nú o-vu=e nu 1SG-NEG-go-NEG CM-market=DET in *‘I did not go to the market.’ In the 3SG, the whole pair mo…nu is used. (121) is ungrammatical because the second negative marker of the pair nu is not used. 119. Setɔ moolánu ebitsi ɛ. Setɔ mo-o-lá-nu e-bitsi=ɛ Setɔ NEG-SM.SG-beat-NEG CM-child=DET ‘Setɔ did not beat the child.’ 120. Iɖa miinyánu Asiedu. i-ɖa mi-i-nyá-nu Asiedu CM-money NEG-SM-stay-NEG Asiedu ‘Asiedu has no money.’ 121.*Iɖa miinya Asiedu i-ɖa mi-í-nya Asiedu CM-money NEG-SM-stay Asiedu *‘Asiedu did not have money’ However, when bo ‘stay’ is to be used in the 3SG negative, only the the first part of the negative marker mo is used with negative suppletive verb stem ma ‘not.stay’. (123) is the negative form of (122) in which ma is used with mo, the first part of the negative. 122.Awutí óbo afa nu. awu-tí ó-bo a-fa-nu 2SG-father SM.SG-stay CM-house-in ‘Your father is in the house.’ 123.Awuti mooma afanu. awu-ti mo-o-ma a-fa-nu 2SG father NEG-SM.SG-stay CM-house-in ‘Your father is not in the house.’ Sometimes only one of the parts is used. Where one negative morpheme is used it is mV, the first part, and it precedes the verb. This happens sometimes in more ritualized sayings or proverbs. This is shown in examples (124), (125) and (126) below:

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124.Mɛɛgɔ mmua dovu etsí. mɛ-ɛ-gɔ m-mua dovu e-tsí NEG-3PLU-grind CM-flour pour.out CM-ground ‘One does not grind flour and pour it on the ground.’ [15.4.31]

125. Iló miikla iyóguasɔ.

i-ló mi-i-kla i-yó-gu a-sɔ CM-testis NEG-SM-hide CM-skin-wash CM-pot ‘The testis is not hidden from the pot used for bathing.’ [15.4.32]

126. Odzú mookpali lé ukpó.

o-dzú mo-o-kpali lé u-kpó CM-river NEG-SM-flow climb CM-mountain ‘A river cannot flow climbing a mountain.’ [15.4.33]

Since the first part (mo) is always maintained, it can be said that it is the obligatory negative element. The first part of the negative element can lose its vowel. When it does, the nasal becomes homorganic with the initial consonant of the following verb. The position of the negative marker is between the future marker and the verb stem. The nasal which is syllabic retains the tone of the morpheme. 127. Maámmí utrɔmɛ.

ma-á-m-mí u-trɔmɛ 1SG-FUT-NEG-take CM-work ‘I will not do the work.’

128. Maáŋ-klá. ma-á-ŋ-kla 1SG-FUT-NEG-hide ‘I will not hide.’

129. Maánzí uzié. ma-á-n-zí u-zié 1SG-FUT-NEG-close CM-door ‘I will not close the doo.’

7.3.6.1 Other words which express negation It is possible to form the negative by using the following negative polarity item to ‘never’ and negative implying word vui ‘cease.’ These are prefixed to the verb. (130) and (131) illustrate this:

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130. todze oku nyie to-dze o-kunyie never-see CM-that.place ‘never see that place’

131. tɛ ani (tani) vui blɔ tɛ ani vui blɔ

COMP 2PLU cease make ‘…that you should not do that’ [ C.74]

7.3.7 Modality expressions Modals are forms that express necessity, ability, and possibility. In addition to the modal uses of the bá FUT, three verbal expressions are identified as modals in Logba. They are: ibotɛ +tɛ ‘have to’, indu ‘may be’, kaɖu iyɛ tsu ‘to be certain’. These expressions do not occur alone but rather they are used with other verbs to express these moods. They are exemplified below:

Obligation is expressed using ibotɛ ‘because’ with the complementizer clause. The sentence below exemplifies this. 132. Xe abɔzá nfu, gbã ibotɛ ta (tɛ á) yayi asɔ.

xe a-bɔ-zá n-fu, gbã ibotɛ If 2SG-FUT-cook CM-oil first reason tɛ á-yayi a-sɔ that 2SG.FUT-search CM-pot If you want to make palm oil, first you have to search for pot. [15.11.01]

Necessity is expressed by a clause with expletive subject form and the verb zia ‘be necessary’ which takes a complement clause. When a report was made to one woman that her in-law is dead in one of the villages her response was (133): 133. Izia tɛ nzɔ.

i-zia tɛ n-zɔ 3SG-be.necessary COMPL 1SG-go ‘It is necessary that I go.’

Uncertainty may also be expressed by the adverbial expression indu ‘may be’ in a clause with the future tense marker bá. Normally, a pause is heard after indu. This is illustrated below: 134.Indu , mbázɔ indu m-bá-zɔ may.be 1SG-FUT-go ‘May be, I will go.’

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135. Ɔbɔbá, indu ɔ-bɔ-bá indu 3SG-FUT-come may.be ‘He will come, may be.’

One of the ways to express a strong belief in something or an event is to use the verb, kaɖu ‘believe’ with the complement iyɛ tsu ‘on it’. This precedes a comple-mentizer clause which introduces the main clause. (136) is a response to an earlier question whether the community health nurse will come. The speaker wants to show that she strongly believes that the nurse will come. So she makes use of the expression kaɖu iyɛ tsu ‘believe on it.’ Since kaɖu iyɛ tsu is a complement taking predicate it is followed by the actual information which normally starts with a complement tɛ. (136) illustrates this. 136. Makaɖu iyɛ tsu tɛ ɔbɔbá

Ma-kaɖu iyɛ tsu tɛ ɔ-bɔ-bá 1SG-believe 3SG on COMPL 3SG-FUT-come ‘I am certain that he will come’

7.4 Adverbs

An adverb is a word that modifies the action expressed by the verb or the event expressed in the clause. Logba has comparatively few adverbs. As a result, a num-ber of words from other grammatical categories like nouns, ideophones, and post-positional phrases usually fill the adjunct slot in a clause, the syntactic position that the adverb occupies. Adverbs and words that express an adverbial concept may be classified into five semantic groups: manner, degree, time, place and mood. The following ideophones function as manner adbverbials: boboboi ‘shout for help’ dzaa ‘stealthily’/’only’. Postpositional phrase: utsa yo ‘attached to the house’ and nouns-days of the week adrova ‘Thursday’, deictic expressions Etsietsi ‘south’, uname ‘yesterday’, mekoe ‘here’ function as temporal adverbials. Below are some of the words which function as adverbs.

7.4.1 Clause initial and clause final adverbs These are mainly temporal adverbs. They include some adverbial expressions indi-cating location. 137. Temporal kpata ‘at once, immediately’

kpane ‘now’ unanyi ‘before yesterday’ ozume ‘tomorrow’

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Deictic adverbial mekoe ‘here’ mɔ ‘there’

In (138) kpane is used as a clause initial adverb and (139) mekoe is used clause finally. 138. Kpane, Binka ɔbɔzɔ.

kpane Binka ɔ-bɔ-zɔ now Binka SM.SG-FUT-go

‘Now, Binka will go.’ 139. Enya mekoe. é-nya mekoe

3PLU-stay here ‘They stayed here.’

7.4.2 Clause final only adverbs Some adverbs occur only clause finally. These include some temporal adverbials and degree adverbs. They are illustrated in (140), (141) and (142): 140. Temporal: adzisiadzi ‘always’ ebiasia ‘all the time’ li ‘again’ anyile ‘early’ xoxoe ‘already’ 141. Frequency zi iyɛ tsu ‘again’ tibi tibi ‘bit by bit’ tadze ko ‘immediately’ 142. Degree enzi ‘very much, well’ tututu ‘exactly’ pepepe ‘exactly’ In (143), (144) and (145) anyile ‘early’ xoxoe ‘already’ and enzi ‘well’ are used respectively in clause final position. 143. Kofi ɔzɔ suku anyile.

Kofi ɔ-zɔ suku anyile Kofi SM.SG-go school early ‘Kofi went to school early.’

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144. Ebua okla xoxoe. é –bua o-kla xoxoe 3PLU-fold CM-mat already

‘They folded the mat already.’

145. Emi utrɔmɛ enzi. é-mi u-trɔmɛ enzi 3PLU-take work well ‘They did the work well.’

7.4.3 Clause initial only adverbs Some adverbs only occur clause initially. These include modal adverbials. They are exemplified in (146): 146. Modals ndzoɖu ‘perhaps’ ikpá ‘truly’

7.4.4 Clause final adverbs Manner adverbs occur clause finally. These include some ideophonic expressions. The following in (147) and (148) are examples: 147. Manner kpoo ‘quietly’ kpe uzi ‘loudly, violently’ kpatakpata ‘quickly’

iklango nu ‘secretly 148. (Ideophones) dzaa ‘stealthily’/ ‘only’ blewuu ‘slowly’ inta ‘very’ boboboi ‘loudly’ tsibitsibitsibi ‘a little, a little’ gbaŋgbaŋ ‘fast’ Ideophones function as adverbials. They normally follow the verb and its argu-ments as exemplified in (149), (150) and (151). 149. Inashina okpe ɔŋkpɛ tsibitsibitsibi.

i-na-shi-na ó-kpe ɔ-ŋkpɛ CM-person-every-person SM.SG-know CM-something tsibitsibitsibi small.small.small ‘Everybody knows a very small bit of something.’ [15.2.80]

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150. ofufo tá ɔliɛ tsibi

o-fufo tá ɔ-li-ɛ tsibi CM-air give 3SG-blow=3SGOBJ small ‘air blows over it a little’ [15.9.66]

151. Asangbla mooná gbaŋgbaŋ.

a-sangbla mo-o-ná gbaŋgbaŋ CM-tortoise NEG-AM-walk fast ‘Tortoise does not walk fast.’

7.4.5 Days of the week as adverbs Logba language has names for days of the week and is culturally relevant in rela-tion to worship and the performance of rituals. One thing worth commenting on in the example sentence below is the mixing of the Logba name for the days of the week and those of Ewe. The days of the week are in (152). (153) shows the use of days of the week in a sentence. 152. Days of the week uwlɔ ‘Sunday’ uwláté ‘Monday’ uwó ‘Tuesday’ mambliwó ‘Wednesday’ adruva ‘Thursday’ uva ‘Friday’ ayadzi ‘Saturday’ 153. Kwasiɖa imɛ ámɔgba iyɛ pe tee fɛ lɛ ayadzi ɛ.

Kwasiɖa imɛ á-mɔ-gba iyɛ petee fɛ Sunday that 2SG-NEG-collect 3SG all put lɛ ayadzi=ɛ 3SGOBJ Saturday=DET ‘That Sunday you did not collect all things for her to wear on the Saturday.’

The up-coming youth are either unaware of the names of the days of the week or they have forgotten it. For example, ayadzi ‘Saturday’ is the day for spirit worship. This is the knowledge that the youth do not have or they are losing it. Thus in conversation one hears the words for the Ewe seven-day week which according to Westermann (1930:102) are borrowed from ‘Twi and are rapidly becoming natural-ized in Ewe’.

8 SENTENCE FUNCTIONS

The chapter is in three main parts. The first part provides a brief background on the notion of sentence functions and goes on to discuss declarative sentences. The second part is on imperatives and the final part focuses on interrogative sentences concentrating on polar, non-polar and complex questions. A sentence will have a particular structure and the rules of interaction and interpre-tation of the sentence in a particular speech community will influence the choice of the structures in the language to be used to say something or/and perform particular actions. A sentence can be used to perform different tasks. This includes giving information, asking permission, asking a question, issuing a command, and in-structing other people. Sentences can be distinguished based on their function and can be marked prosodically, syntactically or morpho-lexically.

8.1 Declarative sentences

Declarative sentences are usually unmarked as such and are used for making statements. There is no special marker for a declarative sentence. The example sentences (1), (2), (3), and (4) are declarative sentences: 1. Akpakpla a óké fɛ ndzú e nu. a-kpakpla=a ó-ké fɛ n-dzú=e nu CM-frog=DET SM.SG-jump into CM-river=DET in ‘The frog jumped into the river.’ 2. Ebitsi e ótsu atsɔli ka etsi. e-bitsi=é ó-tsu a-tsɔli ka e-tsi CM-child=DET SM.SG –spit CM-spittle put CM-ground ‘The child spit on the ground.’ 3. Amu nɖu ivagblawo ɔgbɔ a nu. amu n-ɖu i-vagblawo ɔ-gbɔ=a nu 1SGIND 1SG-be CM-teacher CM-town=DET in ‘I am a teacher in the town.’ 4. Ɔsa a ɔbá abue a. ɔ-sa=a ɔ-bá a-bue=a CM-man=DET SM.SG-kill CM-animal=DET ‘The man killed the animal.’

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The whole complex sentence, comprising the dependent and the independent clauses can be a declarative sentence. (5) and (6), are examples of complex sen-tences which function as declarative sentences. 5. Ivagblawo ɔlá ebitsi é xe ɔgbama. i-vagblawo ɔ-lá e-bitsi=é xe ɔ-gbama CM-teacher SM.SG –beat CM-child=DET RP SM.SG-be.late ‘The teacher beat the child who was late.’ 6. Selorm osusu tɛ ɔba ŋu Kofi. Selorm o-susu tɛ ɔ-ba ŋu Kofi Selorm SM.SG-think COMPL 3SG-come see Kofi ‘Selorm thought that he would come and see Kofi.’ Declarative sentences can also be quoted. In quotative sentences, the SVO structure is maintained. The tag that introduces the quotation has a verb of ‘saying’. In sen-tences (7) and (8) below, the verbs dzi ‘call’ and da ‘tell’ and wa ‘say’ are exam-ples of verb of ‘saying’ used. 7. Ɖekanyo ódzi é, “amgusa miɖu anyɛ eteblɔ ɛ.” Ɖekanyo o-dzi=e, “aḿ-gusa Ɖekanyo SM.SG-call=3SGOBJ 1SGIND-brother mi-ɖu anyɛ é-te-blɔ=ɛ” NEG-be this.way 3PLU-HAB-make=3SGOBJ

‘Ɖekanyo called him, “my brother this is not the way they do it.’’’[15.2. 55-56]

8. Gameli dá wá Kofi, “texɔ bibi obo m.”37’ Gameli da wá Kofi, “te-xɔ bibi o-bo=m” Gameli tell say Kofi yam-house small SM.SG-stay=1SGOBJ ‘Gameli told Kofi, “I have a small yam barn.”’

8.2 Imperative utterances

8.2.1 Imperative Imperative sentences are used to express the wants of a speaker to an addressee(s) to get them do something. It is an important speech act in social relations. Impera-tives are formed by using verb forms without expressing the subject. In example sentence (9a), the verb sa ‘leave’ is followed by an adverb mokoe ‘there’; in (9b) the verb za ‘cook’ is followed by the obligatory complement, the object imbi ‘rice’

37 There is no verb which translates as ‘have’ It is expressed as ‘x stays with me’ where x is the entity that is possessed.

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and in (10a) the verb ri ‘hold’ is followed by the object memgba ‘plate’ and the adverb, gbaŋgbaŋ ‘firmly’. Sentence (10b) is ungrammatical because the basic word order does not allow this. The adverb cannot precede the object. 9a. Sá mokoe! 9b. Zá imbi!

sá mokoe zá i-mbi leave there cook CM-rice ‘Leave there! ‘Cook rice!’

10a. rí meŋgba gbaŋgbaŋ 10b. *rí gbaŋgbaŋ meŋgba

rí meŋgba gbaŋgbaŋ *rí gbaŋgbaŋ meŋgba hold plate firmly hold firmly plate ‘Hold plate firmly!’ ‘Hold firmly plate!’

In the plural imperative, the independent form of the pronoun is used without a cross reference of the subject on the verb. In (11a) anu 2PLU independent pronoun occurs before the verb sa ‘leave’ followed by adverb, mokoe ‘there’. (11b) is con-sidered unacceptable because ani 2PLU bound pronoun is indexed on the verb. 11a. Anu sá mokoe! 11b. *Anu anisá mokoe

anu sá mokoe *anu ani-sá mokoe 2PLU.IND leave there 2PLU.IND 2PLU-leave there ‘Leave there! (You plural) *‘Leave there! (You plural)

Imperative can also involve serial verb constructions. In the singular, a serial verb involving two verbs can be used to express imperative. In the singular the impera-tive is expressed like any imperative without a subject but in the plural the 2PLU independent pronoun comes before the initial verb. The verb vui ‘stop’ and blɔ ‘make’ are used in the imperative. (12a) is singular and (12b) is plural. This is used if the speaker wants to prevent the hearer from doing something. 12a. Vui blɔ! 12b. anu vui blɔ vui blɔ anu vui blɔ stop make 2PLU.IND stop make

‘stop’ (to one person) ‘you (plural) stop’ [15.3.74]

To sound more polite, imperatives are prefaced with certain formula or even ad-dress terms. These are: 13. Aḿ gusa lá alága

aḿ gusa lá alága 1SG.IND brother beat CM-speech ‘My brother speak!’

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14. Unánsa ba! u-nánsa ba CM-chief come ‘Chief, come!’

15. Ma tá wú (u)zugbó, na kábákábá!

ma –tá-wú-zugbó, na kábákábá 1SG-give-2SGOBJ-head walk fast ‘I give you my head, walk fast!’ (I doff my hat)

Sometimes, the benefactive prepositional phrase tám ‘for the benefit of me’ is added to the imperative to reduce the force further. 16. Ma tá wú (u)zugbo , dá uzi é ta m!

ma-tá wú ‘(u)-zugbó dá u-zi=é tá=ḿ 1SG give 2SG CM head open CM-door=DET give=1SGOBJ ‘I give you my head, open the door for the benefit of me!’

8.2.2 Prohibitive Prohibitive is a negative imperative in which the speaker does not want the ad-dressee to do something. In Logba to ‘never’ is used with the bare form of the verb when prohibition is expressed. It is a proclitic on the verb and therefore agrees with the stem in [ATR] since generally it is the stem of the verb that controls the [-ATR] harmony spread. The vowel, /o/ in the word to ‘never’ may change to its [–ATR] counterpart, /ɔ/ if the initial vowel in the stem of the verb is [–ATR]. In (18) the verb ba ‘come’ controls the harmony spread. /a/ triggers [-ATR] value (see section 2.5.4). So, the vowel /o/ in the word, to ‘never’changes to tɔ. This is illus-trated with the following sentences. 17. To dó! to=dó never=go.out ‘Do not go out!’ 18 Tɔ bá afánu! tɔ =bá a-fá-nu never=come CM-house-in ‘Do not come to the house!’ 19. Tɔ lɔ zɔ iku! tɔ=lɔ zɔ iku never=PRSPROG sing song ‘Do not be singing song!’

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20. Tɔ zɔ ubo e nu! tɔ=zɔ u-bo=e nu never=go CM-farm=DET in ‘Never go to the farm!’

8.2.3 Hortative This is a form of the imperative in which the speaker invites the addressee to do something together. The use of the plural imperative is a strategy used to reduce the perlocutionary effect so as not to hurt the feelings of the addressee. ta ‘let’ + the bound subject pronoun occupies the initial position of hortatives. This is fol-lowed by the bare form of the verb. The following sentences in (21) and (22) are examples: 21. Tá atizɔ ubonu. tá ati-zɔ u-bo-nu let 1PLU-go CM-farm-in ‘Let us go to farm!’ 22. Ta atikpe fufui. ta ati-kpe fufui let 1PLU-eat fufui ‘Let us eat fufu!’ In some instances, the 2SG or 2PLU pronoun after ta ‘let’ is used when the speaker invites a spiritual force such as God to assist the addressee in his wish. Examples are travelling mercies, pleas for good health etc. 23. Ta ana enzi. ta a-na enzi let 2SG-walk well ‘Let the journey be good.’ (safe journey) 24. Ɔmawu taá ové awú yó. ɔ-Mawu ta-á o-vé awú yó CM-God let-PART SM.SG-guard 2PLU skin ‘Let God guard you.’

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8.3 Questions

Questions are types of sentences used by a speaker to elicit information from an addressee. Different strategies are used for various types of questions in Logba. These are discussed below: 25. a. Prosodic pitch raising of final syllable (see section 2.4.2).

b. The use of a question word eg. mɔ c. The use of special tags

8.3.1 Polar questions Polar questions are used to seek specific affirmative or negative answers from the addressee. It is possible to have, apart from the yes/no answers, elaborate answers, or a sentence like ‘I do not know’, ‘perhaps’ etc. A case that comes to mind is an interaction between a mother and her children: She came back from the farm at around noon and asked the children Akpɛ iváá? ‘Did you eat?’ A ‘yes’ or ‘no’ answer was what she expected. However, one of the children answered Aḿtí moótam iɖa ‘my father did not give me money’. To form a polar question a raised pitch is added to the final syllable of what would have otherwise been a simple declarative sentence (see section 2.4.2). With some people the rise is higher than with others. (26), (27) and (28) are examples of polar questions using different verb structures: aorist, negative, and present progressive. 26. Kofi ɔsáá? Kofi ɔ-sá-á Kofi SM.SG-leave-Q ‘Did Kofi leave?’ 27. Kofi mɔɔsanuú ? Kofi mɔ-ɔ-sa-nu-ú Kofi NEG-SM.SG-leave-NEG-Q ‘Did Kofi not leave?’ 28. Alɔzɔ Haveé ? a-lɔ-zɔ Have-é 2SG-PRSPROG-go Have-Q ‘Are you going to Have?’ When the questioner wants to make the question emphatic, the particle anaa is added to it. This suggests an angry mood of the questioner, most often. anaa is said with a rising pitch. Each of the sentences (21-23) can be said with anaa sentence

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finally. The final vowel of anaa may be lengthened. When it is lengthened, it is an indication that the questioner is impatient with the person addressed.

8.3.2 Content questions Content questions are used to seek information about a particular part of the propo-sition from an addressee. The semantics of a content question is that the constituent that is questioned is what is most important and the answer is the information that the questioner wants. The answer fills the empty slot that is in the question. The addressee has much room to offer an elaborate answer when asked this type of question (Ameka 1986; Sadock & Zwicky 1985). In Logba, the question word has two forms mɛ ‘what’ and mɔ ‘which’/‘who’. Apart from these, there is another word bɛ ‘how many/how much’. Sentences (29 – 32) illustrate how the question word operates. The pitch level of a content question is not different from that of a declarative statement38. The question constituent can remain in situ as in sentences (29) and (30) or can occur in clause initial position. In sentence (30), udzɛ ‘woman’ the NP that is questioned is at the initial position followed by the question word mɔ. ɔ-mɔ is prefixed with ɔ- agreement marker. If the questioned constituent is moved to the initial focal position it is optionally marked with the focus marker (see section 12.2). In sentence (32), utsa is ques-tioned. The questioned phrase comes to initial position and is marked for focus. 29. Maŋú udzɛ ɔmɔ ?

ma-ŋú u-dzɛ ɔ-mɔ 1SG-see CM-woman SM.SG-Q

‘I see which woman?’ 30. Maŋú udzi ɛ utsá ɔmɔ nu? ma-ŋú u-dzi=ɛ u-tsá ɔ-mɔ nu 1SG-see CM-woman=DET CM-room SM.SG-Q containing.region ‘I see the woman in which room?’ 31. Maŋú udzi ɛ utsá á nu. ma-ŋú u-dzi=ɛ u-tsá=á nu 1SG-see CM-woman=DET CM-room=DET containing.region ‘I saw the woman in the room.’ 32. Utsá ɔmɔ ká nu aŋú udzi ɛ? u-tsá ɔ-mɔ ká nu a-ŋú u-dzi=ɛ CM-room AM-Q FOC containing.region 2SG-see CM-woman=DET ‘In which room did you see the woman?’ 38 In the orthographic representation, I add a question mark to distinguish the question from the statements.

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If a noun from a group is questioned, the collective noun for that may replace the word in the interrogative. To be more specific, the question could be ‘On which Monday did you see the woman as in (35). Sentence (33) is a declarative sentence from which the interrogative sentence (34) is derived. In (34), adzi ‘day’ is used instead of uwlate ‘Monday’ 33. Maŋú udzi ɛ uwlate. ma-ŋú u-dzi=ɛ u-wlate 1SG-see CM-woman=DET CM-monday ‘I saw the woman on Monday.’ 34. Adzi ɔmɔ ká aŋú udzi ɛ? a-dzi ɔ-mɔ ká a-ŋú u-dzi=ɛ CM-day AM-Q FOC 2SG-see CM-woman=DET ‘On which day did you see the woman?’ 35. Uwlate ɔmɔ ká aŋú udzi ɛ? u-wlate ɔ-mɔ ká a-ŋú u-dzi=ɛ CM-monday AM-Q FOC 2SG-see CM-woman=DET ‘On which Monday did you see the woman?’ There are six expressions used to ask content questions in Logba. mɔ, mé and bɛ are the underived forms mé is derived from mɛ A noun or pronoun may come before the question word or a particle may be suffixed to the question word. A list of these expressions is in the table 8.1 below: Table 8.1 Question words

EXPRESSION STRUCTURE MEANING GLOSS mɛ general question word what, how what / how mɔ AM-mɔ which Q mé-nu Q-in where where m(ɛ) ɔ-kplɛ [mɔkplɛ] what-CM-reason why what reason ibɛ ɪmɔa CM-time-Q-FOC when which time bɛ quantity how many Q

The following are examples of the use of these expressions (The question expres-sion is in bold face).

8.3.2.1 mɛ ‘what’ /‘how’ mɛ is used in questions which generally probe for information about a constituent that the speaker does not know. It is also used in questions that are asked to find out about the manner in which something is done. mɛ occurs utterance initially followed by the rest of the clause. It is used to ask about a constituent eg. What did

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Kofi buy? or What bit Kofi? or It is used to talk about the manner of the entire clause, ‘how’. The following sentences attest to this: 36 Mɛ Kofi ɔnɛ?

mɛ Kofi ɔ-nɛ? what Kofi SM.SG-buy ‘What did Kofi buy?’

37 Mɛ ɔzá imbí?

mɛ ɔ-za i-mbi what 3SG-cook CM-rice ‘How does one cook rice?’

38 Mɛ ɛzá idzɔ?

mɛ ɛ-zá i-dzɔ what 3PLU-cook CM-yam ‘How do they cook yam?’

39 Mɛ udzi ɛ ɔzá idzɔ?

mɛ u-dzi=ɛ ɔ-za idzɔ what CM-woman=DET SM.SG-cook CM-yam ‘How did the woman cook yam?’

8.3.2.2 ɔmɔ ‘who’/ ‘which’ ɔmɔ is used in asking questions about animate and inanimate entities. The /ɔ-/ is an agreement marker prefixed to mɔ to function as a question word if the questioner has no referent in mind or the referent is singular. When the head of the NP in such question is generic, it is unexpressed as in (40). (40) can be paraphrased as ‘which people = who’ In (43), the agreement marker changes to a- if the referent whose identity the speaker is questioning is plural. This is exemplified in the ques-tions (Q) and answers (A) adjacency pairs below:

40. Q: ɔmɔ ami ɛ tá? ɔ-mɔ a-mi-ɛ tá 3SG-Q 2SG-take=3SGOBJ give ‘Who did you give it to?’

41 A: Ivagblawo e .

i-vagblawo=e. CM-teacher=DET ‘The teacher’

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42. Q: Ebítsi ɔmɔ ɔmiɛ tá? e-bitsi ɔ-mɔ ɔ-mi-ɛ tá CM-child AM-Q SM.SG-take=3SGOBJ give ‘Which child did you give it to?’

42a. A: Selorm.

‘Selorm’ 43. Q: Ebítwɔ amɔ ami ɛ tá?

e-bít-wɔ a-mɔ a-mi-ɛ tá CM-child-PLU AM-Q 2SG-take=3SGOBJ give ‘Which children did you give it to?’

43a. A: Esinu kpɛ Gameli

‘Esinu and Gameli’ 44. Q: Andɔ ɔmɔ ayáyí?

a-ndɔ ɔ-mɔ a-yáyí CM-cat AM-Q 2SG-search ‘Which cat did you search for?’

44a. A: Amú andɔ a

amú a-ndɔ=a 1SG CM-cat=DET ‘My cat’

8.3.2.3 ménu ‘where’ ménu is a question expression which is a compound comprising the question word mé and nu ‘containing region’ a postposition (see section 5.1.2). This question expression can be either clause initial or in situ. The semantic / pragmatic differ-ence between the use of menu ‘where’ in situ and in sentence initial position is not clear. It is however noted that when menu ‘where’ is used in situ as in (46) it either shows an expression of surprise or the speaker expects a further clarification from the addressee. 45. Ménu ɔlɔzɔ?

ménu ɔ-lɔ-zɔ? where 3SG-PRSPROG-go ‘Where is he going?’

46. ɔlɔzɔ ménu? ɔ-lɔ-zɔ ménu? 3SG-PRSPROG-go where ‘He is going where?’

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In conversation, when the interlocutors share some knowledge about the topic that is under discussion menu can be used alone in elliptical questions. (47a) and (47b) illustrate this. 47a. Ménu Kofi? ‘Where, Kofi?’ 47b. Kofi ménu? ‘Kofi where?’

8.3.2.4 mɔkplɛ ‘why’ mɔkplɛ is used to question the reason for the occurrence of something or the atti-tude of someone. This question expression occurs sentence initially as in (42). mɔkplɛ may be used without any other word. The morpheme ɔkplɛ literally trans-lates as reason. Sometimes a statement may be made and after a pause mɔkplɛ may be added as a tag as in (49) below: 48. Mɔkplɛ Kofi ɔlɔtɛ adzi ɛ egbe?

mɔ-kplɛ Kofi ɔ-lɔ-tɛ a-dzi=ɛ e-gbe ? Q_reason Kofi SM.SG-PRSPROG-throw CM-bird=DET CM-stone ‘Why is Kofi throwing stone at the bird?’

49. Kofi ɔlɔtɛ egbe agbɛ, mɔkplɛ?

Kofi ɔ-lɔ-tɛ a-gbɛ, e-gbe mɔ-kplɛ? Kofi SM.SG-PRSPROG-throw CM-dog CM-stone which-reason ‘Kofi is throwing stone at the dog, why?’

8.3.2.5 Ibɛ imɔ ‘when’ This question expression is made up of two words: i-bɛ ‘time’ i-mɔ AM-Q usually occurs at sentence initial position. The actual question word follows the head word ibɛ. Because ibɛ belongs to the class of mass nouns, the agreement marker i- pre-cedes the question word. This contrasts with questions about [+animate] nouns which have ɔ- in singular and a- for plural (see section 8.3.2.2). Examples in (50) and (51) illustrate this: 50. Ibɛ imɔa Kofi ɔzɔ suku?

i-bɛ i-mɔ-a Kofi ɔ-zɔ suku CM-time AM-Q-FOC Kofi SM.SG-go school ‘When did Kofi go to school?’

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51. Ibɛ imɔa atú vla aboti? i-bɛ i-mɔ-a atú-vla a-boti CM-time AM-Q-FOC 1PLU-bury CM-corpse ‘When do we bury the corpse?’

When the question expression is used with -a suffixed to it, it has added informa-tion about the speaker’s frustrations about the situation he or she is questioning.

8.3.2.6 bɛ ‘how much’/ ‘how many’ bɛ is the question word used to find out the quantity or the amount. For questions like How old are you? How much is X? the question word bɛ is the appropriate choice. This question word has a high tone like other question words. The question word follows the head noun and there is an agreement relation between them. The agreement marker refers to the class of the plural equivalent of singular noun. mbɛ is used when N- class nouns are used in the sentence. The a- agreement marker is used for all other noun classes. The noun asked about is assumed to be a quantity, that is either plural or mass and hence the question word takes one of the plural agreement markers. This is attested in (52) where N- class noun ŋkpɛ ‘years’ is used and (53) where a plural noun aha ‘people’ is used. The other examples in (54) and (55) show the a- agreement marker. 52. Nkpɛ mbɛ anɛ? ŋ-kpɛ m-bɛ a-nɛ CM-year AM-Q 2SG-get ‘How old are you?’ (Lit: How many years have you got?)

53. Ahá abɛ abo utsá nu?

a-há a-bɛ a-bo u-tsá nu CM-people AM.-Q SM.PLU-stay CM-house in ‘How many persons stay in the house?’

54. Ovi ábɛ?

o-vi á-bɛ CM-amount AM-Q ‘How much?’

55. Utsá abɛ?

u-tsa a-bɛ CM-house AM-Q ‘How many houses?’

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8.3.3 Alternative questions These are questions in which the questioner offers two possibilities as answers to the addressees to choose from. The question has two clauses joined by the alterna-tive conjunction alo ‘or’. The high tone that indicates that a polar question is posed occurs at the final position of both clauses. If the two clauses have the same verb, the verb in the first clause is not repeated in the second clause. In (56) the first clause has different verbs: zɔ ‘go’ and fó ‘wash’ so they are re-peated in the two clauses. 56. Abɔzɔ ubonu alo abofó meŋgba nu?

a-bɔ-zɔ u-bo-nu aló a-bó-fó meŋgba nu 2SG-FUT-go CM-farm-in or 2SG-FUT-wash bowl in ‘Will you go to farm or will you wash the bowl?’

In (57), both clauses have the same verb: kpɛ ‘eat’ The verb therefore occurs once only in the first clause. 57. Abɔkpɛ idzɔ ɔ alo imbi ɛ?

a-bɔ-kpɛ i-dzɔ=ɔ aló i-mbi=ɛ 2SG-FUT-eat CM-yam=DET or CM-rice=DET ‘Will you eat the yam or the rice?’

8.3.4 Coordinate questions Questions can also be coordinate. Coordinate clauses are two clauses each contain-ing a question word and linked by a coordinator ye ‘and’. (59) is a coordinate ques-tion derived from (58). 58. Kofi ɔzá iku ye Ami oyo iyó.

Kofi ɔ-zá i-ku ye Ami o-yo i-yó Kofi SM.SG-sing CM-song CONJ Ami SM.SG-dance CM-dance

‘Kofi sang a song and Ami danced’ 59. Iku ímɔa Kofi ɔzá ye iyó ɔmɔa Ami oyó? i-ku í-mɔ-a Kofi ɔ-zá ye i-yo CM-song SM.SG-Q-FOC Kofi SM.SG-sing CONJ CM-dance ɔ-mɔ-a Ami o-yó SM.SG -Q-FOC Ami SM.SG-dance ‘Which song did Kofi sing and which dance did Ami dance?’

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8.3.5 ‘Tag’ questions These are questions containing the negative tag miɖu anyɛ. The tag is used to seek confirmation about a proposition. This is normally a negative polar question tagged on a positive statement. In (60) below two brothers are going to the farm. They are walking fast because they are carrying planting materials which are heavy. The one ahead asked this question to find out whether the brother who was trailing far be-hind was coming. In (61), a mother searched the bag of her son and saw balloons and she asked whether the child bought them with the money that was to be used for food in school. 60. Alɔ ba, miɖu anyɛ

a-lɔ-ba mi-ɖu anyɛ 2SG-PRSPROG-come NEG-be so ‘You are coming, is it not so?’

61. A-li ɛ, miɖu anyɛ

a-li=ɛ mi-ɖu anyɛ 2SG-bought=3SGOBJ NEG-be so ‘You bought it, is it not so?’

8.4 Uses of questions

8.4.1 Rhetorical questions These are questions for which no response is anticipated from the addressee by the questioner. Both polar questions and content questions can be used as rhetorical questions. In the adjancency pairs below, the polar rhetorical question in (63) and (65) is a response to the statement in (62) and (64) 62. Ɔkpɛ idzɔ ɔ pe tee ɔ-kpɛ i-dzɔ=ɔ petee 3SG-eat CM-yam=DET all ‘He ate all the yam’

63. Izí?

i-zí 3SG-good ‘Is it good?’

64. Owusu ɔlé fesre zɔ utsa nu

Owusu ɔ-lé fesre zɔ u-tsá nu Owusu SM.SG-climb window go CM-room containing.regionin ‘Owusu climbed the window and entered the room’

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65.Izí tɛ inadzengo ɔblɔ anyɛ i-zí tɛ i-nadzengo ɔ-blɔ anyɛ 3SG-good COMPL CM-person SM.SG –make so ‘Is it good for a human being to behave this way?’

The content questions in (67) and (69) are rhetorical and a reaction by another person to the statement in (66) and (68) below. 66. Amu mba zɔ Ugé ozumɛ

amú m-ba-zɔ U-gé o-zumɛ 1SG:IND SG-FUT-go CM-Accra CM-tomorrow ‘I will go to Accra tomorrow’

67. Menu ayayi ta nya kpanɛ

menu a-yayi tɛ a-nya kpanɛ where 2SG-want COMPL 2SG-live now ‘Where do you want to live now?’

68.Amu maánzɔ suku idzɛ

amu ma-á-n-zɔ suku i-dzɛ 1SG:IND 1SG-FUT-NEG-go school CM-today ‘I will not go to school today’

69. Mɛ ayayi tɛ mablɔ ta wu

mɛ a-yayi tɛ ma-blɔ ta wu what 2SG-want COMPL 1SG-make give you ‘What do you want me to do for you?’

8.4.2 Questions for confirmation Closely related to rhetorical questions is a type of indirect question which is nor-mally an affirmative statement with a high pitch question intonation on the final vowel of the last word just like polar questions. This type of question is a sugges-tion to the hearer to agree with the speaker. Often, this construction is used when the speaker is soliciting the support of the addressee as his witness. In sentence (70) a girl was complaining to a member of the family that her mother had been shouting on her in public. The mother in sentence (71) defended herself using a conducive question by soliciting the support of the addressee who is not the ag-grieved person.

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70.Amu má ɔtɔfɛ uzí na amú zugbo. amú má ɔ-tɔ-fɛ u-zí 1SG:IND mother SM.SG-PTPROG-put.in CM-noise na amú zugbo put 1SG:IND head ‘My mother was shouting on me.’

71. Mafɛ uzí na uzugbó?

ma-fɛ u-zí na u-zugbó 1SG-put.in CM-noise give LOC-head ‘Did I shout on her?’

In sentence (72), a child came home from school and complained that he had not had any meal the whole day. The mother, who had been working all day in the house, directed the question in (73) to him in the presence of his grandmother as follows: 72. Amu maŋkpɛ ɔkpesiɔkpɛ. amu ma-ŋ-kpɛ ɔŋkpesiɔkpɛ

1SG:IND 1SG-NEG-eat nothing ‘I did not eat anything.’

73. Amú makpe iva afa nú?

amu ma-kpe i-va a-fá- nú 1SG.IND 1SG-eat CM-thing CM-house-in ‘Did I eat something in the house?’

8.4.3 Greeting questions Questions function prominently in greetings. In the exchange of greetings, the interactants ask questions about the health not only of one another but also of the members of each others’ family. Both polar and content questions are used in greetings. The sentences which are used as examples below are taken from greet-ings recorded in Alakpeti. Each of (74) and (75) is a polar question. 74. Adzí?

a-dzí 2SG-wake ‘Are you awake?’

75. Afan aha adzí?

a-fá-n a-ha á-dzí CM-house-in CM-people SM.PLU-wake ‘Did the people of the house wake up?’

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(76) is a content question used in greetings generally. (77) is also a content ques-tion but it is specifically used by well-wishers when they pay a visit to a sick per-son. 76. Mɛ afan aha adzi tá ?

mɛ a-fa-n a-ha á-dzí tá Q CM-house-in CM-people SM.PLU-wake PART ‘How are the people of the house?’

77. Mɛ iɖú awu iyó nu?

mɛ i-ɖú awu i-yó nu Q 3SG-be 2SG CM-skin containing.region ‘How do you feel in your body?’ ie. How are you?

8.4.4 Question word only questions Questions which are asked in informal situations are full of elision because the interactants have information that is known to them. Sometimes the whole clause may be left out leaving the question word alone. This type of question is used when one wants to know the actual person being talked about, a place, or the rea-son for which something is done. Consider the following examples: 78. Ɔmɔ ‘Who?’

Mɔkplɛ ‘What reason (why)?’ Mɛnu ‘Where?’

8.4.5 Questions for more specification Questions are also asked in conversation for confirmation of an aspect of a state-ment that a previous speaker has made. In the examples below, the speaker A, makes a point and the addressee B does not know what or which of the things he is referring to. He therefore asks about it for more specification to facilitate the iden-tification of the entity that is being talked about. 79A uklontsi druyi 79B uklontsi druyi ɔmɔa? u-klontsi druyi u-klontsi druyi ɔ-mɔ-a CM-book red CM-book red AM-Q-FOC ‘red book’ ‘which red book?’ 80A: idzɔ nango a-mɛ 80B idzɔ nango amɔa? i-dzɔ nango a-mɛ i-dzɔ nango a-mɔ-a CM-yam big AM-Q CM-yam big AM-Q-FOC

‘those big yams’ ‘which big yams?’

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81A: ŋgbɛ n-ta 81B: ŋ-gbɛ n-ta m-mɔa? ŋ-gbɛ n-ta ŋ-gbɛ n-ta m-mɔ-a

CM-dog AM-three CM-dog AM-three AM-Q-FOC ‘three dogs’ ‘which three dogs?’

In these contexts, the modifier that occurs in the NP is presupposed knowledge to the interactants. So speaker A has to answer the question using other modifiers to make his point to be understood. For example, A can continue the conversation by adding the modifier kɔŋklɔ ‘old’ to the NP as in (82A) below 82A: uklontsi kɔŋklɔ druyi u-klontsi kɔŋklɔ druyi CM-book old red

‘red old book’

From the discussions so far, it is evident that the question word can occur in situ and also at the initial position of the sentence. Declarative sentences can become questions when the pitch of the final syllable of the sentence is raised. Also, the non singular, that is the N-class, i-class and a-class nouns take plural agreement when quantity is expressed.

9 DEPENDENT CLAUSES In this chapter, I discuss clauses that are embedded in other structures or are ad-joined to other clauses in complex sentences. These clauses are peripheral to other structures with which they form higher structures that makes them subordinate to the others which are referred to as main clause in the sentence. Because of the structures of these dependent clauses, they cannot make complete sense without being joined with a semantically related independent clause (Keenan 1985, and Dixon 2006). The first part is centred on relative clauses and it is followed by a section on complement clauses. The final part deals with various types of adverbial clauses.

9.1 Relative clauses

In this section, I introduce the structure of the relative clause and illustrate how it interacts with other modifiers of NPs. I then discuss the relativizability of different arguments and show how relative clauses are related to focus and questions.

9.1.1 Structure of the relative clause A relative clause provides further modification about a nominal within an NP. Generally, a distinction is made between ‘restrictive’ and ‘non-restrictive’39 relative clauses. However, such a distinction is not universal. Logba for instance, does not make such a distinction. The relative clause is a postnominal clause introduced by a relativizer xé. This particle is used in the northern Ewe dialects surrounding Logba as relativizer and also as temporal and conditional introducer. I refer to it as a relative particle instead of a relative pronoun because it is invari-able in form (Keenan 1985, Payne 1997). Furthermore, an anaphoric pronoun, a nominal prefix is attached to the verb in the relative clause in case of subject rela-tive clauses. A determiner occurs between the head noun and the relative particle. The relative clause occurs after the noun it modifies; the same position in which adjectives and numerals occur in the sentence. In Logba, the head of the relative clause always precedes the relative clause. The relative particle xé follows the head noun and precedes the relative clause. In (1) xé follows the head noun, ɔsa a ‘the man’, and introduces the relative clause. The same can be said of (2) where the head is iyóyu é, a mass noun. However in (3), the head ebitwɔ ‘children’ is fol-lowed by the modifier: imɛ ‘this’ (demonstrative) and petee ‘all’, an intensifier, all these precede the relativizer xé.

39 Other linguists use the term: defining and non-defining relative clauses Keenan and Com-rie (1977).

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The position of the head in the subject relative clause is filled by an anaphoric pronoun. In (1) the agreeing pronoun is prefixed to nɛ ‘buy’ in (2) to nya ‘stay’ and in (3) ɖu ‘be’. However, in (4) the head ebitwɔ ‘children is followed by the follow-ing modifiers amɛ ‘these’ demonstrative petee ‘all’ intensifier. All these precede the relativizer xé. 1. Ɔsa a xé ɔnɛ imbi e ɔga gu . ɔ-sa=a xé [ɔ-nɛ i-mbi=e ] ɔ-gá gú CM-man=DET RP SM.SG-buy CM-rice=DET 3SG-pay price ‘The man who bought the rice paid.’

2. Iyoyu e xé inya ibisé.

i-yoyu=e xé [i-nya ] i-bi-sé CM-peace=DET RP SM-stay 3SG-come-end ‘The peace that prevailed came to an end.’ [15.6.20]

3. iva a xe etemí be uwá iɖu ifiami

iva=a xe [e-te-mí be u-wá] i-ɖu i-fiami thing=DET RP 3PLU-HAB-take clear CM-forest 3SG-be CM-cutlass ‘the thing they use to clear the forest is cutlass’ [15.15. 04]

4. Ebitwɔ amɛ pétée xé malá suku idzɛ eɖu akpanawo. e-bit-wɔ a-mɛ pétée xe ma-lá suku i-dzɛ

CM-child-PLU AM-this all RP 1SG-beat school CM-today e-ɖu a-kpana-wo

SM.PLU-be CM-logba-PLU ‘All these children who I beat today in school are Logba citizens.’

From the illustrative sentences of relative clauses, it can be said that the consttruc-tion of the relative clause in Logba consists of first the head noun, its modifiers and the relativizer, xé. This is then followed by the relative clause. The structure is represented below using the sentence Asa nango inú amɛ eba ‘Those five big men came’ in which the subject (head noun) asa ‘men’ is relativized below: 5. Asá nango ata amɛ xé éfezi ebá.

a-sá nango ata a-mɛ [ xé e-fezi ] e-bá CM-men big five AM-those REL 3PLU-cry 3PLU-com Noun ADJ QNT DET REL PRO VERB PRO VERB HEAD ← MODIFIERS → RELATIVE CLAUSE ←

‘Those three big men who cried came’ The head noun is subject and the relativised NP is the subject of the relative clause. A pronoun prefix is marked on the verb in the relative clause. In (6), it is marked on ba ‘come’ and in (7) on bo ‘stay’

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6. Ebiti é xé ɔbaa oɖu amu bí [e-biti=e [xé ɔ-ba-a ] o-ɖu amu bí CM-child=DET RP SM.SG-come-CFM 3SG-be 1SGPOSS child ‘The child who came was my child.’ 7. Ekple ina ɔkpɛ xɛ obo iɖiɛnu ɛ toto susu tɛ ɔlɛ kpe iva fiɛ ɛ

ekple i-na ɔ-kpɛ [ xɛ o-bo i-ɖiɛnu=ɛ] now CM-person CM-one RP 3SG-stay CM-world=DET to-to susu tɛ ɔ-kpe iva fiɛ-ɛ never-never think COMPL 3SG-know thing exceed-3PLU ‘Now a single person in this world should not think that he is wiser than all.’ [15.2.78-79]

9.1.2 Object relativisation If the head is co-referential with the object in the relative clause, it is not expressed in the relative clause. A gap is left in the relative clause. The relative clause in (8) is xé ma-nɛ ‘which I buy x’. The item that is bought, the object, is imbi ‘rice’. It is however not expressed in the relative clause. 8. Imbi é xé manɛ ikanyi.

[i-mbi=é [xé ma-nɛ ∅ ]] i-kanyi CM-rice=DET RP 1SG-buy ∅ SM-burn ‘The rice which I bought was burnt.’

9.1.3 Distribution of relative clauses An NP containing a relative clause can function as a topic phrase, Iva imɛ petee with the head as iva ‘thing’ as illustrated in (9) 9. Iva imɛ petee xé madzi unyi mɛ epetee inya uwa nango nango ɔkpɛ nu.

[ iva imɛ petee [ xé ma-dzi u-nyi umɛ]] e-pétee thing this all RP 1SG-call CM-name here 3PLU-all i-nya u-wa nango nango ɔ-kpɛ nu

SM-stay CM-forest big big CM-one in ‘All the things that I have mentioned here, they all

stayed in a big forest.’ [15.3.18-19] The relative clause can modify the post-verbal argument of the clause. The italized portions of the example sentences (10), (11) and (12) are the relative clauses. The NP modified is boldened in the first line of the examples. In sentence (12) the head of the relative clause is object of the relative clause.

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10. Ivagblawo ɔla ebitsi e xé ɔgbama . ivagblawo ɔ-la e-bitsi=e xé ɔ-gbama. teacher AM-beat CM-child=DET RP SM.SG-be_late

‘Teacher beat the child who was late.’ 11. Akpana eɖú aha xé edo gu Egypte kpɛ Sudan ivanutsienu.

Akpana e-ɖú aha xé e-do gu Akpana AM-be people RP SM.SG-come.out from

Egypte kpɛ Sudan ivanutsienu Egypt CONJ Sudan area ‘Akpana’s are people who are from Egypt and Sudan.’ [15.6.01]

12. Malá aklɔ xé amú má ɔlɛ.

ma-lá a-klɔ xé amú ma ɔ-lɛ 1SG-beat CM-goat RP 1SG mother SM.SG-buy ‘I beat the goat which my mother bought.’

9.1.4 Tense and aspect in relative clauses The same tense aspect distinctions that are found in main clauses are present in relative clauses. The example sentences with relative clauses below are in present progressive, past progressive, future and future progressive. Present progressive: 13. Ɔsa xé ɔlɔtrɔ iɖu oɖu ovunawo. ɔ-sa xé ɔ-lɔ-trɔ i-ɖu CM-man RP SM.SG-PRSPROG-carry CM-gunpowder o-ɖu o-vunawo AM-be CM-hunter ‘The man who is carrying the gunpowder is a hunter.’

Past progressive 14. Ubí xé otólé agli é oɖú oyubitsi

u-bí xé o-tó-lé a-gli=é CM-child RP SM.SG-PTPROG-climb CM-wall=DET o-ɖu o-yúbitsi AM-be CM-thief ‘The child who was climbing the wall is a thief.’

Future 15. Ɔsa xé ɔbɔba oɖu amu ovui. ɔ-sa xé ɔ-bɔ-ba o-ɖú amu o-vui CM-man RP SM.SG-FUT-come SM.SG-be 1SGPOSS CM-uncle ‘The man who will come is my maternal uncle.’

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Future progressive 16. Inashina xé ɔbɔlɔzɔ Agbɔ udantsi mɛ áŋu ogbomiwɔ.

inashina xé ɔ-bɔ-lɔ-zɔ Agbɔ Everyone RP SM.SG-FUT-PRSPROG-go Tafi u-dantsi mɛ á-ŋu o-gbomi-wɔ CM-morning this FUT-see CM-monkey-PLU ‘Everyone who will be going to Tafi this morning will see monkeys.’

Negative For negative relative clauses, the negative marker occurs before the verb and the subject marker. The pronoun is fused with the vowel of the pre verb negative marker (See section 7.3.6). Sentences (17) and (18) are examples of negative rela-tive clauses: 17. Ebitwɔ xé maablɔnu utrɔmɛ á asá zɔ afán

e-bit-wɔ xé ma-a-blɔ-nu u-trɔmɛ=a CM-child-PLU RP NEG-SM.PLU-make-NEG CM-work=DET a-sá zɔ a-fán SM.PLU-leave go CM-home ‘The child who did not do the work went home.’

18. Ivagblawo ɔlá udzɛ xé moófó nú memgba nu. i-vagblawo ɔ-lá u-dzɛ CM-teacher AM-beat CM-girl xé mo-o-fó nú memgba nu RP NEG-SM.SG-wash NEG plate containing_region ‘The teacher beat the girl who did not wash the plate.

9.2 Relativisation hierarchy in Logba

One of the concerns of most linguists working on relative clauses is the positions that can be relativized on the relativisability hierarchy (Keenan and Comrie 1979). This is aimed at making some cross linguistic generalizations about the positions relativised and the strategies that are employed. Keenan and Comrie proposed the following positions: SUBJECT > DIRECT OBJECT > INDIRECT OBJECT > OBLIQUE > POSSESSOR Keenan and Comrie (1977) refer to the above as the Accessibility Hierachy. My investigation is based on the positions that are relevant in the Logba language. These are Subject, Goal object, Theme object, Objects of SVC, Locative objects, Prepositional phrases, and Nominal Possessive. A careful study of the relative

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clauses in my data suggests that all the positions can be relativised with either a gap or a marker strategy. As already demonstrated, the subject and object positions within a relative clause can be relativised (see example 5 for subject and example 8 for object). Subject relativisation involves adding the relativising particle to the subject NP. The sub-ject NP is cross referenced on the verb with an agreeing pronoun like any other clause. The object is relativised with a gap strategy. In clauses that are three place constructions, for example, in the sentence: Kofi ɔtá Howusu mangɔ ‘Kofi gave Howusu mango’ both Howusu, the Goal and mango, the Theme can be relativised. The Goal may be relativised using a gap (19) while the Theme uses a marker strategy ie. A marker fills the position of the Theme argu-ment in the relative clause (20)

9.2.1 Goal 19. Howusu xé Kofi ɔtá ∅ mangɔ

Howusu xé Kofi ɔ-tá ∅ mangɔ - Howusu REL Kofi 3SG-give GAP mango ‘Howusu whom Kofi gave the mango’

9.2.2 Theme 20. Mango xé Kofi ɔtá Howusu e

mango xé Kofi ɔ-tá Howusu e Mango REL Kofi SM.SG-give Howusu MARKER ‘Mango which Kofi gave to Howusu’

9.2.3 Objects in a serial verb construction Arguments in a Serial Verb Construction can also be relativised. The subject is relativised the same way as in a monoverbal construction. In a multiple object SVC such as Ubonukpiwo omi idzɔ ta udzɛ ‘The farmer gave the yam to the woman’, the NP which is object to the ‘verb of giving’ is relativized with the marker -a in the position from which the NP is moved as shown in (22) while the object of the first verb is relativised using gap as in (21)

9.2.3.1 Object of initial verb 21. idzɔ a xé omí ∅ tá udzi ɛ i-dzɔ=a xé o-mí ∅ tá u-dzi=ɛ CM-yam=DET REL SM.SG-take GAP give CM-woman=DET ‘The yam which he gave the woman’

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9.2.3.2 Object of second verb in an SVC 22. Udzi ɛ xé ubonukpiwo é omi idzɔ á táá u-dzi=ɛ xé u-bonukpiwo=e o-mí

CM-woman=DET RP CM-farmer=DET SM.SG-take i-dzɔ=á tá-á CM-yam=DET give MARKER

‘The woman who the farmer gave the yam’ Locatives, and instrumental NPs in the sentence can also be relativized.

9.2.4 Prepositional phrase with postpositions A postpositional phrase complement in a locative prepositional phrase can be rela-tivised. A marker is left in its position after the locative preposition. Sentence (24) and (26) are relativised versions of (23) and (25). 23. Kofi omi kɔpu e na ukplɔ a tsu .

Kofi o-mi kɔpu=e na u-kplɔ=a tsu Kofi AM-take cup=DET on CM-table=DET upper.surface ‘Kofi put the cup on the table.’

24.ukplɔ tsu xé Kofi omi kɔpu e naa

u-kplɔ tsu xé Kofi o-mi kɔpu=é na-a CM-table on RP Kofi AM-take cup=DET on-MARKER ‘the table on which Kofi put the cup’

25. Abá oyubitsi ɛ fɛ utsá-á nu.

a-bá o-yubitsi=ɛ fɛ u-tsá=a nu 3PLU-kill CM-thief=DET at CM-house=DET containing.region ‘They killed the thief in the house.’

26. utsá nu xé ábá oyubitsi ɛ fɛɛ

u-tsá nu xé á-bá o-yubitsi=ɛ fɛ-ɛ [fiɛ] CM-house in RP 3PLU-kill CM-thief=DET at-MARKER ‘the house in which the thief was killed’

Note that the preposition remains in its position and hosts the marker.

9.2.5 Prepositional phrases The complement of the preposition kpɛ ‘with’ can be instrument and can be relativ-ised using a marker strategy; kpɛ stays in its position as shown in (28). This ex-plains why example sentence (29) is ungrammatical.

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27. Ama óglɛ uzugbo kpɛ afuta.

Ama ó-glɛ u-zugbo kpɛ a-futa Ama SM.SG-tie CM-head PREP CM-cloth ‘Ama tied the head with cloth.’

28. afúta xé Ama oglɛ ozugbo kpɛɛ

a-fúta xé Ama o-glɛ o-zugbo kpɛ-ɛ [kpiɛ] CM-cloth RP Ama SM.SG-tie CM-head PREP-MARKER ‘the cloth which Ama tied the head with’

29. * afuta kpɛ xé Ama oglɛ ozugbo ofui

*a-fúta kpɛ xé Ama ó-glɛ o-zugbo o-fui CM-cloth with RP Ama SM.SG-tie CM-head 3SG-be.lost ‘the cloth which Ama tied the head with is dirty’

9.2.6 Possessive When possessives are relativised the possessor is followed by the possessed noun and the relative particle. The possessed noun can either be a full NP otu ‘gun’ as in (30) or a nominal compound abueklonti ‘animal-skin’ as in (31). The possessed noun is relativised using a marker strategy as in (30) and (31). 30. Ivanuvo otu e xé ovuvɔa ɔbá.

i-vanuvo o-tu=é xé o-vuvɔ-a ɔ-bá CM-hunter CM-gun=DET RP SM.SG-spoil-MARKER 3SG-come ‘The hunter whose gun is spoilt came.’

31. ubonukpiwo abueklonti é xé maŋúé ɔsá. u-bonukpiwo a-bueklonti=e xé ma-ŋu-e ɔ-sá CM-farmer CM-animal.skin=DET RP 1SG-see MARKER 3SG-left ‘The farmer whose animal skin I saw left.’ The marker is an invariant form which takes the position of a constituent that is moved. It displays the same phonological pattern to the definiteness morpheme (see section 2.3.3.1). In section 9.2.2 (in example 20), when the Theme is relativ-ised, the marker in its position is –e. When the constituent is plural, the marker does not change in form. It remains an –e. This is shown in example (32) below. 32. Mangowɔ xé Kofi ɔtá Howusu e aprɔ.

mango-wɔ xé Kofi ɔ-tá Howusu e a-prɔ Mango-PLU REL Kofi SM.SG-give Howusu MARKER 3PLU-rotten ‘Mangoes which Kofi gave to Howusu were rotten.’

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In the relativisation of the prepositional complement, afúta ‘cloth’ (section 9.2.5 in example 28) the marker –e takes the position of afúta ‘cloth’. Even when the rela-tivised constituent is plural, the marker does not change in form. It remains an –e. as shown in (33) below. 33. Nfúta xé Ama oglɛ ozugbo kpɛɛ nfui

N-fúta xé Ama o-glɛ o-zugbo kpɛ-ɛ [kpiɛ] n-fui CM-cloth RP Ama SM.SG-tie CM-head PREP-MARKER 3PLU-lost ‘The clothes which Ama tied the head with are lost’

The marker does not function as a clause boundary marker because in clauses where other constituents follow the position of the relativised constituent, the marker retains that position. In (34), the NP Uɖobe ɔmɔa ‘that afternoon’ follows the position of the relativised constituent that is taken by the marker –e. 34. Nfúta xé Ama oglɛ ozugbo kpɛɛ uɖobe ɔmɔa nfui.

N-fúta xé Ama o-glɛ o-zugbo CM-cloth RP Ama SM.SG-tie CM-head kpɛ-ɛ [kpiɛ] u-ɖobe ɔ-mɔa n-fui PREP-MARKER CM-afternoon AM-that 3PLU-lost ‘The clothes which Ama tied the head with that afternoon are lost.’

The determiner and the invariant marker has allomorphs and are phonologically conditioned (see section 2.3.3). Positions relativised are summarised in the table below. The M refers to marker and - indicates a gap. Table 9.1: Summary of relativisation hierarchy in Logba POSITION SUBJ OBJ GOAL THEME OBJ V1 OBJ V2 LOC PREP POSS STRATEGY - - - M - M M M M From the discussion of topic and focus in chapter twelve it will be evident that the strategies used for relativisation is similar to the strategies used for focusing and content questions.

9.3 Complement clauses

A complement clause is a dependent clause which is an argument of a predicate. According to Noonan (1985:42) ‘it is a syntactic situation that arises when a no-tional sentence or predication is an argument of a predicate.’ Dixon (2006) argues

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that for all languages there is a restricted set of verbs, (R)40 which occupies the main clause and another verb from an unrestricted set (U) which is the predicate of a matrix clause verb (R). He however adds that a semantic compatibility must exist between (R) and (U). In Logba, a complement clause is introduced by an obligatory particle tɛ. This particle occurs after a set of verbs (R). These verbs are restricted in number and occur in a complex sentence. Some of the verbs in the restricted set (R) are in (35) 35. wa ‘tell’ ŋu ‘see’

ta ‘say’ dzi ‘call’ gbla ‘show’ dze ‘look’ kpe ‘know’ vɔ ‘fear’ kanyi ‘realise’

The complement clause contains one of the unrestricted set of verbs (U) and it is an argument of the matrix sentence. In (36), tɛ ɔbɔbá ‘that he/she will come’ and in (37) tɛ nfuɛ ndzi ba agu ‘that the oil will come to the top’ are complement clauses and are objects of the verb wa ‘tell’ and ŋu ‘see’ respectively. 36. Kofi ɔwá tɛ ɔbɔbá

Kofi ɔ-wá tɛ ɔ-bɔ-bá Kofi SM.SG-tell COMPL SM.SG-FUT-come ‘Kofi said that he will come’

37. abóŋú tɛ nfú ɛ ndzí bá agu.

á-bó-ŋú tɛ n-fú=ɛ n-dzí bá agu 2SG-FUT-see COMPL CM-oil=DET AM-stand come top ‘you will see that the oil comes up’

Complement clauses can also occur as the second object to the verb. In these ex-amples the first object is the addressee and the second object, the complement clause represents the context of what is said. When this happens the first object precedes the complementizer tɛ. This object may be a noun phrase or a pronoun. In sentence (38), the first object is a full noun phrase, agbɛ ‘dog’ followed by the second object, which is the complement clause. In sentence (39), the 1SG object pronoun, -m is the first object. This is followed by the complement clause which is the second object. 38. Ɔlɔwá agbɛ tɛ ɔgakrana. ɔ-lɔ-wá a-gbɛ tɛ ɔ-gakrana 3SG-PRSPROG tell CM-dog COMPL SM.SG-keep.quiet ‘He is telling the dog that it should keep quiet.’

40 These are also known as Complement taking predicates.

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39. ɔwám tɛ xé mabá suku mɛ… ɔ-wá-m tɛ xé ma-bá suku mɛ 3SG-tell-1SGOBJ COMPL COND 1SG-come school this ‘he told me that if I come to this school…’

One of the verbs from the set R, tá which translates as ‘say’ and the complemen-tizer are used in giving reports of what has been said by a third person. This strat-egy is used in relating not only indirect speech but it is also found in gnomic ex-pressions which are attributed to personified animals in folk stories in Logba. The complementizer can be the only predicating element in a quote frame. The com-plement taking verb, tá is sometimes omitted in connected discourse. What is omit-ted will not affect the information the speaker wants to bring to the notice of the addressee. The complement taking verb ta must however be present when the speaker wants to be emphatic. In (40) and (41), the complement taking verb tá can be omitted. 40. Antenyi (tá) tɛ mkpɔnyi moma olɛ fɛ otokpe afágba .

a-ntenyi (tá) tɛ m-kpɔnyi mo-ma olɛ fɛ CM-earthworm say COMPL CM-eye NEG-stay 3SGOBJ also o-to-kpe a-fá-gba 3SG-HAB-know CM-house-road ‘Earthworm says even though it is without eyes it knows the way home. [15.4. 24]

41. Ankɔ (tá) tɛ ɔlɔkpɔ atsa nu fɛ alɛ viɛ ɔkpɔ nyui

ankɔ (tá ) tɛ ɔ-lɔ-kpɔ a-tsa nu fɛ hen say COMPL SM.SG-PRSPROG-lie CM-coop in also alɛ viɛ ɔ-kpɔ nyui 3SG tail SM.SG-lie outside ‘Hen says that it is lying in the coop but its tail lies outside’ [15.4.28]

The complementizer can be used to introduce a complement clause which is a polar question. The question in (42) is in every respect like an independent polar question. 42. Agbɛ o ŋu nwo utsa yɛ odze tɛ oŋu akpakpla a anaa?

a-gbɛ o-ŋu n-wo u-tsa yɛ o-dze CM-dog SM.SG-see CM-bee CM-house CONJ 3SG-look tɛ o-ŋu a-kpakpla=a anaa? COMPL 3SG-see CM-frog=DET QP ‘Dog sees the bee hive and look whether it sees the frog?’

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The complement taking verb can be modified with an adverbial. In (43) inta ‘very’ shows the intensity of fear using vɔ ‘fear’. In (44) kanyi ‘realise’ is used as a com-plement taking verb but in (45) it is used to modify ŋu ‘see’ and is an expression of a stronger form of realisation and holding on to a belief. 43. ɔvɔ inta tɛ olenta. ɔ-vɔ inta tɛ o-lenta. 3SG-fear very COMPL 3SG-fall ‘It was so afraid that it fell.’

44. Kwesi ɔkanyi tɛ Hesse obo Klikpɔ.

Kwesi ɔ-kanyi tɛ Hesse o-bo Klikpɔ Kwesi SM.SG-realise COMPL Hesse SM.SG-stay Klikpɔ ‘Kwesi realised that Hesse lives in Klikpo.’

45. aŋú kanyi tɛ abɛ miɖu iva vuvɔgo kuraa

a-ŋú kanyi tɛ a-bɛ mi-ɖu 2SG-see realise COMPL CM-palm.oil NEG-be iva vuvɔgo kuraa thing waste at.all ‘you realise that palm has no waste at all’ [15.11.66-67]

A complement clause can be followed by another complement clause in a dis-course. In (46) The complement clause tɛ mbu ‘that I ask’ is followed immediately by another complement clause. The second complement clause contains an embed-ded conditional clause xé unansanango afiɖa okunkpɛ ‘if paramount chief (you) meet somewhere’ and a main clause which is a content question ɔgbɔta ɔmɔá ɔble utrɔme áblɔ? ‘which town’s (own) will you useʔ’ If a complement clause contains a complement taking predicate it can itself be followed by another complement clause satisfying the argument requirements of the verb. 46. mayayi tɛ mbu tɛ xé unansanango afiɖa okunkpɛ ɔgbɔta ɔmɔá ɔble utrɔme ablɔ?

ma-yayi tɛ m-bu tɛ xé unansa-nango 1SG-want COMPL 1SG-ask COMPL COND chief.big a-fiɖa o-kunkpɛ ɔ-gbɔta ɔ-mɔá ɔ-ble 2SG-meet CM-somewhere CM-town AM-Q 3SG-own u-trɔme a-blɔ CM-work 2SG-make ‘I want to ask that if the Paramount Chiefs meet somewhere which town’s own will you use?’

A complement clause can also contain an embedded relative clause as shown in (47). The first one is xé Hesse obuɛ ‘which Hesse asked’ and the second one is. xé unansanango ɔtsɔ naa ‘which the paramount chief uses’ The second relative clause has a main clause which is a polar question. This is exemplified below:

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47. Unansa, manenu tɛ ilɔ a xé Hesse obu ɛ obuɛ na dzangbe yo. Dzuɛ mayayi tɛ

mbu katawɔɛ xé unansanango ɔtsɔ naa ɔnango gu anukpa ɔgagoe iblɛ yo? u-nansa ma-nenu tɛ i-lɔ=á xé Hesse CM-chief 1SG-believe COMPL CM-word=DET RP Hesse o-bu-ɛ o-bu-ɛ na dzangbe yo SM.SG-ask-CFM SM.SG-ask=3SGOBJ for linguist.staff skin dzuɛ ma-yayi tɛ m-bu katawɔɛ xé but 1SG-search COMPL 1SG-ask parasol RP unansanango ɔ-tɔ-na-a ɔ-nango gu paramount.chief SM.SG-HAB-take-CFM 3SG-differ from a-nukpa ɔgagoe iblɛ yó PLU-chief other own skin ‘Chief, I believe that what Hesse asked he asked about the linguist staff. But I want to find out about the parasol which the Paramount chief uses; is it differ-ent from that of the other chiefs?’ [15.7.15]

9.4 Adverbial clauses

An adverbial clause is a subordinate clause which modifies the verb phrase or the entire clause. In reality, an adverbial clause is not a core argument of the main clause but it is in an adjunctive relation with the main clause. Because of this, an adverbial clause can be ‘plucked’ from the rest of the construction without neces-sarily affecting the core semantic import of the sentence. Adverbial clauses, how-ever, contribute to the information that the main clause gives by providing answers to questions relating to the time, place, reason, and the manner that the event(s) described in the main clause occur(s).

9.4.1 Conditional clauses A conditional clause is a subordinate clause which expresses the condition for the situation expressed in the main clause to be realised. In Logba, this clause can either precede the main clause or come after it. When it precedes the main clause, it ends with a clause final marker which is a mid vowel –e/-ɛ, o-/-ɔ suffixed to the final word. This vowel agrees in [±ATR] value with the final vowel of the clause. The conditional clause is introduced by the particle xe . This particle and the rela-tive particle, xe are similar in form. There is a difference in the syntactic position that each of them occurs. xérel occurs postnominally. Since xécond does not modify a noun, it occurs at clause initial position. In sentences (48), (49), (50) and (51) xé introduces the conditional clause.

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48. Xé ina inyɔ ekee, ina ɪnyɔ edzee . xé i-na i-nyɔ é-ke-é COND CM-person AM-two SM.PLU-set.trap-CFM i-na i-nyɔ é-dze=é CM-person AM-two SM.PLU-see=3SGOBJ ‘If two people set trap, two people watch it.’ [15.4.44]

49. Xé mazɔɔ, maáŋué.

xé ma-zɔ-ɔ, má-á-ŋu-é COND 1SG-go-CFM 1SG-FUT-see=3SGOBJ ‘If I go, I will see him/her.’

50. Xé aŋu awu ɖankame zugbo odzɔgbee tá dzú awoblɛ fɛ uwa.

xé a-ŋu awu ɖankame zugbo o-dzɔgbe-e COND 2SG-see 2SG friend head CM-grassland-CFM tá dzú awoblɛ fɛ u-wa give return your.own put CM-forest ‘If you see your friend’s skull in the grassland, take yours into the forest.’[15.4.23]

51. Xé atɛ aɖu ina kpewòe metedzi iva.

xé a-tɛ á-ɖu i-na-kpe-wo-e COND 3PLU-COMPL 2SG-be CM-person-eat-owner-CFM me-te-dzi i-va NEG-HAB-call CM-thing ‘If they say you are person eater, you don’t swear.’ [15.4.72]

In sentences (52) and (53) the conditional clause follows the main clause because of that there is no clause final marker. 52. Esi otedze iva xé ifedzolego ifó iyɛ tsu.

Esi o-tedze i-va xé i-fedzolego Esi SM.SG-learn CM-thing COND CM-examination i-fó iyɛ tsu SM-reach 3SG on ‘Esi learns when examination is close.’

53. Kofi ɔbɔzɔ avablɔmɛ xé odze oɖu.

Kofi ɔ-bɔ-zɔ a-vablɔmɛ xé o-dze o-ɖu Kofi SM.SG-FUT-go CM-hospital COND SM.SG-see CM-sickness ‘Kofi will go to hospital if he falls sick.’

Most aphorisms and proverbs are said in complex sentences which have the subor-dinate clause as a conditional clause. Sentences (46) and (47) are examples of these proverbs. Another feature of some of these proverbs is that they have conditional

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clause in the negative. The negative marker occurs before the agreement marker which comes after the verb. Below are examples: 54. Xé ámo kpe tenyie ta kpe kla.

xé á-m-o-kpe tenyi-e ta kpe kla COND 2SG-NEG-AM-know escape-CFM let know hide ‘If you don’t know how to escape, you must know hiding.’

55. Xé idi mi mu nue idi miíwa.

xé i-di m-i-mu-nu-e COND CM-atmosphere NEG-SM-dark-NEG-CFM i-di mi-í-wa CM-atmosphere NEG-SM-open ‘If the atmosphere is not dark, it will not be bright.’

9.4.2 Time clauses Adverbial clauses of time provide information on how the information about the temporal order in which the actions described in a sentence occur. The actions can occur at the same time or follow the one described in the main clause. The time expression, ibɛnu ‘in the time’ is used to describe a general time relation. The time expression occurs on the initial subordinate clauses as in (56) and (57). It is a topic scene setting or background information marking particle. Sentence (58) is a com-plex structure involving not only the time clause, ibɛnu xé oŋu tɛ idzɔ ɔ izue ‘when he sees that the yam is matured’ but also there is another embedded subordinate clause which is a complement clause: tɛ idzɔ ɔ izue ‘that the yam is mature’ 56. ibɛnu mazɔɔ malɛ uklontsi inyɔ ibɛ-nu ma-zɔ-ɔ ma-lɛ u-klontsi ɪnyɔ time-in 1SG-go-CFM 1SG-buy CM-book two ‘When I went, I bought two books’ 57. Malɛ uklontsi inyɔ ibɛnu mazɔ. ma-lɛ u-klontsi inyɔ ibɛ-nu ma-zɔ 1SG-buy CM-book two time-in 1SG-go ‘I bought two books when I went.’ 58. ibɛnu xé oŋu tɛ idzɔ ɔ izue, oglui e. ibɛ-nu xé o-ŋu tɛ i-dzɔ=ɔ time-in RP 3SG-see COMPL CM-yam=DET

i-zu-e, o-glui=e 3SG-mature-CFM 3SG-uproot=3SGOBJ ‘When he sees that the yam is matured, he uproots it.’

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However, when time relation is to be expressed to show that the event in the time clause occurs prior in time to the main clause xexé ‘before’ is used. This is illus-trated in (59). The time expression, ɖu ité ta ‘be in front of’ takes a nominalised complement and is also used in some constructions to express a similar meaning. (60) is an example. Each of these can occur either initially or after the main clause. 59. Xexé ofó afánue, utsi e okú xoxo.

xexé o-fó a-fá-nu-e u-tsi=e Before 3SG-reach CM-house-in-CFM CM-father=DET o-kú xoxo SM.SG-die already ‘Before he reached the house the father had died already.’

60. Ɖu ité ta afanu fogoe, utsi ɛ o ku xoxo. ɖu ité tá a-fá-nu fo-go-e Be front give CM-house-in reach-NOM-CFM u-tsi=ɛ ó-kú xoxo CM-father=DET SM.SG-die already ‘Before his reaching the house, the father had died already.’

For time relations that involve a terminal point for an event that is durative, the expression bisú ibi-ɛ-nu ‘till the time’ is used. This expression occurs in between the main clause and the subordinate clause. The agentive noun phrase position is filled for both the main clause and the subordinate clause. (61) illustrates this: 61. Ablɔ utrɔme bisú ibi ɛ nu xé afiali.

a-blɔ u-trɔme bisú ibi=ɛ nu xé a-fiali 3PLU-make CM-work till time=DET in RP 3PLU-sweat ‘They worked till the time that they sweated.’

9.4.3 Reason clauses Adverbial clauses of reason offer explanation for the event that is expressed in the main clause. They are connected to the main clause using one of these expressions, ibotɛ ‘because’ ɔkplɛ ‘for that reason.’ When each of these phrases is used, the clause it introduces cannot be preposed because the discourse anaphoric element has been said already. It is for this reason that the example sentence (63) and (65) are considered ungrammatical. 62. ebitsi e molóŋu akpakpla a ɔkplɛ okɛbu etsi

ebitsi=e mo-lo-ŋu akpakpla=a child=DET NEG-PRSPROG-see frog=DET

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ɔkplɛ o-kebu etsi REAS 3SG-jump down ‘the child is not seeing the frog for that reason he jumped down’[15.1.11]

63.* ɔkplɛ okɛbu etsi ebi tsi e moloŋu akpakpla á

*ɔkplɛ o-kebu etsi ebitsi=e mo-lo-ŋu REAS 3SG-jump down child=DET NEG-PRSPROG-see a-kpakpla=a CM-frog=DET *‘Because he jumped down the child is not seeing the frog’ [15.1.11]

64.safi ɔmɛ ole ɔyɔ ɔmɛ yo ibotɛ Akpana tsiami ɔyɔ ogugo

safi ɔ-mɛ o-le ɔ-yɔ ɔ-mɛ yo ibotɛ Akpana Key AM-this AM-be CM-stick AM-this skin because Akpana tsiami ɔ-yɔ o-gugo linguist CM-stick SM.SG-different ‘this key is on this stick because the linguist of Logba is different’ [15.7.07]

65. *Ibotɛ Akpana tsiami ɔyɔ ogugo safi ɔmɛ ole ɔyɔ ɔmɛ yo

ibotɛ Akpana tsiami ɔ-yɔ o-gugo Safi ɔ-mɛ because Akpana linguist CM-stick AM-different Key AM-this o-le ɔ-yɔ ɔ-mɛ yó AM-be CM-stick AM-this skin *‘Because the linguist staff of Logba is different this key is on this stick’[15.7.07]

One point which is worth commenting on is the function of these clauses in the sentences as cohesive devices. Structurally, most of them can be pre-posed and post-posed, except ibotɛ ‘because’ ɔkplɛ ‘for that reason’ which has a restricted occurrence; they can only come after the main clause. It is also noted that a careful use of these clauses enhances the overall organisation of the texts providing links and boundaries of the events described in the texts. The way these clauses pattern in the sentences in one way or the other contributes largely to the understanding of the texts.

10 SERIAL VERB CONSTRUCTIONS This chapter discusses Serial Verb Constructions (SVCs) in Logba. It is organised as follows: After the introduction on the main features of Serial Verb Constructions (hereafter SVCs), the discussion moves on to show the different types and the syntactic and semantic properties that make SVCs stand out from other construc-tions.

10.1 Serial verb constructions

SVCs are one of the linguistic structures that have been described and analysed in most West African languages. Despite the fact that there is similarity in SVCs, there appears to be some differences. In one of the first works on the subject, Westermann (1930:126) points out the main linguistic features of SVCs in an Ewe SVC which is apparently representative of what happens in many other languages:

…all the verbs stand next to each other without being connected, … all have the same tense or mood, and … in the event of their having a common subject and object, these stand with the first, the others remain-ing bare:…

The main difference between SVCs in Logba and Ewe is that in Logba the subject is cross referenced on V1 as a prefix. I will at this stage offer a definition of SVC in Logba. SVC is a construction in which two or more verbs which are without an overt conjunction share subject, object, aspect and tense markers. Many scholars have expressed their views on SVCs pointing out the different types and the cross linguistic variation that they exhibit. Notable among them are Lord (1993) for West African Languages, Agbedor (1994) for Ewe, Carlson (1994) for Supyire, Bodomo (2002) for Dagaare, Lefebre and Brousseau (2002) for Fongbe, Osam (2005) for Akan and Ameka (2006) for Ewe.

10.2 General characteristics of SVCs

The following are the general characteristics of SVCs in Logba: a. The verbs are not linked overtly by coordination or subordination. b. The subject is expressed once on V1. c. Where the object is shared, it is expressed once with V1 d. The VP’s share the same TAM expressed with V1 e. Negation is expressed with V1, using a bipartite morpheme. f. Any term constituent in an SVC can be focused.

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g. The bare form of V1 is placed before the initial VP when the predicate is focused.

Logba is an active noun class language and the nouns are prefixed with class markers. If the subject of an SVC is realised as NP, it is cross referenced on V1 as a pronominal affix. Subsequent verbs are not marked with any pronominal prefix. The examples below are taken from two popular Ananse stories41. In (1), the verbs, mi ‘take’ ka ‘put.down’ are used in an SVC to express the idea in the clause. The subject NP adzi e ‘the bird’ is cross referenced with a vowel prefix on V1 mi ‘take’ In (2), three verbs dze ‘need’ da ‘tell’ wa ‘say’ are used. There is only one subject pronoun [ɔ] and it is realised on V1. In (3), three verbs: ba ‘come’ mi ‘take’ kɔ ‘hang’ are used and the subject pronoun [o ] is prefixed on V1 as well. 1. adzi e ómi ka, a-dzi=e o-mi ka, CM-bird=DET 3SG-take put.down ‘the bird puts it down,’ [15.3.42] 2. mɛ ɔlɔdze da wa adzi ɛ …

mɛ ɔ-lɔ-dze da wa a-dzi=ɛ Q 3SG-PSPROG-need tell say CM-bird=DET

‘why does he need to tell bird…?’ [15.3.36]

3. ibotɛ to obo (ba) mi (l)ɛ kɔ agu ɔyɔ nu ibotɛ to o-ba mi=ɛ kɔ because should 3SG-come take=3SGOBJ hang a-gu ɔ-yɔ nu CM-top CM-tree in ‘… because he has to take it and hang it in a tree at the top’ [15.2.36]

I will now have a closer look at the charasteristics of SVCs in Logba in the order in which it is presented in 10.2.

10.2.1 No overt connectors SVCs are not linked overtly by any conjunction. If a conjunction is placed in be-tween the verbs, the constructions will cease to be SVCs. The non-initial verb would then have the subject pronoun cross referenced on it as shown in (4).

41 Ananse stories are popular stories in Logba and the surrounding Ewe and Akan speaking communities. In these stories, Ananse ‘spider’ is the hero. The name, Ananse is based on the name for spider in the Akan language.

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4. adzi e ómi yɛ oka, adzi=é ó-mi yɛ o-ka, bird=DET SM.SG-take CONJ 3SG-put.down ‘The bird puts it down,’ In an SVC, the states of affairs of the VPs are perceived as occurring in the same temporal frame. Sentence (5) below is an SVC with V1 as huitɛ ‘run’ and V2 as ba ‘come’; the two verbs denote one action. 5. Selorm ohuitɛ ba afan.

Selorm o-huitɛ ba a-fan Selorm SM.SG-run come CM-house ‘Selorm run home.’

In the sentence (6) below, a conjunction is used to join V1 huitɛ ‘run’ and V2. ba ‘come’. The verbs in the sentence are considered as actions performed separately. Indeed, it gives the impression that the man engaged in a race and after that he came home. 6. Selorm ohuitɛ yɛ ɔba afan

Selorm o-huitɛ yɛ ɔ-ba a-fan Selorm SM.SG-run CONJ 3SG-come CM-house ‘Selorm run and came home’

In one of the SVCs recorded four verbs are used; the sentence describes a single event with actions expressed by the verbs internal to it. 7. Ebitsi ɛ ohu bi ve lé utu nango ɔkpiɛ tsu .

e-bitsi=ɛ o-hu bi vé lé u-tu CM-Child=DET SM.SG-run come pass climb CM-anthill nango ɔ-kpiɛ tsu big AM-INDEF on ‘The child run climb onto a big anthill.’

The actions hu ‘run’ shows movement, bi ‘come’ indicates the direction ve ‘pass’ refers to the direction of movement to the landmark. This is followed by lé ‘climb’. It is noted that ve ‘pass’ complements the action expressed when verbs denoting movement are used in an SVC. For example, sentence (6) below was an answer given on one ocassion when I was looking for one of my consultants who works in the local primary school. It contains an SVC using the following verbs bí ‘come’ vé ‘pass’ zɔ ‘go’. The speaker implies the man has gone to the master’s house.

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8. Antɔ ɔbi vé zɔ master afán. Antɔ ɔ-bi vé zɔ master a-fá-n Antɔ SM.SG-come pass go master CM-house-in ‘Antɔ has passed to master’s house.’

10.2.2 Subject marking SVC is a simple clause. The subject NP is cross referenced on V1. If the subject is a pronoun, then it is expressed on V1. Subsequent verbs are not marked with any pronominal prefix. If the full NPs in (9 – 11) above are deleted the anaphoric pro-noun will be on kpɔ ‘hide’ in (9) and teni ‘escape’ in (10). (12) is ungrammatical because the anaphoric pronoun is marked on both V1 and V2. In (13) the anaphoric pronoun is marked on only V2 which is also unacceptable. 9. Ebitsi ɛ ɔkpɔ kla fɛ ɔyɔ nango ɔkpiɛ etsi.

e-bitsi=ɛ ɔ-kpɔ kla fɛ ɔ-yɔ CM-Child=DET SM.SG-move hide into CM-tree nango ɔ-kpiɛ etsi big AM-INDEF under ‘The child went and hid under the one big tree.’ [15.1.22]

10. Kofi oteni zɔ ɔgba yo.

Kofi o-teni zɔ ɔ-gba yo Kofi SM.SG-escape go CM-road skin ‘Kofi run to the road side.’

11. Ogridi óbo dze asaŋgbla tsu.

o-gridi ó-bo dze a-sangbla tsu CM-story SM.SG-come land CM-tortoise on ‘The story falls on tortoise.’ [15.3.09]

12 *Ebitsi ɛ ɔkpɔ (ɔ)kla fɛ ɔyɔ nango ɔkpiɛ etsi.

*Ebitsi=ɛ ɔ-kpɔ ɔ-kla fɛ ɔ-yɔ Child=DET SM.SG-move SM.SG-hide into CM-tree nango ɔ-kpi-ɛ etsi big AM-DEF under ‘The child went and hid under a big tree.’ [15.1.22]

13 *Ogridi bo odze asaŋgbla tsu *o-gridi bo o-dze a-sangbla tsu CM-story come SM.SG-land CM-tortoise on *‘The story takes off and falls on tortoise’

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It is interesting to note that there are other languages which have the non initial verbs marked with a subject pronominal vowel prefix. One language which is re-ported to have this feature is Likpe, one of the GTM languages in the NA group. 14 .Ufi ofiamɔ oklé lísi

u-fi o-fiamɔ o-klé lí-si 3SG-take CM-handkerchief 3SG-tie CM-head ‘She has used a handkerchief to wrap around her head’ Ameka (2005:8)

10.2.3 Object realisation Another important feature of SVCs is that the direct object of the initial verb may be an Instrument of the second verb in the series. In sentence (15), the object of V1 kampɛ ‘scissors’ is an instrument for carrying out the action expressed in V2 tso ‘cut’. In (16), the object of the initial verb uhɛ ‘knife’ is used to perform the action of cutting the paper. 15. Omi kampɛ tso kɔɖiatsya nu

ó-mi kampɛ tso kɔɖiatsya nu 3SG-take scissors cut banana in ‘He took scissors and cut banana’ [CBP]

16. Ɔsa a o mi uhɛ ri pepa… ɔ-sá=á ó-mi u-hɛ ri pepa CM-man=DET SM.SG-take CM-knife hold paper ‘The man holds a paper with a knife’ [CBP]

Where the verbs share the object, it (the object) is expressed only once with the initial verb. In sentence (17), iva ‘thing’ is the object of both the initial verb zá ‘cook’ and the second verb in the series kpɛ ‘eat’. In (18), kɔp ‘cup’ is the object of mi ‘take’ and ri ‘hold’. In (19), the two verbs in the series have the same object iva ‘thing’. nta ‘hand’ which occurs immediately after the second verb. 17. Afadzɛ ozá iva kpɛ

a-fadzɛ o-zá iva kpɛ CM-woman SM.SG-cook thing eat ‘The woman cooked food and ate.’

18. Ɔsa a omi kɔp ri yɛ ɔlɔ nɔ nɖu ɔ-sa=a o-mi kɔp ri yɛ CM-man=DET SM.SG-take cup hold CONJ ɔ-lɔ-nɔ n-ɖú SM.SG-PRSPROG-drink CM-water ‘The man holds a cup and is drinking water’ CBP

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19. Ómi iva ri nta ( Omi iva ri iva nta ). ó-mi iva ri n-ta 3SG-take thing hold CM-hand ‘He holds thing in hand.’

It is also possible to have an SVC in which each verb has its own object. In the sentence (20) below mi ‘take’ has ukplɔtsuziva ‘table cloth’ as its object and ukplɔ-a ‘the table’ is the object of zi ‘cover’ In sentence (21), ɔyɔti ‘stick’ and awɔ ‘snake’ are objects of the initial verb, mi ‘take’, and the second verb ba ‘kill’ re-spectively 20. Ami ukplɔtsuziva zi ukplɔ a tsu .

a-mi u-kplɔtsuziva zi u-kplɔ=á tsú 3PLU-take CM-table cloth cover CM-table=DET on They cover the table with table cloth. TRPS.29

21. Kwaku omi ɔyɔtí ba awɔ.

Kwaku ó-mi ɔ-yɔtí ba a-wɔ Kwaku SM.SG-take CM-stick kill CM-snake ‘Kwaku killed the snake with a stick.’

10.2.4 TAM marking In SVCs in Logba, tense-aspect markers occur only once on the initial verb. In (22) to ‘HAB’ precedes klé, in (23) bó ‘FUT’ comes before mí ‘take’ and in (24) lɔ ‘PRSPROG’ precedes nɛ ‘buy’. 22 Abobi é ótoklé fɪɛ atáwalibi.

a-bobi=é ó-to-klé fiɛ a-táwalibi-wɔ CM-moon=DET SM.SG-HAB-shine exceed CM-star-PLU ‘The moon shines brighter than stars.’

23. abómí ya idzɔ ɔ petee

a-bó-mí ya i-dzɔ=ɔ petee 2SG-FUT-take stake CM-yam=DET all ‘you will stake all the yams’ [15.9.25]

24. Owusu ɔlɔnɛ afúta tá oga.

Owusu ɔ-lɔ-nɛ a-fúta tá o-ga Owusu 3SG-PRSPROG-buy CM-cloth give CM-wife ‘Owusu is buying cloth for his wife.’

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10.2.5 Polarity marking Logba has a bipartite negative marker mV…nu. The first part occurs before V1 and the second after it. Where a lexical noun is used, the subject marker comes in between the verb and the first negative morpheme as in (25). In (26) the constituent which is negated occurs between the two elements (see section 7.3.6 for a discus-sion on negation). 25. Odzu moókpali nu lé ukpo.

o-dzu mo-ó-kpali nu lé u-kpo CM-river NEG-SM.SG-flow NEG climb CM-mountain ‘A river does not flow up a hill.’ [15.4.33]

26. Mɔɔtanyi nu fufu é mɛ.

Mɔ-ɔ-tanyi nu fufu=é mɛ NEG-3SG-can NEG fufu=DET swallow ‘He could not swallow the fufu.’

The difference between Logba and Ewe is that Ewe marks the first part of the NEG me before V1 and the second part, o at the end of the whole SVC. Logba is similar to Ewe in marking Tense Aspect and Negation once on V1. In Akan, however, each verb is morphologically marked for the negative if the SVC is negative (see Osam 2004, Dolphyne 1987). Sentences (27) and (28) are Ewe and Akan examples re-spectively.

EWE 27. Esi metsɔ gafloa ná fofoa o Esi me-tsɔ gáflo-a ná fofo-a o Esi NEG take fork-DEF give father-DEF NEG ‘Esi did not give the fork to the father’

AKAN 28. Araba àntɔ mpɛtsea àmmá àbòfrá nó Araba à-n-tɔ mpɛtsea à-m-má àbòfrá nó Araba COMPL-NEG-buy ring COMPL-NEG-give child DEF ‘Araba did not buy a ring for the child’ (Osam 2004:40)

10.2.6 Term focus It is possible to focus each of the arguments in a simple SVC by fronting the con-stituent and marking it with the appropriate focus marker. (29) is the basic sentence from which the subject is extracted in (30), the object in (31), and the locative in (33) for focus.

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29. Asafo o mí kɔɖiatsya zɔ ovu e nu Asafo o-mí kɔɖiatsya zɔ o-vu=e nu Asafo SM.SG-take banana go CM-market=DET in ‘Asafo took banana to the market’

30. Asafo ká o mí kɔɖiatsya zɔ ovu e nu

Asafo ká o-mí kɔɖiatsya zɔ o-vu=e nu Asafo FOC SM.SG-take banana go CM-market=DET in ‘ASAFO took banana to the market’

31. Kɔɖiatsya ká o mí zɔ ovu e nu

kɔɖiatsya ká o-mí zɔ o-vu=e nu Banana FOC SM.SG-take go CM-market=DET in ‘BANANA he took to the market’

32. Ovu e nu ká o mí kɔɖiatsya zɔ

ovu=e nu ká o-mí kɔɖiatsya zɔ market=DET in FOC SM.SG-take banana go ‘MARKET he took banana to’

10.2.7 Predicate focus In an SVC, only the first verb can be focused. To focus the predicate of the sen-tence, the bare form of the initial verb is placed before the VP then the initial verb occurs with the pronoun prefixed to it followed by the second verb. The initial verb of sentence (33) is focused in sentence (34). Sentence (35) is ungrammatical be-cause it is the bare form of V2 that is placed before VP position. Equally, both V1 and V2 cannot be fronted as in (36) 33. Ama oteni zɔ ɔgbá yó.

Ama o-teni zɔ ɔ-gbá yó Ama SM.SG-escape go CM-road skin ‘Ama rushed to the road side.’

34.Ama teni óteni zɔ ɔgbá yó.

Ama teni ó-teni zɔ ɔ-gbá yó Ama escape SM.SG-escape go CM-road skin ‘It is rushing to the road side that Ama did.’

35. *Ama zɔ o teni zɔ ɔgba yó. *Ama zɔ o-teni zɔ ɔ-gba yó Ama go SM.SG-escape go CM-road skin

‘It is rushing to the road side that Ama did.’

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36. *Ama teni zɔ oteni zɔ ɔgba yó. *Ama teni zɔ o-teni zɔ ɔ-gba yó Ama escape go SM.SG-escape go CM-road skin

‘It is rushing to the road side that Ama did.’

A similar process is reported in Fon in Lefebre and Brousseau (2002:407). A copy of the initial verb is fronted and occurs in the same position as a fronted argument NP/AP and followed by wɛ, a focus marker. (37) is focused in (38). FON 37. Kɔkú sɔ àsɔn ɔ yì àxì mɛ.

Kɔkú sɔ àsɔn ɔ yì àxì mɛ Kɔkú take crab DEF go market in ‘Koku brought the crab to the market.’

38. Sɔ wɛ Kɔkú sɔ àsɔn ɔ yì àxì mɛ.

sɔ wɛ Kɔkú sɔ àsɔn ɔ yì àxì mɛ take it.s Koku take crab DEF go market in ‘It is bringing the crab to the market that Koku did.’ (as opposed to selling it)

Apart from the general characteristics, SVCs can be placed into functional groups. I will describe the functional types in the next section.

10.3 Functional types

The greater number of SVCs has one verb in addition to the initial verb. However, there are other SVCs which make use of three or four verbs which express related actions. This relationship becomes evident when the semantics of the verbs are examined. Out of these, the SVCs which have the initial verb as mi ‘take’ are very common. Sebba (1987:162) notes that cross-linguistically the most common SVCs are those constructions involving a verb which translates as ‘take’. Following Durie (1997), I describe the functional types of SVC.

10.3.1 Manipulative SVCs A manipulative verb mí ‘take’ occurs in initial position expressing a manipulation of the object of V1 with different verbs in V2 position. In such constructions V2 can be placement verb such as na ‘put’ as in (39) positional verb kɔ ‘hang’ in (40) and benefactive ta ‘give’ in (41). 39. Omí afuta na ukplɔ a tsu

o-mí a-futa na u-kplɔ=a tsu 3SG-take CM-cloth put CM-table=DET on ‘He put the cloth on the table.’

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40. O mí awú kɔ agli e yó.

o-mí a-wú kɔ a-gli=é yó 3SG-take CM-dress hang CM-wall=DET skin ‘He hangs the dress on the wall.’

41. Omí fufu ta ebiti.

o-mí fufu ta e-biti 3SG-take fufu give CM-child ‘He gives the child fufu.’

10.3.2 Directional SVCs The initial verb in directional SVCs shows movement while V2 are verbs of direc-tion indicating where the object is going. In (42), as a result of the action of V1 the NP object uma ‘mother’ is carried to the hospital. In (43), udzɛ ‘woman’ moves to the house. 42. Ozí umá zɔ avablɔme.

ó-zí u-ma zɔ a-vablɔme 3SG-carry CM-mother go CM-hospital ‘He carried the mother to hospital.’

43. Ɔhɛ udzɛ bá afánu. ɔ-hɛ u-dzɛ bá a-fánu 3SG-pull CM-woman come CM-house ‘He pulls the woman to the house.’

10.3.3 Completive SVCs sé ‘end’ is used as a second verb in a completive SVC. The initial verb expresses the action in the SVC while the completion of the action is indicated by sé, ‘end’ the second verb in the series. In (44) blɔ ‘make’ is the initial verb followed by the object utrɔmɛ ‘work’ and in (45) kpɛ ‘eat’ is the initial verb and the object idzɔ ‘yam’ follows. V2 sé ‘end’ shows that the event has been completed. Since sé oc-cupies the sentence final position, it can be argued that its position is iconic with its semantics.. 44. Ɔblɔ utrɔmɛ sé. ɔ-blɔ u-trɔmɛ sé 3SG-make CM-work end ‘He finished the work.’

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45. Ɔkpɛ idzɔ sé. ɔ-kpɛ i-dzɔ sé 3SG-eat CM-yam end ‘He finished eating the yam.’

10.3.4 Comparative SVCs A two-verb SVC is used to express comparatives in Logba. The initial verb ex-presses the quality that is being compared. The NP object to which the subject NP is compared follows the second verb, fiɛ ‘exceed’, the index. In (46) and (47) V2 is fiɛ ‘exceed’ The objects are ɔmɔa ‘that’ in both examples. 46. Amú uklontsi ozi fiɛ amɔa.

amú u-klontsi o-zi fiɛ a-mɔa 1SG CM-book SM.SG-be.good exceed AM-that ‘My book is better than that.’

47. Abia amɛ akpiagu fiɛ amɔa.

a-bia a-mɛ a-kpiagu fiɛ a-mɔa CM-chair AM-this SM-high exceed AM-that ‘This chair is higher than that.’

10.3.5 Resultative SVCs The action expressed in V1 leads to the situation expressed in V2. V1 in both (48) and (49) is la ‘beat’. In (48) the action of beating results in the breaking of the object uku ‘drum’. However, in (49), the beating results in the death of agbɛ ‘dog’ 48. Ɔlá ukú bli. ɔ-lá u-ku bli 3SG-beat CM-drum break ‘He beats the drum and it breaks.’

49. Ɔlá agbɛ bá. ɔ-lá a-gbɛ bá 3SG-beat CM-dog kill ‘He beat the dog to death.’

10.3.6 Benefactive SVCs Benefactive SVC expresses a notion of something being done ‘for the benefit of’ someone. The verb, ta ‘give’ is used as the second verb in a benefactive SVC. The NP that occurs after ta ‘give’ is the recipient of the NP or the situation character-ised in VP1 that is the object of V1. In (50), the singing is done for the benefit of

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the child; the benefactive is ebitsi e ‘the child’ and in (51), it is -m 1SGOBJ, indi-cating that the speaker is the intended recipient. 50. Udzɛ ozuiku ta ebitsi e.

u-dzɛ ó-zu.iku ta e-bítsi=e CM-woman 3SG-sing.song give CM-child=DET ‘The woman sang for the child.’

51. Yayra ɔnɛ uklontsi ta m.

Yayra ɔ-nɛ u-klontsi tá=ḿ Yayra 3SG-buy CM-book give=1SGOBJ ‘Yayra bought a book for me.’

In the next section, I will describe the order in which the verbs occur in SVC and how it influences the overall meaning of the sentence

10.4 Verb sequence in SVCs

The sequence in which verbs occur in SVC is a reflection of what the speakers of the language consider as an inseperable coherent unit. (Durie 1997, Essegbey 2004). In instrumental SVCs, the instrument is the first object that follows V1 im-mediately. Sentence (52) is a grammatical SVC. When yam is to be peeled, the sub-event, mi uhɛ ‘take knife’ normally precedes the second sub-event, kpe idzɔ ɔ ‘peel the yam’ (53) is not grammatical; the peeling of the yam comes before taking the knife which is not a natural order of events. The sub-events in (54) are unnatu-rally ordered so they are considered as separate events. However, the two actions can be placed in a clause and linked by use of the conjunction when the order is reversed. That is, he peels the yams and after that takes a knife. In this situation, the knife may not necessarily be the one used in peeling the yam. 52.Omi uhɛ kpe idzɔ ɔ.

ó-mi u-hɛ kpe i-dzɔ=ɔ 3SG-take CM-knife peel CM-yam=DET ‘He takes knife peel the yam.’

53.*Ókpe idzɔ ɔ mi uhɛ.

*ó-kpe i-dzɔ=ɔ mi u-hɛ 3SG-peel CM-yam=DET take CM-knife ‘He peels the yam takes knife.’

54.Okpe idzɔ ɔ yɛ o mi uhɛ.

o-kpe i-dzɔ=ɔ yɛ ó-mi u-hɛ 3SG-peel CM-yam=DET CONJ 3SG-take CM-knife ‘He peels yam and takes knife.’

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The sentences in (55), (56) and (57) are illustrations taken from a description of agronomic practices in yam cultivation. The farmer needs to take special care for the yam tendrils that will produce the big tubers of yam for him after some months. He holds them and gently ties them together. This is the natural order of events as in (55). It is for this reason that (56) is considered unacceptable. (57) may be ap-propriate if only it is taken to mean tying the yam tendrils and after that holding the tendrils together. In which case, they are events which occur as separate tempo-ral entities. 55. Ori idzɔ mba a glɛ fɛ anɖa nu.

ó-ri i-dzɔ m-ba=a glɛ fɛ a-nɖa nu 3SG-hold CM-yam CM-tendril=DET tie into CM-friend in ‘He holds the yam tendrils into one another.’

56*Oglɛ idzɔ mba a ri fɛ anɖa nu. *ó-glɛ i-dzɔ m-ba=a ri fɛ a-nɖa nu 3SG-tie CM-yam CM-tendril=DET hold into CM-friend in ‘He ties the yam tendrils hold into one another.’

57.Óglɛ idzɔ mba a yɛ ori fɛ anɖa nu.

ó-glɛ i-dzɔ m-ba-a yɛ o-ri 3SG-tie CM-yam CM-tendril=DET CONJ 3SG-hold fɛ a-nɖa nu into CM-friend in ‘He ties the yam tendrils and holds them into one another.’

In completive SVCs the V2 which indicates completion of an action cannot come to the position of V1 even if a conjunction were used because one can not complete something before one starts to do it. In sentence (58), the sequence of the verbs cannot be changed to (59). This also applies to resultative SVC’s. The sequence of the verbs in (60) cannot be changed to (61). This is because the action of V1 results in V2. One thing that comes up clearly is that if the order of events seems unnatural then a conjunction is used to bind the verbs together and a pronominal vowel pre-fix is marked on the subsequent verb. However, if V2 denotes a natural endpoint of the larger event or a result, then the V2 cannot be brought to V1 position. 58 Ɔblɔ utrɔmɛ sé. ɔ-blɔ utrɔmɛ sé 3SG-make work finish ‘He finished the work.’

59*Ɔsé utrɔmɛ (yɛ) (ɔ)blɔ. ɔ-sé utrɔmɛ (yɛ) (ɔ)blɔ. 3SG-finish work (CONJ) make ‘He finished the work.’

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60 Olá agbɛ bá.

ó-lá agbɛ bá 3SG-beat dog kill ‘He beat the dog to death.’

61.*Obá agbɛ (yɛ) (ɔ)lá.

*ó-bá agbɛ (yɛ) (ɔ)lá 3SG-kill dog (CONJ) beat ‘He beat the dog to death.’

10.5 Lexicalised verb sequences

The order in which the verbs occur also affects the semantics of the sentence (see Dorvlo 2007). This comes to light when the verbs mi ‘take’ ri ‘hold’ are used in an SVC. (62) translates as ‘the man takes the cup.’ When mi ‘take’ is V1 and ri ‘hold’ is V2 as in (63) the sentence is understood by the native speaker as the man holds the cup firmly. When the position is changed and ri ‘hold’ is V1 and mi ‘take is V2 as in (64) the meaning shifts to the man takes the cup as his possession. This points to the fact that all the verbs in the SVC complement each other in the determina-tion of the overall meaning of the sentence. 62. Ɔsa á o mi kɔp. ɔsa=á o-mi kɔp CM-man=DET SM.SG-take cup ‘The man takes the cup.’

63 Ɔsaá o mi kɔp ri. ɔsa-á o-mi kɔp ri CM-man=DET SM.SG-take cup hold ‘The man holds the cup firmly.’

. 64. Ɔsa á o ri kɔp mi. ɔsa=á o-ri kɔp mi CM-man=DET SM.SG-hold cup take ‘The man takes the cup as his possession.’

10.6 Conclusion

In this chapter, I describe SVCs in Logba looking closely at the general character-istics and the functional types. From the discussion so far, it can be said that SVC in Logba is a clause which contains two or more verbs. Each verb in the SVC shares the same subject. Negation tense and aspect are marked only once with V1. If the verbs share an object, it is expressed only once with V1. Only one verb, the

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initial verb can be focused. The focusing follows the pattern of verb or predicate focusing in monoclausal clauses. The bare verb is placed before the first VP in the SVC. All these features indicate that an SVC is a monoclausal structure.

11 REPORTED SPEECH, REFLEXIVE AND RECIPRO-CAL CONSTRUCTIONS

Communication basically involves sending and receiving information. It includes reporting statements which are made by another person at a different time and place or re-asking a question that was asked by another person or reporting a command that someone else had issued to another person at another time. This aspect of communication is discussed in the first part of this chapter. The second part deals with reflexive construction and the final part dwells on reciprocal con-structions.

11.1 Reported speech

A reported speech is an utterance of another person that is quoted or recast in the reporter’s own words. I will discuss the features of reported direct speech and reported indirect speech in Logba.

11.1.1 Reported direct speech In reported direct speech, the actual words of the original speaker are exactly the same as what he had said. The intonation break is after tɛ. Sentence (1a) below is what the headteacher, Mr. Howusu is quoted to have said when a concerned mother brought a delinquent child to school and (1b) the quotes indicate what is said to have been directly uttered by Jesus and is a translated biblical verse by one of the elders of the local church to Sunday school children : 1a. Masta ɔwá tɛ ‘Maŋu ubi (u)mɛ suku idzɛ.’

masta ɔ-wá tɛ ‘Ma-ŋu u-bi (u)mɛ master SM.SG-say COMPL 1SG-see CM-child this suku i-dzɛ school CM-today “Master said ‘I saw this child in school today.’”

1b. Yesu ɔwa tɛ ‘ta ebitwɔ te ba amu wa .’

Yesu ɔ-wa tɛ ‘ta e-bit-wɔ te ba Jesus SM.SG-say COMPL give CM-child-PLU let come amu wa 1SGIND side “Jesus said ‘Let the children come to me.”’42

42 This verse is from Matthew 19 verse 14; Luke 18 verse 16.

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This is reported direct speech. Quotation marks are used to show that these are the direct words that Mr. Howusu and the church elder uttered respectively.

11.1.2 Reported indirect speech A reported indirect speech is an utterance of another person that is recast in the reporter’s own words with a speech report frame. In Logba, the reporting frame precedes what is being reported. There are two report introducers: tɛ and xe. tɛ introduces statements and xe, the relative particle, is used in reported questions. The report frame is a simple clause made up of NP and verb. The verb in the re-porting frame is a verb of saying, hearing or any other verb expressing cognitive activity. e.g. thinking, knowing. In addition, there is a ‘shift’ in the use of the fol-lowing deictic elements: person, time, place, and demonstratives. In a reported indirect speech construction, Howusu’s speech and that of another teacher are recast in the reporter’s own words. The reported speech in (2a) was made the following day when the child was not at the spot. The following shifts have therefore occurred in example sentences (2a) ma ‘1SG’ becomes ɔ- ‘3SG’, (u)mɛ ‘this’ becomes ɔmɛ ‘that’, and i-dzɛ ‘today’ becomes unamɛ ‘yesterday’: These shifts are however, peculiar to this example. In (2b) Esi, the aunt of the said child is reported to have said that she will advise the child and this is reported by another teacher on the same day. Because of this, idzɛ ‘today’ has not changed to unamɛ ‘yesterday’ as in sentence (2a). 2a. Howusu ɔwa tɛ ɔŋu ubí ɔmɛ suku unamɛ.

Howusu ɔ-wa tɛ ɔ-ŋu u-bí ɔ-mɛ Howusu SM.SG-say COMPL 3SG-see CM-child AM-that suku u-namɛ school yesterday ‘Howusu said that he saw that child in school yesterday.’

2b. Esi ɔwa tɛ ɔbɔlá alaga wa ɛ idzɛ.

Esi ɔ-wa tɛ ɔ-bɔ-lá a-laga wa=ɛ Esi SM.SG-say COMPL 3SG-FUT-beat CM-speech say=3SGOBJ i-dzɛ CM-today ‘Esi said that she will talk to him today.’

In example sentence (3a) umɛ ‘here’ undergoes a deictic shift to become umɔ ‘there’ in (3b) when it has been reported.

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3a. ‘Kofi ɔba umɛ.’ Kofi ɔ-ba u-mɛ Kofi SM.SG-come AM-here ‘Kofi came here.’

3b. Enyo ɔwa tɛ Kofi ɔba umɔ.

Enyo ɔ-wa tɛ Kofi ɔ-ba u-mɔ Enyo SM.SG-say COMPL Kofi 3SG-come CM-there ‘Enyo said that Kofi came there.’

This is an indication that in reported speech there is rephrasing of pronouns, place adverbs and demonstratives that are found in what is to be reported in line with the deictic centre of the reporter.

11.1.3 Reported imperative Imperatives are formed by using the imperative form which is the bare form of the verb with the complements if any without expressing the subject (see 8.2.1). In reported imperative, the imperative form is the constituent that follows the report-ing frame. The NP, the person making the order, is only used in the reporting frame. In example (4) only the 3SG pronoun ɔ- is used but in (5), the NP, uma ‘mother’ is used. This is illustrated below: 4. Ɔwa tɛ tsi etsi. ɔ-wa tɛ tsi e-tsi 3SG-say COMPL stand CM-ground ‘He said you should stand up.’

5. Uma ɔwa tɛ dú ɔdzá.

u-má ɔ-wa tɛ dú ɔ-dzá CM-Mother SM.SG-say COMPL estinguish CM-fire ‘Mother said you should extinguish the fire.’

11.1.4 Reported statement To construct a reported statement, one needs to have a speech report frame which precedes the statement that is to be reported. The report frame clause ends with the complementizer tɛ which is probably grammaticalized from the verb ta ‘say, tell’. This is a common grammaticalization pattern in African languages (see Heine et al 1991). Examples showing reported statement are shown in (6), (7), (8) and (9) below:

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6. Ɔwá tɛ atsiba suku ayadzi ɔ-wá tɛ atsi-ba suku a-yadzi 3SG-say COMPL 1PLU-come school CM-saturday ‘He said that we should come to school on Saturday’

7. Egbla tɛ ŋka koko e evi unyi tamblɛ adzi.

é-gbla tɛ ŋ-ka koko=é e-vi 3PLU-teach COMPL 1SG-put cocoa=DET CM-sun unyi tamblɛ adzi day third day ‘They taught that I should dry the cocoa on the third day.’

8. Awaɛ tɛ o mi idzɔ a fɛ texɔ a nu.

a-wá-ɛ tɛ ó-mi i-dzɔ=á 2SG-say-3OBJ COMPL 3SG-take CM-yam=DET fɛ texɔ=a nu PREP barn=DET in ‘You told him that he should put the yam in the barn.’

9. Ɔnú tɛ ɔbɔba. ɔ-nú tɛ ɔ-bɔ-ba 3SG-hear COMPL 3SG-FUT-come ‘He heard that he would come.’

11.1.5 Reported thought Verbalization of ones mental disposition to another person is also considered as another form of reported speech. This usually involves either a person reporting his own thoughts or another person’s. Mental process verbs like nenu ‘believe’ susu ‘think’ are in the reporting frame. (10), (11) and (12) are the examples. 10. Onenu tɛ Yesu o ɖu onukpa ikpá.

o-nenu tɛ Yesu o-ɖu o-nukpa i-kpá 3SG-believe COMPL Jesus SM.SG-be CM-king CM-truth ‘He believes that Jesus is truly a king.’

11. Masusu tɛ mikisa kuraa atsibiblɔ iyɛ utrɔmɛ.

ma-susu tɛ mi-i-kisa kuraa 1SG-think COMPL NEG-3SG-be.long at.all atsi-bí-blɔ iyɛ u-trɔmɛ 1PLU-FUT-make 3SG CM-work ‘I think that it will not be long we will work on it.’

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12. Unansa, manenu tɛ anitiri tsiami ɔyɔ ɔkpɛ xe safi ole oyo. u-nansa ma-nenu tɛ ani-ti-rí tsiami ɔ-yɔ CM-chief 1SG-believe COMPL 2PLU-HAB-hold linguist CM-stick ɔ-kpɛ xe safi ó-le o-yó AM-one RP key AM-be 3SG-skin ‘Chief, I believe that you usually hold a linguist staff on which there is a key.’ [15.7.01]

11.2 Reported questions

11.2.1 Reported polar questions A reported polar question is introduced with tɛ ‘say’. Very often, the impersonal pronoun á- is prefixed to tɛ. In my discussion on propositional questions, I stated that the pitch is modified to high or a vowel may be added or lengthened. In indi-rect propositional questions, the rise is lost. The sentences below, (13) and (14), are examples of reported polar questions. 13. Átɛ afanu awá?

á-tɛ a-fa-nu a-wá? 3PLU-say CM-house-in SM.SG-break.open ‘They asked how your home is?’

14. Átɛ Kofi obofó?

á-tɛ Kofi o-bo-fó? 3PLU-say Kofi SM.SG-come-reach ‘They said that Kofi arrived home?’

With questions involving location ménu ‘where’ and animacy (ɔ)mɔ ‘who’/‘which’ the question that is to be reported is complement of the reporting frame atɛ. This is a contracted form of abú tɛ ‘they asked that’ in which the verb bú ‘ask’ is omitted. This is illustrated below: 15. A tɛ ménu ɔlɔzɔ?

á-tɛ ménu ɔ-lɔ-zɔ 3PLU-COMPL where 3SG-PRSPROG-go ‘They asked where were you going?’

16. A tɛ ɔmɔ ɔlá ebitsi é?

á-tɛ ɔ-mɔ ɔ-lá e-bitsi=é 3PLU-COMPL 3SG-who 3SG-bea CM-child=DET ‘They asked who beat the child?’

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11.2.2 Reported content questions In reported content question the content question function as an argument of bú ‘ask’ and it is introduced by tɛ ‘that’. The question word is prefixed with an agreement marker and occurs after the NP that is being questioned. The following sentences illustrate this: 17. Ubonukpiwo o bú tɛ iva ɔkplɛ koko é matsoe nu ?

u-bonukpiwo o-bú tɛ iva ɔ-kplɛ CM-farmer SM.SG-ask COMPL thing reason koko=é ma-tsoe nú cocoa=DET NEG-dry NEG ‘The farmer asked the reason the cocoa is not dry?’

18. E bú tɛ iva ɔkplɛ ɔsatsibiɛ ɔgbama ?

e-bú tɛ i-va ɔ-kplɛ ɔ-satsibi=ɛ 3PLU-ask COMPL CM-thing CM-reason CM-boy=DET ɔ-gba-ma SM.SG-be.road-back ‘They asked the reason the boy was late?’

19. Obú tɛ ebitwɔ abɛ akpi okutexoe?

o-bú tɛ e-bit-wɔ abɛ a-kpi 3SG-ask COMPL CM-child-PLU AM-Q AM-go

o-kutexoe? CM-funeral ‘He asked how many children went to the funeral?’

tɛ can be the only predicating element in the quoting frame. It is possible for the complement taking verb ta to be omitted without changing the meaning. Though it is omitted in (21), and (23), it can be determined from the context. Also the pro-noun reference on the verb after the NP is elided. In both (20) and (22) there is no pronoun reference on ta since the subject NP ankɔ ‘hen’ and abudzɛ ‘nanny goat’ precede the verb (see section 3.1.4). 20. Ankɔ ta tɛ ɔlɔkpɔ atsa nu fɛ ale vie ɔkpɔ nyui.

a-nkɔ ta tɛ ɔ-lɔ-kpɔ a-tsa nu fɛ CM-hen say COMPL 3SG-PRSPROG-lie CM-coop in also ɔlɛ vie ɔ-kpɔ nyui 3SG tail SMSG-lie outside ‘The hen says it lies in its coop but its tail is outside.’[15.4.28]

21. Ankɔ tɛ ɔlɔkpɔ atsa nu fɛ ale vie ɔkpɔ nyui.

a-nkɔ tɛ ɔ-lɔ-kpɔ a-tsa nu fɛ CM-hen COMPL 3SG-PRSPROG-lie CM-coop in also

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ale vie ɔ-kpɔ nyui 3SG tail SMSG-lie outside ‘The hen says it lies in its coop but its tail is outside.’ [15.4.28]

22. Abudzɛ ta tɛ okunyie i zitawoe ómi ifli é na.

a-budzɛ ta tɛ o-kunyie i -zitawo-e CM-nanny.goat say COMPL CM-place SM-be.suitable-CFM ó-mi i-fli=é na 3SG-take CM-white=DET put ‘The nanny-goat says the place that suits her she puts the white mark.’ [15.4.35]

23. Abudzɛ tɛ okunyie izitawoe ómi ifli é na.

a-budzɛ tɛ o-kunyie í-zitawo-e CM-nanny.goat COMPL CM-place SM-be.suitable-CFM ó-mi i-fli=é na 3SG-take CM-white=DET put ‘The nanny-goat says the place that suits her she puts the white mark.’ [15.4.35]

It has been observed that some speakers suffix ɖɛ to tɛ in their speech. Some native speakers claim it is common with speakers of the Alakpeti variety but I find that it cuts across speakers of both the Tota and Alakpeti varieties. I think it is the ɖɛ in the reporting frame of some Ewe dialects surrounding Logba that is creeping into the Logba language. In Ewe, ɖɛ is added to the complementizer to emphasize what is reported.

11.3 Logophoric pronoun in reported speech

Every language has a means of indicating reference to show special pronouns that are used in indirect speech complement clause to show that a noun in the clause is co-referential with the subject in the main clause. Logba is no exception. In sen-tence (24), the regular third person subject prefix, ɔ- that is prefixed to ká is the 3SG pronoun that refers to another person who is not the speaker. In (25) (26), and (27) ɔlɔ refers to the subject NP, the speaker who is being quoted. 24. Guadi ɔwá tɛ ɔká koko eví ubonu.

Guadi ɔ-wá tɛ ɔ-ká koko e-ví u-bo-nu Guadi SM.SG-say COMPL 3SG-put cocoa CM-sun CM-farm-in ‘Guadi said he (not the speaker) dried cocoa in the farm.’

25. Guadi ɔwá tɛ ɔlɔká koko evi ubonu.

Guadi ɔ-wá tɛ ɔlɔ-ká koko e-vi u-bo-nu Guadi SM.SG-say COMPL LOG-put cocoa CM-sun CM-farm-in ‘Guadi said he (the speaker) dried cocoa in the farm.’

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26. Ɔwá tɛ ɔlɔlɔzɔ ubonu. ɔ-wá tɛ ɔlɔ-lɔ-zɔ u-bo-nu 3SG-say COMPL LOG-PRSPROG-go CM-farm-in ‘He says he (the speaker) is going to farm.’

27. Ako tɛ evianŋgba yɛ ɔlɔtɔkpɛ abɛ. a-ko tɛ e-vianŋgba yɛ ɔlɔ-tɔ-kpɛ a-bɛ CM-parrot say CM-noon CONJ LOG-HAB-eat CM-palmfruit ‘Parrot says it is noon that it eats palmfruit.’ [15.4.50]

It is noted in (26) that the present progressive marker is lɔ with a high tone. There are two other words which have similar forms but pronounced with a low tone. They are lɔ ‘again’.and ɔlɔ logophoric pronoun. When the three: present progres-sive, ‘again’ and logophoric pronoun are used in the same clause one of the lateral sounds is elided. This is attested in the sentence (28) below: 28. Ɔwa tɛ ɔlɔɔlɔkpɛ iva. ɔ-wá tɛ ɔlɔ-ɔ-lɔ-kpɛ-(i)va

3SG-say COMPL LOG-again-PRSPROG-eat-thing ‘He says he (the speaker) is eating again.’

The focus marker occurs after the logophoric pronoun. In (29) what precedes is a discussion over who dried the good quality cocoa: an extension officer wanted to know. One person said Mr. Guadi and another maintained that it was Mr. Kuma. A third person who lives in the house of Mr. Guadi came with a report that he got from Guady himself as in (29). 29.Guadi ɔwá tɛ ɔlɔká ká koko evi. Guadi ɔ-wá tɛ ɔlɔ ká ká koko e-vi Guadi SM.SG-say COMPL LOG FOC put cocoa CM-sun ‘Guadi said he (the speaker and no other person) dried cocoa.

11.4 Reflexive and reciprocal constructions

A construction is said to be reflexive if the action it describes goes back to affect the performer; thus semantically making the subject and the object to refer to the same person. A reciprocal construction, on the other hand, refers to an action in which two participants engage in an activity or behave in the same way towards each other or engage simultaneously in symmetric action (see Evans, to appear, Payne 1997). In Logba, apart from the use of pronouns dedicated to the expression of reflexive or reciprocal, other strategies have been identified. These are lexical items, modifiers and conventional bi-clausal descriptions. This section is concerned with these constructions and they are discussed considering the particles that are used to mark them in addition to the strategies that are employed.

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11.4.1 Reflexive constructions Reflexive pronoun is formed when yó ‘skin’ or ‘body’ is added to the possessive pronoun (see section 3.5.3). The sentence below is an example: 30 Bansa ɔlá óyó.

Bansa ɔ-lá ó-yó Bansa SM.SG-beat 3SG-skin ‘Bansa beat himself.’

The subject, Bansa and the object, óyó ‘himself’ refer to the same person and per-form two roles: AGENT and PATIENT. It is possible to introduce the INSTRU-MENT argument using kpɛ + NP after the (reflexive) object NP, amúyó ‘myself’. This is exemplified in (31) and (32) below: 31. Máshíbí amúyó.

má-shíbí amú-yó 1SG-cut 1SG-skin ‘I cut myself.’

32. Seli o shibi óyó kpɛ ífíami.

Seli o-shibi ó-yó kpɛ ífíami Seli SM.SG-cut 1SG-skin with cutlass Seli cut himself with cutlass.’

11.4.2 Other strategies for reflexives Reflexive concepts are expressed by some nominal compounds. Of importance is the morpheme yo ‘skin’ the reflexive marker which is always present in these compounds. They are: 33. ŋuyókanyi ‘self realisation’

iyóbá ‘self killing’ ayóntáyá ‘exposing oneself’ ɔntáóyómɔgo ‘laugh at oneself’

The following in (34) and (35) illustrate the use of these nominal compounds in sentences. 34. Ndánɔgo nɖú iyóbá. ndanɔgo n-ɖú i-yóbá being.drunk SM-be CM-self.killing ‘The act of being drunk is self killing.’

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35. Ŋuyókanyi izi. ŋuyókanyi i-zi self.realization SM-be.good ‘Self-realization is good.’ There are also predicates which make the action performed by the subject to affect him and can be perceived as semantically reflexive. Examples are gu iyó ‘wash body’ gba uzúgbó ‘shave head’ gba idzi ‘shave beard’. These fall under the attrib-utes which Kemmer (1994) refers to as grooming predicates. Of these three predi-cates, gu iyó ‘wash body’ is more appealing as a reflexive because the action goes back to affect the whole ‘body’ of the subject NP. Also, this is an action which normally a person can perform on himself. It is however, the norm that those who are seriously sick have their body washed by another person. Considering the other two predicates, it can be said that it is only part of the body – head; beard that is affected. In addition, one can have his hair cut for him by another person. The sentences below (36), (37) and (38) show the use of these predicates. 36. Kofi ogú iyó.

Kofi o-gú i-yó Kofi SM.SG-wash CM-skin ‘Kofi bathed.’

37. Kofi ógbá uzúgbó.

Kofi ó-gbá u-zúgbó Kofi SM.SG-shave CM-head ‘Kofi shaved his head.’

38. Kofi ógbá idzi.

Kofi ó-gbá i-dzi Kofi SM.SG-shave CM-beard ‘Kofi shaved beard.’

11.5 Reciprocal constructions

In reciprocal constructions, two or more different persons are involved in the same action that is expressed (see 3.5.4 for a discussion on reciprocal pronouns). They willfully perform the same kind of action to one another. The action performed does not have to be at the same time. For example: They visited each other. How-ever, for symmetrical action, it tends to be at the same time. For example: They kissed. In Logba, the subject of the reciprocal construction is plural. The object á nɖa ‘they companion’ occurs after the verb. nɖa is an NP and occurs after a pro-noun which agrees with a participant in the clause. The main difference between reflexive and reciprocal is that the participant in a reflexive is the Agent acting on

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himself and in the reciprocal the Agent acts on the Patient and the Patient also acts on the Agent. These actions occur simultaneously. The subject NP for the recipro-cal is therefore generally plural. What is generally acceptable is the structure in which á ‘3PLU’ precedes nɖa ‘companion’ for all the plural pronouns: 1PLU, 2PLU and 3PLU; an indication that the 3PLU pronoun has grammaticalised with the reciprocal marker. This is shown in the example sentences (39), (40), and (41): 39. Atikpɛ anɖa.

ati-kpɛ a-nɖa 1PLU-eat 3PLU-companion ‘We bit each other.’

40. Aniɖɔɖi a nɖa.

ani-ɖɔɖi a-nɖa 2PLU love 3PLU-companion ‘You love each other.’

41. Álá ánɖa.

Á-lá á-nɖa 3PLU-beat 3PLU-companion ‘They beat each other.’

Assuming we specify the persons as in (42) by giving the actual names we will have – Bansa and Yabani. This implies that Bansa beat Yabani and Yabani beat Bansa and these events happened simultaneously. In (43) ɔsá kpɛ údzɛ are the par-ticipants and it is a requited love relationship. 42. Bansa kpɛ Yabani álá ánɖá.

Bansa kpɛ Yabani á-lá á-nɖá Bansa CONJ Yabani SM.PLU-beat 3PLU-companion ‘Bansa and Yabani beat one another’

43. Xe mábá Logba máŋú tɛ ɔsá á kpɛ udzi ɛ éɖɔɖi ánɖa íntá.

Xe má-bá Logba má-ŋú tɛ ɔ-sá=á kpɛ When 1SG-come Logba 1SG-see COMP CM-man=DET CONJ u-dzi=ɛ é-ɖɔɖi á-nɖa íntá woman=DET SM.PLU-love 3PLU-companion so.much ‘When I came to Logba I saw that the man and the woman loved each other so much.’

In a reciprocal construction, the subject NP is plural. In the example sentences below, ati ‘1PLU’, ani ‘2PLU’and á ‘3PLU’ are used and they agree with the pro-noun which precedes nɖa ‘companion’. This structure is marginally grammatical

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but it is gaining currency as some speakers find it acceptable. This is shown in the example sentences in (44), (45) and (46): 44. Álá á nɖa.

á-lá á nɖa 3PLU-beat 3PLU companion ‘They beat each other.’

45. Aniɖɔɖi ana nɖa.

ani-ɖɔɖi ana nɖa 2PLU-love 2PLU companion ‘You love each other.’

46. Atikpɛ atsá nɖa.

ati-kpɛ atsá nɖa 1PLU eat 1PLU companion ‘We bit each other.’

The reciprocal can be used with the possessive as in (47). 47. Ɛdzɛ fɛ ánɖá afuta ɔdzá. ɛ-dzɛ fɛ á-nɖá a-futa ɔ-dzá PLU-woman put 3PLU-companion CM-cloth CM-fire ‘The women set fire to each others cloth.’

11.5.1 Lexical strategy The semantics of some verbs makes them express reciprocity especially when they are used with plural subjects. Verbs that fall in this category usually have more than one participant when they undergo lexical decomposition. gla ‘exchange’ can only be used when two items are involved in an exchange. blɔ aŋunyi ‘make quar-rel’ always involve more than one person. It is therefore redundant to use the recip-rocal nominal nɖá ‘companion’ in the structures in which these verbs are used. However, the expression kpɛ N ‘with N’ is sometimes used as complement to the verb expression. The following verbs are identified as having inherent reciprocal semantics. These are: 48 gla ‘exchange’

blɔ aŋunyi ‘quarrel’ na edí ‘work for each other43’

43 This refers to working in the farm in turns. This does not necessarily mean to complete working in turns on the same day.

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In sentence (49) and (50), and (51) and (52), the verbs gla and blɔ aŋunyi are used in a one place constuction with preverbal plural pronominal argument. The recipro-cal noun nɖa ‘companion’ is not used because symmetrical action is inherent in these verbs. The sentences can therefore be interpreted as reciprocals. 49. Atu ifíami igla.

atu i-fíami i-gla 1PLU CM-cutlass SM-exchange ‘Our cutlasses exchange.’ (i.e. they are exchanged)

50. Atu ifiami igla kpɛ Setor ɔblɛ.

atu i-fiami i-gla kpɛ Setor ɔ-blɛ 1PLU CM-cutlass SM-exchange CONJ Setor 3SG-own ‘Our cutlass exchange with Setor’s.’

51. Ablɔ aŋunyi.

a-blɔ a-ŋunyi 3PLU-make CM-quarrell ‘They engaged in a quarrel.’

52. Sena ɔblɔ aŋunyi kpɛ Kafui. Sena ɔ-blɔ a-ŋunyi kpɛ Kafui

Sena 3SG-make CM-quarrel CONJ Kafui ‘Sena quarrelled with Kafui.’

Sentence (53), expresses a bidirectional action because of the semantics of the verb: na eɖí ‘work in turns’ is a way of working not only in the Logba area but also in the Ewe communities. They work in turns for one another. The action of working for each other does not occur at the same time but when the process starts it ends when everyone in the group is equitably served. 53. Ebitwɔ a ená eɖí unamɛ.

ebit-wɔ=a e-ná eɖí unamɛ Child-PLU=DET 3PLU-walk work.in.turns yesterday ‘The children worked in turns for each other yesterday.’

Reciprocal action is expressed using fɛ anɖa nu ‘into one another’. In local soap making, the soap maker has to stir the ingredients to mix into one another. This expression is used as in (54) and (55) below: 54. mfu kpɛ aɖi petee ibi tsaka fɛ anɖa nu.

mfu kpɛ aɖi petee i-bi-tsaka fɛ anɖa nu oil CONJ soda all SM.PLU-FUT-mix into companion in ‘oil an the soda mix into each other’

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55. Xe iblu fɛ anɖa nu petee ko aŋu tɛ nɖu ku fɛ onu. xe i-blu fɛ anɖa nu petee ko a-ŋu COND SM.PLU-stir into companion in all only 2SG-see tɛ n-ɖú ku fɛ o-nu. COMPL CM-water die into 3SG-in ‘If it all mix then you will see that the water will be dried in it.’

There are some nominal compounds that connote reciprocity. These are: 56. anɖáyúɖɔgo ‘mutual help’

anɖátsínago ‘mutual defamation’ anɖáwlégo ‘mutual deception’ eɖínago ‘working in turns for each other’

The following in (57) and (58) illustrate the use of these nominal compounds in sentences. 57. anɖátsínago mii zi. anɖátsínago mi-i-zi mutual.defamation NEG-SM-be.good ‘Mutual defamation is not good.’ 58. Eɖinago i-bo veve ta atsú Akpanawo. eɖinago i-bo veve ta atsú Akpanawo. working.in.turns SM-stay important give 1PLU Logba.people ‘Working in turns for each other is important for us, Logba people.’

11.5.2 Biclausal strategy Biclausal descriptions are also used to express reciprocal action but the meaning of some biclausal expressions may not be wholly symmetrical because the action may not have occurred at the same time as we understand prototypical reciprocals to have. Sentences (59) and (60) attest to this: 59. Ɔlám yɛ amu fɛ malɛɛ. ɔ-lá-m yɛ amu fɛ ma-lɛ-ɛ 3SG-beat-1SGOBJ CONJ 1SG also 1SG-beat=3SGOBJ ‘He beat me and I also beat him.’

60. Ntsi afása nu yɛ afása fɛ otsi amu nu.

n-tsi a-fása nu yɛ a-fása fɛ o-tsi amú nu 1SG-stay CM-father in CONJ CM-father also 3SG-stay 1SG in ‘I am in the father and the father is in me.’ John 14 verse 11

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In sentence (59), A might have beaten B and later B also beats him in retaliation. In sentence (60), the states of affairs of the verb tsi ‘stay in’ involves continuity. This differs from la ‘beat’ which expresses a non-durative action. So sentence (60) will be more symmetrical since the action that is expressed in clause A and that in clause B has happened concurrently.

12 TOPIC AND FOCUS

In any communication situation, the interlocutors make a conscious effort to bring out what they intend to say in a way that will be fully understandable to one an-other. Each of them makes deliberate choices in carefully packaging the informa-tion he wants to present in the sentences he constructs. Some of these choices may include what the speaker considers to be the most salient, whether the reference to this element will be directly expressed or other words or referring expressions will be used to imply what the speaker means. Languages have a variety of ways in which these functions are indicated. What the speaker considers to be salient is the focus and what the information is about is the topic. This chapter presents topic and focus in Logba. First, topic constructions are discussed. This is followed with a description of focus constructions. The chapter is concluded with a statement on the relevance of topic and focus.

12.1 Topic

Topic is a function that is assigned to a constituent considered to be what is talked about in a communication situation. According to Ameka (in press) the sentence initial position in Kwa languages is used for background information topic, the information which the utterance is about and what the hearer should have at the back of his mind to achieve the target of full comprehension of the rest of the ut-terance. In Logba, the syntactic arrangement shows the topicality of an element in a clause. In topic constructions, a noun phrase or a postpositional phrase may be fronted to the left periphery as an external constituent of the clause that is to sentence initial position. There is no special marker but this is the constituent that is the starting point and it is what the clause or sentence is about. In (1), afúta a ‘the cloth’ is a core argument of the sentence in object position. In (2), Afúta a ‘the cloth’ is front shifted and its clausal object position is filled by -ɛ. ‘3SGOBJ’. In (3) Mfúta a ‘the clothes’ is placed at clause initial position, and in the rest of the clause it is referred to by an agreeing 3PLUOBJ –a in the object position. 1. Manɛ afúta á

ma-nɛ a-fúta=á 1SG-buy CM-cloth=DET ‘I bought the cloth’

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2. Afúta á mani ɛ a-fúta=á ma-ni=ɛ CM-cloth=DET 1SG-buy=3SGOBJ ‘The cloth, I bought it’ 3. Mfúta a manɛ a m-fúta=á ma-nɛ=a CM-cloth=DET 1SG-buy=3PLUOBJ ‘The clothes I bought them’ Unlike situations where the object is topicalised, when a peripheral argument, such as a temporal NP, or an adverb (manner), or a locative postpositional phrase, is topicalised, there is no pronominal element in the rest of the clause to refer to them. In (4) the marked topic is the NP, Uɖobe ɔmɔa ‘that afternoon’, (5) the ad-verb Blewuu ‘slowly’ and in (6) the locative postpositional phrase Ukpu e zugbó ‘the top of the mountain’ is the marked topic. 4. Uɖobe ɔmɔa, ɔŋú Amɔwasa

u-ɖobe ɔ-mɔa ɔ-ŋú Amɔwasa CM-afternoon AM-that SM.SG-see Logba priest ‘That afternoon, he saw Logba priest’

5 Blewuu, asaŋgbla ɔtsɔna Blewuu a-saŋgbla ɔ-tsɔ-na slowly CM-tortoise SM.SG-HAB-walk ‘Slowly, a tortoise walks’ 6. Ukpu e zugbo , ivanuvo ɔŋú ogbómiwɔ

u-kpu=e zugbó i-vanuvo ɔ-ŋú o-gbómi-wɔ CM-mountain=DET head CM-hunter SM.SG-see CM-monkey-PLU

‘The top of the mountain the hunter saw the monkeys’ These are placed at the initial position of the sentence to facilitate the understand-ing of the rest of the information (see Chafe 1976).

12.2 Focus

Focus is a constituent which is of communicative interest to the interlocutors when compared to what has already been discussed. According to Dik (1997:326) it is the information

which is relatively the most important or salient in the given communi-cative setting and considered by the S[peaker] to be essential for A[ddressee] to integrate into his pragmatic information.

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There are different ways of marking a focal constituent in Kwa languages. Some move the focused constituent to the pre-core slot in the clause. Others mark focus prosodically or morphologically. The strategy for focusing to a large extent de-pends on how the language in question marks focus. Focus is marked on an argu-ment which is new and contrasts with what is previously known. This does not mean that the information that is in focus should be entirely new. Dakubu (2005:2) notes that

…newness of information must not be taken as necessarily the introduc-tion of something previously totally unknown… it may more likely mean the assertion of a choice among conflicting possibilities.

In Logba, ká is the focus marker and follows immediately the constituent that is focused. This is mainly used in the Alakpeti dialect. There is a second focus strat-egy which is primarily used in the Tota dialect and which consists of adding the appropriate independent pronoun to the focused and fronted constituent. While in Logba doing linguistic fieldwork, two events in which focus came out naturally are: A discussion two women had in a street market, when they both observed a porter who was staggering, and a riddle telling competition. These are presented below:

12.2.1 A: Discussion of two women A porter in the market came around; he was walking with weak unsteady steps as if he was going to fall. He is not known to walk in this way. This is the comment two women, Arku and Amozi made as they observed him: 7. Arku Mɛ ɔbá

mɛ ɔ-bá Q 3SG-come ‘What has happened?’ 8. Amozi Ndá a ká ɔnɔ

n-dá=a ká ɔ-nɔ CM-liquor=DET FOC 3SG-drink ‘LIQUOR he drank’

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9. Arku Avu dago é44 iyɛ ɔnɔ a-vúdago=é iyɛ ɔ-nɔ

CM-leaf=DET 3SGIND 3SG-drink ‘LEAF he drank’ (He smoked wee). Amozi, in an answer to the question posed by Arku, used the focus particle ka after ndaa ‘the liquor’ which is the constituent she wants to stress. The whole predicate nɔ ndá ‘drink liquor’ is new information. Yet only the object NP is marked for focus. However, Arku’s response Avúdago e iyɛ ɔnɔ ‘the leaf he drank’ is a dis-agreement with Amozi’s claim and therefore presents contrastive information which she marks with another way of marking focus which is used in the Tota dialect. This strategy involves the use of an independent pronoun iyɛ after the NP that is being focused. Further investigation reveals that Arku speaks the Tota dia-lect while Amozi speaks the Alakpeti one.

12.2.2 B: Riddle In a riddle telling competition, Akom takes the floor and announces that he is go-ing to present a riddle to the opponent group. After telling the riddle, answers are offered by members in the other group as shown below: 10. Akom Adzo loo! adzo loo riddle ADR

‘Riddle’ 11. Howusu Adzo tobá (tá ɔbá) adzo tá ɔ-bá riddle let SM.SG-come ‘Let riddle come’ 12. Akom Mádzí mádzi wúu? má-dzí má-dzi wúu? 1SG-stand 1SG-call 2SGOBJ Q ‘I get up, have I called you?’ 13. Howusu Abobí iyɛ nyí abobí iyɛ nyí Moon 3SGIND be.that ‘MOON is the answer’

44 The Logba people euphemistically refer to marijuana as avudago ‘leaf’ Some other people call it ekelé ‘grass’ In Ewe also it is referred to as gbe ‘grass’

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14. Festus Vɔvɔli iyɛ nyí vɔvɔli iyɛ nyí shadow 3SGIND be.that ‘SHADOW is the answer’

The riddle is in the form of a question and since the answer is the piece of infor-mation that is sought for by the questioner the NP that is presented as new is marked for focus using the Tota dialect. Howusu’s answer to the riddle is abobi ‘moon’. Since Festus finds the answer to be incorrect, he offers another answer, vɔvɔli ‘shadow’ which he focused using the same strategy45. Question and answer adjacency pair is one method generally used to determine focus (see e.g. Dik 1978, Ameka 1992). The semantics of a content question is that the constituent that is represented by the question is what is most important and the answer is the information that the questioner wants. The answer fills the empty slot that is in the question. It could be in contrast or a correction of an impression which the addressee thought the speaker had. These can be inferred from the two discourse fragments above. There are two markers; one for argument focus and the other for predicate focus. The argument focus marker ka is used to show focus on a nominal and an adver-bial that are fronted.

12.3 Term focus

In (15) below, Setɔ is the subject and ebitsi is the direct object. The subject, Setɔ is focused in (16) and the direct object, ebitsi ɛ in (17). 15. Setɔ ɔlá ebítsi ɛ

Setɔ ɔ-lá ebítsi =ɛ Setɔ SM.SG-beat child=DET ‘Setɔ beat the child’

12.3.1 Subject 16. Setɔ ká ɔlá ebitsi ɛ

Setɔ ká ɔ-lá ebitsi=ɛ Setɔ FOC SM.SG-beat child=DET ‘SETƆ beat the child’

45 The participants in the riddle are from Tota, hence their use of this focusing strategy.

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12.3.2 Direct object 17. Ebitsi ɛ ká Setɔ ɔlá

e-bitsi=ɛ ka Setɔ ɔ-lá CM-child=DET FOC Setɔ SM.SG-beat ‘Setɔ beat THE CHILD’

A complex NP in which a demonstrative ɔmɔá ‘that’ is marked for agreement and modifies the head noun. This NP is focused and is shown in (18) below: 18. Ɔsá ɔmɔá ká ɔbá ɔga. ɔ-sá ɔ-mɔá ká ɔ-bá ɔ-ga CM-man AM-that FOC SM.SG-kill CM-wife ‘THAT MAN killed the wife.’

In a clause with a ditransitive verb, the two post verbal arguments RECIPIENT and THEME can be focused individually. In (19) tá ‘give’ is a ditransitive verb ɔsá ‘man’ is the Recipient and efeshi ‘sheep’ is the Theme. The Recipient is focused in (20) and the Theme in (21) below: 19. Ama ɔtá ɔsá a efeshi.

Ama ɔ-tá ɔ-sá=a e-feshi Ama SM.SG-give CM-man=DET CM-sheep ‘Ama gave the man sheep.’

12.3.3 Recipient 20. Ɔsá á ká Ama ɔtá efeshi. ɔ-sá=a ká Ama ɔ-tá e-feshi CM-man=DET FOC Ama SM.SG-give CM-sheep ‘THE MAN Ama gave sheep.’

12.3.4 Theme 21. Efeshi ɛ ká Ama ɔtá ɔsáá

e-feshi=ɛ ká Ama ɔ-tá ɔ-sá-a CM-sheep=DET FOC Ama SM.SG-give CM-man=DET ‘Ama gave the man SHEEP’

It is only one constituent that can be focused in a clause. The two post-verbal con-stitunets (RECIPIENT and THEME) can not be focused in the same clause. Sen-tence (22) below is ungrammatical because ɔsa a ‘the man’ Recipient and efeshi ‘sheep’ Theme are both fronted for focus in the same clause. Nor can ka be after efeshi ‘sheep’ as in (23)

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22. *Ɔsáá ká efeshi ká Ama ɔtá ɔ-sá=á ka e-feshi ká Ama ɔ-tá CM-man=DET FOC CM-sheep FOC Ama SM.SG-give ‘Ama gave THE MAN SHEEP’

23. *Ɔsá á efeshi ká Ama ɔtá ɔ-sa=á e-feshi ka Ama ɔ-tá CM-man=DET CM-sheep FOC Ama SM.SG-give ‘Ama gave THE MAN SHEEP’

12.3.5 Adjunct The focus marker is placed at the end of the adjunct phrase. The adjunct phrase udántsí mɛ ‘this morning’ in (24) is focused in (25) 24. Ɔzɔ suku udántsí mɛ.

ɔ-zɔ suku u-dantsi mɛ 3SG-go school CM-morning this ‘He/She went to school this morning.’

25. Udántsí mɛ ká ɔzɔ suku.

u-dantsi mɛ ká ɔ-zɔ suku CM-morning this FOC 3SG-go school ‘THIS MORNING he/she went to school.’

12.3.6 Subject pronoun If a pronominal constituent is in focus, be it subject, or object, it will be the inde-pendent form of the pronoun that will be used. A gap is left at the site where the object pronoun is extracted. ma ‘1SG’ in (26) is focused in (27) using amu ‘1SGIND’ in (28) using Awu ‘2SGIND’ and in (29) using ɔlɛ ‘3SGIND’ 26. Maz(a)iva.

ma-z(a)-iva 1SG cook thing ‘I cook.’

27. Amú ká ma z(á)iva.

amú ká ma z(a)íva 1SG.IND FOC 1SG-cook-thing ‘I cooked, nobody else did.’

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28. Awú ka az(á)iva. awu ka a-z(a)-iva 2SG(IND) FOC 2SG-cook-thing ‘YOU cooked.’

29. Ɔlɛ ka ɔz(á)iva.

ɔlɛ ka ɔ-z(a)iva 3SG.IND FOC 3SG-cook-thing ‘HE/SHE cooked.’

12.3.7 Object pronoun 1SGOBJ (-m) In (26) the 1SGOBJ pronoun is focused in (31) using Amu ‘1SGIND’ 30. Ivagblawo e ɔlá ḿ.

i-vagblawo=e ɔ-lá=m CM-teacher=DET SM.SG-beat=1SGOBJ ‘The teacher beat me.’

31. Amú ká ivagblawo e ɔlá.

amu ka i-vagblawo=e ɔ-lá 1SG.IND FOC CM-teacher=DET SM.SG-beat ‘I the teacher beat.’

2SGOBJ (-wu) In (32) 2SGOBJ pronoun is focused in (33) using awu ‘2SGIND’ 32. Ivagblawoe ɔlá wu .

i-vagblawo=e ɔ-lá=wu CM-teacher=DET SM.SG-beat=2SGOBJ ‘The teacher beat you.’

33. Awú ká ivagblawo e ɔlá

awu ka i-vagblawo=e ɔ-lá 2SG.IND FOC CM-teacher=DET SM.SG-beat ‘You the teacher beat.’

3SGOBJ (-ɛ) The independent form of the 3SG has these forms: ɔlɛ for +human nouns and iyɛ for mass nouns especially those in the i-class.

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34. Ivagblawo e ɔláɛ. (ɔ-lɛ-ɛ) i-vagblawo=e ɔ-lá-ɛ (ɔ-lɛ-ɛ) CM-teacher=DET SM.SG-beat-3SG ‘The teacher beat him/her.’

35. Ɔlɛ ká ivagblawo e ɔlá

ɔlɛ ká i-vagblawo=e ɔ-lá 3SG.IND FOC CM-teacher=DET SM.SG-beat ‘HE/SHE the teacher beat’

3SGIND iyɛ is used for mass nouns. Examples are: iɖa ‘money’ igbe ‘spear’ ika ‘charcoal’ ihánago ‘indiscipline’ etc 36. Iyɛ ká ivagblawo e ɔnɛ.

iyɛ ká i-vagblawo=e ɔ-nɛ 3SG.IND FOC CM-teacher=DET SM.SG-buy ‘IT the teacher bought.’

12.3.8 Focusing clause initial adverbials When adverbials are focused, they are fronted and marked with ka the focus marker. This is attested in the following examples: 37. Uname ká ɔbá.

u-name ka ɔ-bá CM-yesterday FOC 3SG-come ‘YESTERDAY he came.’

38. Udzikú ká mamí ŋɔnyi uklóntsí ɛ.

u-dzikú ka ma-mí ŋɔnyi u-klóntsí=ɛ CM-annoyance FOC 1SG-take write CM-letter=DET ‘WITH ANNOYANCE I wrote the letter.’

12.3.9 Focusing arguments in a copula clause When the copula subject is in focus, it is marked with the focus marker as in (39) However, the complement of the copula can not be focus marked. (see 41). 39. Aku oɖú ivagblawo.

Aku o-ɖú i-vagblawo. Aku SM.SG-be CM-teacher ‘Aku is a teacher.’

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40 Aku ká óɖú ivagblawo.

Aku ká o-ɖú i-vagblawo. Aku FOC SM.SG-be CM-teacher ‘AKU is a teacher.’

41. *Ivagblawo ka o ɖu Kofi.

*i-vagblawo ka o-ɖu Kofi. CM-teacher FOC SM.SG-be Kofi ‘Kofi is a TEACHER’

42. Ivagblawo oɖu Kofi.

i-vagblawo ó-ɖú Kofi. CM-teacher SM.SG-be Kofi ‘Kofi is a TEACHER.’

12.3.10 Focus in possessive constructions Possession is expressed by the juxtaposition of the possessor and the possessed. The possessive phrase as a whole can be focused. Sentence (43) contains a posses-sive phrase Esi afúta a ‘Esi’s cloth’ in subject position. In (44), the possessive phrase is focused with ka. The phrase can be focused but not the possessor. It is not possible to focus part of a constituent of an NP. 43. Esi afúta a abo utsá a nu Esi a-fúta=á a-bo u-tsá=á nu Esi CM-cloth=DET SM.SG-stay CM-room=DET in ‘Esi’s cloth is in the room’ 44. Esi afúta á ká abo utsá á nu Esi a-fúta=á ká a-le u-tsá=á nu Esi CM-cloth=DET FOC SM.SG-be CM-room=DET in ‘ESI’s CLOTH is in the room’ The possessive phrase which is in object position can be focused by fronting and marking it with ka. In (45) Esi afuta-a ‘Esi’s cloth’ is in object position. In (46), it is fronted and marked with ka for focus. The object of the clause is in its unmarked position. 45. Ma mɛ Esi afúta á.

ma mɛ Esi a-fúta=á 1SG sew Esi CM-cloth=DET ‘I sewed Esi’s cloth.’

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46. Esi afúta á ká ma mɛ. Esi a-fúta=á ká ma mɛ Esi CM-cloth=DET FOC 1SG sew ‘ESI’s CLOTH (no other cloth) I sewed.’

However, neither Esi, the possessor nor afuta, ‘cloth’ possessum of the same phrase can be extracted and focused individually. Sentence (47) demonstrates the extraction of the possessor Esi and in (48) the possessum, afúta ‘cloth’ is extracted and focused. These are ungrammatical. 47. *Esi ká ma mɛ afúta *Esi ká ma-mɛ a-fúta Esi FOC 1SG-sew CM-cloth

‘Esi’s I sew cloth’

48. *Afúta ká ma mɛ Esi *a-fúta ká ma-mɛ Esi CM-cloth FOC 1SG-sew Esi ‘Cloth I sew Esi’s’

12.3.11 Focusing postpositional phrases A postpositional phrase functioning in a clause is focused in the same way like an NP. It is fronted and marked with the focus marker. These are exemplified in sen-tences (50) and (52). 49. Adzo ɔzɔ uti ɛ wá.

Adzo ɔ-zɔ u-ti=ɛ wá Adzo SM.SG-go CM-father=DET side ‘Adzo has gone to the father’s place.’

50. Uti ɛ wá ká Adzo ɔzɔ.

u-ti=ɛ wá ka Adzo ɔ-zɔ CM-father=DET side FOC Adzo SM.SG-go ‘Adzo has gone to THE FATHER’S PLACE.’

51. Obú ilɔ a etsí.

ó-bú i-lɔ=a etsí 3SG-ask CM-word=DET under ‘He asked about the information.’

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52. ilɔ a etsi ká obú. i-lɔ=a etsi ká o-bú CM-word=DET under FOC 3SG-ask ‘THE INFORMATION he asked about.’

In all the examples shown, the constituent that is focused is fronted and marked with the focus marker ka. However, when the constituent to be focused is a pro-nominal, the independent form of the pronoun in question is used. A gap is left in its normal position in the clause.

12.4 Predicate focus

In Logba, focusing of the verb is done by placing the bare form of a copy of the verb before the verb and after the subject. This pattern is different from what is noted in some dialects of Ewe in which a copy of the verb in placed in pre-core position. Duthie (1996:112) writing on linguistic patterns in Ewe, notes that ‘in some dialects, the verb can be front copied’ In Logba, however, the real verb oc-curs with the pronoun prefixed to it in its proper place. The verb bli ‘break’ in (53) is focused in (54) and ku ‘die’ in (55) is focused in (56). 53. Tumpa á óblí utsá á nu.

tumpa=á ó-blí u-tsá=á nu bottle=DET SM.SG-break CM-room=DET in ‘The bottle breaks in the room.’

54. Tumpa á blí óblí utsá á nu.

tumpa=á blí ó-blí u-tsá=á nu bottle=DET break SM.SG-break CM-room=DET in ‘The bottle BREAK in the room.’

55. Akpakpla á o kú. a-kpakpla=á o-kú CM-frog=DET SM.SG-die ‘The frog died.’ 56. Akpakpla á kú o kú. A-kpakpla=á kú o-kú CM-frog=DET die SM.SG-die ‘The frog DIED.’

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12.5 Serial verb constructions and focus

It is possible to focus the initial verb in an SVC. However, neither the non-initial verb alone nor all the verbs in the SVC can be focused together. The focusing of the initial verb is done by placing the bare form of a copy of the initial verb at the same position between the subject and the verb. In the examples below, the subject is not expressed overtly. The initial verb occurs with the pronoun prefixed to it in its proper place followed by the second verb. The initial verb of sentence (57) below is focused in sentence (58). 57. Otení zɔ ɔgbá á yó.

ó-tení zɔ ɔ-gbá=á yó 3SG-escape go CM-road=DET skin ‘He rushed to the road side.’

58. Tení otení zɔ ɔgbá á yó.

teni o-tení zɔ ɔ-gbá=á yó escape 3SG-escape go CM-road=DET skin ‘It is rushing to the road side that he did.’

12.6 Tota dialect

As indicated at the beginning of the section on focus constructions, the Tota dialect uses a different focusing strategy The prominent NP is fronted and is recapitulated by an independent form of the pronoun followed by the rest of the clause. Sentence (59) illustrates the subject focus and (60), the direct object focus. 59 Setɔ ɔlɛ ɔlá ebitsi ɛ.

Setɔ ɔlɛ ɔ-lá e-bitsi=ɛ Setɔ 3SG.IND SM.SG-beat CM-child=DET ‘SETƆ beat the child.’

60. Ebitsi ɛ ɔlɛ Setɔ ɔlá.

e-bitsi-ɛ ɔlɛ Setɔ ɔ-lá CM-child=DET 3SG.IND Setɔ SM.SG-beat ‘Setɔ beat THE CHILD.’

The pronoun refers to the preposed NP and agrees with it in number. For example, the Plural form of sentence (60) above will use alɛ ‘3PLUIND’. This is exemplified below in sentence (61). In sentence (62), imbi ‘rice’ is a mass noun so iyɛ is the independent pronoun that is selected.

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61. Ebitwɔ á alɛ Setɔ ɔlá. e-bit-wɔ=á alɛ Setɔ ɔ-lá CM-child-PLU=DET 3PLU.IND Setɔ SM.SG-beat ‘Setɔ beat THE CHILDREN.’

62. Imbi ɛ iyɛ ɔkpɛ.

i-mbi=ɛ iyɛ ɔ-kpɛ CM-rice=DET 3SGIND 3SG-eat ‘It is THE RICE he/she eats.

The arguments in the sentence in the Tota dialect behave in similar ways in terms of extraction and focusabilty that is they are fronted and a gap is left in their marked position but postpositional phrases behave in a slightly different way. While in Alakpeti dialect, the focus marker, ka is placed after the NP in the Tota dialect iyɛ occurs after the head noun.

12.6.1 Focusing postpositional phrases The 3SG Independent pronoun comes in between the NP and the postposition. These are exemplified in sentences (63) and (64), (65) and (66). 63. Adzo ɔzɔ utí ɛ wá.

Adzo ɔ-zɔ u-tí=ɛ wá Adzo SM.SG-go CM-father=DET side ‘Adzo has gone to the father’s place.’

64. Uti ɛ ɔlɛ wá Adzo ɔzɔ.

u-ti=ɛ ɔlɛ wá Adzo ɔ-zɔ CM-father=DET 3SG.IND side Adzo SM.SG-go ‘THE FATHER HIS PLACE Adzo has gone to.

65. Obú ilɔ a etsí.

o-bú i-lɔ=a etsí 3SG-ask CM-word=DET under ‘He asked about the information.’

66 ilɔ a iyɛ etsi obú.

i-lɔ=a iyɛ etsi o-bú CM-word=DET 3SG.IND under 3SG-ask ‘THE INFORMATION he asked about.’

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12.7 Topic and focus

It is also possible for the topic to coincide with the constituent that is marked for focus. In (67) nɖu ‘water’ is in the unmarked topic position and it is focused. 67 Nɖú ká ntsi tumpá á nu.

n-ɖú ká n-tsi tumpá=á nu CM-water FOC SM-be.in bottle=DET in

‘It is water (not anything else) in the bottle.’ There are sentences in which the topic and focus are marked on different constitu-ents. In (68) the subject Papa ‘father’ is the unmarked topic and the predicate lá ‘beat’ is focused. In (69) the subject oyubitsi ‘thief’ is the topic and the predicate ri ‘hold’ is focused. 68. Papa la ɔlá Kofi ubo é nu.

papa la ɔ-lá Kofi u-bo=é nu father beat(FOC) SM.SG-beat Kofi CM-farm=DET in ‘Father, BEAT Kofi in the farm.’

69. Oyubitsi e rɪ ɔri ɛ gbaŋgbaŋ. o-yubitsi=e rɪ ɔ-ri=ɛ gbaŋgbaŋ CM-thief=DET hold (FOC) 3SG-hold=3SGOBJ fast

‘The thief, they DID HOLD him firmly.’

From the discussion, it is clear that topic is the element about which a statement is made and focus, on the other hand, is the element that carries new information. It is also evident that topic and focus actually have special function in the analysis of not only the sentence but the whole discourse (see Payne 1997; Bearth 1999).

13 IDEOPHONES, INTERJECTIONS AND PARTICLES

The chapter is a discussion of three kinds of words: Ideophones, interjections and particles. These categories to a certain extent can be said to share some common features. Ideophone is a word in which the relationship between the sound and the concept is not arbitrary. Interjection and particles are words which express emotion and speaker attitude. Interjections can stand alone but particles and ideophones are dependent on the elements in a clause to express an idea. The discussion opens with ideophones followed by interjections and ends with particles.

13.1 Ideophones

Ideophones are depictive of the ideas they express. Westermann (1930) refers to them as ‘picture words’, Doke (1935) defines an ideophone as a ‘vivid representa-tion of an idea in sound’ and Duthie (1996) notes that they are ‘vocal gestures’. All these statements point to the defining feature of ideophones; that is the sounds that are produced show the concepts that they express. Mostly these sounds are taken from the natural environment based on what people hear and the movements they see around. Ideophones in Logba also exemplify the general characteristics with some language internal differences which this description hopes to bring out. Some of the features which ideophones display include a unique syllable structure and unique tonal pattern.

13.1.1 Syllable structure Some ideophones have a syllable structure which is different from what is the normal syllable structure of the words. In Logba, there are three syllable types: C, CV, CCV (see section 2.1). There is a restriction in the C1C2V syllable type where C2 is a glide, a liquid or a trill. If the first consonant is a bilabial or velar, the sec-ond consonant should be /l/. However, most ideophones have the second consonant after labials and velars to be /r/. The following words in (1) are examples. 1. CC Structure WORD GLOSS

pr prɔ wet, marshy area; spoilt vegetable gr gr sound of belching, snoring

It is possible for the nucleus of the syllable to be lengthened to show the continuity of the action that is being described in the utterance. The /r/ can function as the nucleus and can be lengthened. The following are examples:

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2. WORD GLOSS trrr gushing of blood vrrr moving of vehicle gbrr sound of thunder

Some ideophones have CVC structure where the final C is normally a nasal. The following are examples: 3. WORD GLOSS

giŋ the ring of a bell gloŋ description of lumps on the skin ʋim suddenly

Sentence (4) below is culled from the introduction of a story illustrating the use of ʋim ‘suddenly’ in a sentence as an adverbial. 4. Odze otsu ʋiim!

o-dze o-tsu ʋiim! 3SG-land 3SG-on IDEO ‘It falls on it suddenly!’ [15.2.08]

Some ideophones have a CVV structure. The final vowel may be lengthened. Examples are in (5) below: 5. WORD GLOSS

shoo ‘noise of flowing river’ faa ‘freely’ miɔ ‘without zeal’ mii ‘slowly’

The final vowel of ideophones can be lengthened to show duration. In the follow-ing sentences, the ideophones are in sentence final position and the final vowel is lengthened. 6. Ogridi odzi tsyɔɔ…

o-gridi o-dzi tsyɔɔ… CM-story SM.SG-take.off IDEO.for long ‘Story takes off moving for a long time’ [15.2.03]

7. Éte gakrana kpoo! é-te gakrana kpoo! 3PLU-HAB keep quiet IDEO.quietly ‘They keep quiet!’ [15.3.06]

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8. Érí ɔŋkpá vlɔ ɔyɔ yó tsyiãa yɛ ózí asaŋgbla. é-ri ɔ-ŋkpá vlɔ ɔ-yɔ yó tsyiãa 3PLU-hold CM-rope IDEO.suddenly CM-tree skin IDEO.remove yɛ o-zi a-saŋgbla CONJ 3SG-lift CM-tortoise ‘They held rope at once and removed it from the tree and took tortoise.’ [15.3.58]

The lenghening depends on the action that is described. The adverbial ideophone vlɔ ‘immediately’ is an action that is perceived to have happened suddenly, so the vowel is not lengthened. For example, in story telling, the story is said ‘to fall’ suddenly on the characters. Odze otsu wa ‘it falls suddenly’ odze otsu ʋim ‘it falls suddenly’ wa and ʋim are ideophones. It is possible for the nucleus vowel to be lengthened for expression. Some ideophones have an inherent repetitive structure. This structure can permit syllable reduplication or in some cases syllable triplication. The following words are modifiers that are in sentence final position. 9. xe agla fɛ akɔntsi ɛ nu sée abɔ sá nɖu miɔmiɔ

xe a-gla fɛ a-kɔntsi=ɛ nu sé-e COND 2SG-pour into CM-basket=DET in finish-CFM a-bɔ-sá n-ɖu miɔmiɔ 2SG-FUT-fetch CM-water IDEO.cold If you finish pouring it into the basket, you fetch cold water [15.11.06]

10. Inashina o kpe ɔŋkpɛ tsibitsibitsibi

i-na-shi-na ó-kpe ɔ-ŋkpɛ CM-person-every-person 3SG-know CM-something tsibitsibitsibi IDEO.small small small Everybody knows small bits about something.’ [15.2.80]

11. Binka ɔdá wa munimunimuni

Binka ɔ-dá wa munimunimuni Binka SM.SG-talk say IDEO.undertone ‘Binka talks undertone’

13.1.2 Tonal structure Ideophones that have the same segmental form can vary in tone. The tone on an ideophone can either be High or Low. Low tones are associated with bad, unpleas-ant, amorphous features and High tones refer to things which are nice, pleasant, small and cute.

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12. Ebitsi onuma gbágblá

e-bitsi o-numa gbágblá CM-child SM.SG-fall IDEO.light.small ‘The child fell.’ (light, small person)

13. Ebitsi onuma gbagbla

e-bitsi o-numa gbagbla CM-child SM.SG-fall IDEO. light.small ‘The child fell’ (heavy, big person)

14. Udzi ɛ ɔzɔ hlóyíhlóyí

u-dzi=ɛ ɔ-zɔ hlóyíhlóyí CM-woman=DET SM.SG-walk IDEO.light.smart.brisk ‘The woman walks…’ (light, smart, brisk)

15. Udzɛ ɔzɔ hloyihloyi

u-dzɛ ɔ-zɔ hloyihloyi CM-woman SM.SG-walk IDEO.heavy.slow.dragging movement ‘The woman walks…’ (heavy, slow, dragging movement)

Other words like pɔtɔpɔtɔ ‘small.marshy’ and tóŋtóŋtóŋ ‘extreme quietness’ can have their tones changed to a Low tone pɔtɔpɔtɔ ‘large marshy’ and toŋtoŋtoŋ ‘the sound of water dripping in a container’to introduce a change in meaning. The latter with a high tone suggests that it is a small marshy area but the low tone suggests a bigger wider marshy area.

13.1.3 Grammatical categorisation of ideophones. Ideophonic words can belong to different grammatical categories. The largest number of ideophonic words in Logba belongs to the class of adverbs and adjec-tives. It is noted that some ideophonic words may have double categorization. This situation is based on how they function in the utterance in which they are found. They normally occur utterance finally.

13.1.3.1 Ideophonic nouns These are nouns which are most often onomatopoeic and have repetitive CV or CVV or CV1CV2 reduplicative structure. Some examples are: 16. NOUN GLOSS ŋéŋé(bi) baby – refers to the noise of a baby when crying (also in Ewe). ƒióƒió broom– the sound made when sweeping with a broom. kusekuse peace – tranquility solemnity and orderliness (also in Ewe).

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The morpheme bi which is suffixed to some of the nouns such as ŋéŋé(bi) suggests a dimunitive form of the said noun. It is probably taken from the stem of the word u-bi ‘child’ from which the class prefix is removed. The cognate forms of -bi ‘root for child’ are found across the languages in the area. Examples are Ewe46, Akan and Likpe.

13.1.3.2 Ideophonic verbs The ideophonic verbs that are attested in the data are mainly intransitive. Two are used in the sentences below: 17. ɔmbuɛ ɔprɔ ɔ-mbuɛ ɔ-prɔ CM-orange SM.SG-go.bad.IDEO ‘The orange had gone bad’

18. avi awlui

a-vi a-wlui47 CM-groundnut SM.SG-be.tiny.IDEO ‘The groundnut has small grains’

13.1.3.3 Ideophonic adverbs Ideophonic adverbs are expressive modifiers to verbs and they occur utterance finally. They are shown in the example sentences below: 19. Yɛ asaŋgbla yɛ ɔkpɔ etsi dɔɔ …

Yɛ a-sangbla yɛ ɔ-kpɔ e-tsi dɔɔ CONJ CM-tortoise CONJ 3SG-lie CM-down motionless.IDEO ‘And tortoise then lay under the tree motionless;’ [15.3.26]

20. Nkɔ a ndo hoo.

n-kɔ=a n-do hoo CM-hen=DET SM-come.out many.sudden.IDEO ‘The hens came out in large numbers.’

46 Ewe has vi ‘small’ as the diminutive form that is suffixed to most nouns. This is derived from the word vi ‘child’ Heine et al (1991), Ameka (1991) 47 There is a non verb ideophone in Ewe with the inherent iterative structure wluiwluiwlui ‘multitude of small particles’

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21. Nɖuɛ nyu miɔmiɔmiɔmiɔ. n-ɖu-ɛ n-yu miɔmiɔmiɔmiɔ CM-water SM-be.cold cold.cool.IDEO ‘The water is extremely cold.’

22. Futsu ɛ o to kpetekpetekpete.

futsu=ɛ o-to kpetekpetekpete soup=DET SM.SG-be.thick thick.IDEO ‘The soup is very thick.’

23. Oló tso iva á fúnúfúnúfúnú.

ó-ló-tso iva=á fúnúfúnúfúnú 3SG-PRSPROG-cut thing=DET bit bit bit.IDEO ‘He/She cut the thing in bits.’

13.1.3.4 Ideophonic adjectives Ideophonic adjectives follow the nouns they qualify. This is shown in sentence (24): 24. Mba nɔ nɖu miɔmiɔmiɔ.

m-ba nɔ n-ɖu miɔmiɔmiɔ 1SG-come drink CM-water fresh.cold.IDEO ‘I drank fresh and cold water.’

It is possible for these ideophones to function as adjectives or adverbs in an utter-ance. For example, in (21) miɔmiɔmiɔ ‘slowly’ functions as adverb. The same ideophone is used in (24) as adjective to modify nɖu ‘water’ The difference in context of use brings about the shift in meaning. miɔ can be used with a low tone without reduplication. The final vowel is pro-longed to show the extent to which a person or thing is weak. In the sentence be-low, miɔɔ ‘weak’ is an adverbial modifying blɔ ‘make’ to express how weak the speaker feels. 25. Amú iyónu iblɔ miɔɔ. amú iyó-nu i-blɔ miɔɔ 1SG skin-in SM-make weak.IDEO ‘I experience bodily weaknesses.’

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13.1.4 Ideophones and sentence types There is a claim that in some languages ideophones occur in certain sentence types Schaefer (2001).48 In Logba, however, ideophones can be used in a variety of sen-tence types. This is shown below: Imperative 26. ga krana kpoo!

gakrana kpoo keep quiet serene.IDEO ‘Keep quiet!’

Negative 27. Asa gblɛlɛ maábá okuétéxoé.

a-sá gblɛlɛ ma-á-bá o-kuétéxoé CM-man many.IDEO NEG-FUT-come CM-funeral ‘Many men will not come to the funeral.’

Prohibitive 28. Vui blɔ basabasa.

vui blɔ basabasa never make unruly.behaviour.IDEO ‘Do not put up unruly behaviour.’

Question 29. Nkpakplawɔ abɛ ele ɔyɔtsigbo e itɛ ɖaa

n-kpakpla-wɔ a-bɛ e-le ɔ-yɔtsigbo=e CM-frog-PLU AM-Q SM.PLU-be CM-stump=DET i-tɛ ɖaa CM-under deep.beneath.IDEO. ‘How many frogs are deep under the stump?’

13.1.5 Ideophones in discourse Ideophones are used in different types of discourse. Notably, one finds them in descriptions, conversations and in story telling. In (30) gbuŋ is a simulation of the sound made when a person releases fart and in (31) the sound of swallowing food with force is described by the ideophone glu. 30. Ɔfíɛ ifiɛ gbuŋ ɔ-fíɛ i-fiɛ gbuŋ 3SG-release CM-fart sound.IDEO ‘He farts with a big sound’

48 Ideophones F.K. Erhard Voeltz & Christa Kilian-Hatz Ideophones 339-355 John Benja-mins

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31. Ɔmɛ fufúi glu. ɔ-mɛ fufúi glu 3SG-swallow fufu force.IDEO ‘He swallowed fufu with force.’

Sometimes, a particular ideophone in a discourse might have two different interpre-tations and one needs a context to get the meaning. In two different story telling sessions kpoi occurs: In (32) kpoi refers to the sound made when the bird is shot by the hunter whilst the same ideophone in (33) refers to the sound made when the gourd breaks. 32.Tonu (ta onu) kpoi. Etsi ʋim yɛ olɛnta osé

to-nu kpoi let-hear noise of a certain friction.IDEO. E-tsi ʋim yɛ o-lenta o-sé CM-ground sudden .IDEO CONJ 3SG-fall 3SG-cease ‘Hear! a noise. On the ground it fell at once. That is the end. [15.3.50]

33.Yɛ ofonyi e ebli kpoi

yɛ o-fonyi=é e-bli kpoi CONJ CM-gourd=DET SM.SG-break noise when a thing breaks.IDEO ‘and the gourd break ‘kpoi’ [15.2.65]

Even though ideophones have unique tonal structure and syllable structure they can be found in the following grammatical categories (noun, verb, adjective, and ad-verb) of the language. The non-arbitrary relationship between sound and meaning with most of them is what makes them special in the language.

13.2 Interjections

Interjections in Logba are words which express overflow of emotion, speaker atti-tude and are normally not used in a syntactic construction with other word classes. They may occur before a sentence or may constitute a sentence on their own. Be-cause interjections seem to share a close relationship with particles and connec-tives, their classification is not without some complications. While some linguists consider them as a unit outside the grammatical categories like pre-patterned ex-pressions and multiword expressions others think they belong to the canonical parts of speech. Ameka (1991, 1992) offers a coherent analysis of interjections which I find rele-vant to use as a reference point in describing and categorising Logba interjections. He makes a distinction between primary interjections and those words which be-long to other grammatical classes but are used in utterances as interjections. The

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former, he refers to as primary interjection and the latter he calls secondary inter-jections. He then categorised interjections into three. They are: a. expressive interjection b. conative interjection c. phatic interjection These are discussed in the sections below:

13.2.1 Primary interjections These are little words or in some cases combination of sounds which are not words in the language. They are used mainly to express emotion. The following Logba expressions are known to be used in Ewe with similar meanings and in the same situations: a. ã <surprise> b. o ó <Negative response; that is not the case> c. oh oh oh <opening for a libation prayer by a priest to get the attention of the ancestors. This is said standing with a calabash in both hands. d. koó kokoí <praise, and sign of approval. This is said by a man standing at the back of the priest concurring with what the priest demands from the ancestors. In (34) the interjection ã is an expression of how surprised the hunter was when he saw tortoise in the forest. The story teller uses the interjection artistically to achieve this objective. 34. Ko ã inɔ yayi mɛ ɔzɔ

ko ã i-nɔ yayi mɛ ɔ-zɔ Only INTJ(surprise) CM-meat search here 3SG-go Only ah! meat is what he searches for here [15.3.40]

13.2.2 Secondary interjections These are words which belong to a syntactic category such as noun or verb etc. It includes expressions that are used to draw the attention of a person to get out of danger. The situation below shows the use of amuma ‘my mother’ and Yesu any-intse ‘Jesus, thank you’ as secondary interjections. On one occasion, a woman was cooking in the kitchen and was overheard saying amuma ‘my mother’. It was later found out that her child nearly stumbled on a bowl containing hot oil. After we got to the scene and she narrated what happened to us, one woman who came to the scene cried aloud: Yesu, anyintse ‘Jesus, thank you.’

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13.2.3 Expressive interjections Expressive interjections are utterances which are expressions of the speaker’s men-tal state at the time of speaking. Some expressive interjections found and used in Logba are stated below and translations are offered in English and the appropriate contexts in which they are used are provided with some comments that will throw light on their meaning. eí good – this is usually accompanied with a smile. dzalélé shock! When this is being said the speaker is normally in a trembling mood. hmm self pity, something is worrying the speaker. This is not addressed to any-one. In most cases, the speaker puts the palm under the chin in a pensive mood. bóboí grief áo pain adzeí a pain at a particular spot. tsiã contempt for a person ohóó expression used to ridicule a thief; it is also used to point out to a person that he is lying. eheé I now know; this is accompanied usually with a smile. yoo used to indicate that a person has agreed to a request or assent to a demand or a wish aii / wui used when a person is in physical pain.

13.2.4 Conative interjections Conative interjections are expressions used to get attention of a person or calls directed at an animal or a pet. Some of the expressions are secondary interjections. The following expressions are used to call persons. They show the level of respect in the social relation of the speech participants. hey call the attention of a person (considered to be impolite) sh order children to be silent. This is said with the forefinger on the lips.

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The following calls are used to get the attention of animals. kai drive away goat, sheep sui drive away fowl/hen

13.2.5 Phatic interjections These are vocal signs used to establish social contact. They are accompanied with non linguistic signs like hugging and movement of the body which is culturally interpreted as acceptable. This includes greetings, welcome, thanks and response to questions as below: yeyeye expression to welcome a person ehé a sign that one has remembered a point that is forgotten yeé response to a call yoó agreement to something

The following phatic interjective expressions: anyé iɖu ‘so it is’, anye ta ‘so give’, yue ‘that is it’ and yua ‘that it is’ are said when libation prayer is being recited. The person who is customarily required to stand behind the officiating priest re-peats these expressions aloud after every movement. The word kusekusekuse ‘peace’ is also a common expression in libation prayer. In one of the routine prayer sessions on ayadzi gbantɔa ‘the first Saturday’ Amɔwasa ‘Logba priest’ prays for peace for the people of Logba. He says these words re-peatedly in a prayerful mood as he pours the water from the calabash on the ground. As the water is being poured, the person who stands behind the priest responds to the invocation for the ancestors to bring peace by saying betebetebete. This is a solemn wish that they should be soaked in the peace. The water that is being poured on the ground is the symbol of the peace. ikpa tututu ‘true exactly’, la alaga ‘speak’ and zɔ iyɛ tsu ‘go on it’. These are ex-pressions that women and praise singers use when the chief addresses the people on important occasions. This is aimed at demonstrating that the chief commands great respect and has the full support of the people. dze iyɛ nyi <look it be or it is really what should be said> íkpɔ iyɛ kpɔmɛ <it lies at the place it should lie or ‘It is the right thing> These are emotional responses to demonstrate support for someone who is bold enough to point out the right thing in public in a responsible manner. These ex-pressions above come close to routine expressions (see chapter 14).

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13.3 Particles

Ameka (1998) refers to particles as ‘little words that are used to encode a speakers attitude towards a proposition or part thereof and are syntactically integrated into the sentence in which they occur’. In Logba, the following words are identified as particles:- ná ‘interrogative particle’ naa ‘interrogative particle, confirmation’ anaa ‘interrogative particle, alternative view’ tá, ‘politeness particle’ ló, ‘addressive particle’ loo ‘addressive particle’ All the example sentences below are culled from stories and conversations.

13.3.1 ná ‘interrogative particle’ ná is a clause final interrogative particle that occurs in content questions that con-tain the initial question particle. In sentence (35) ná is used in what I will call a ‘didactic question’. It is used by a story teller to draw the attention of the audience who are children to think about the situation he presents to them. The question can be asked without ná and the sentence will be grammatical. However, the use of ná in this context is to make the children become aware of the dramatic importance of the bird’s singing loudly in the forest and the tragic consequences for all the ani-mals who live in the forest. That is, the hunter gets to know where the animals are and he shoots all of them, dead. 35. Mɛ ɔlɔ dze da wa adzi ɛ tɛ gakrana na?

mɛ ɔ-lɔ-dze da wa a-dzi=ɛ Q 3SG-PRSPROG-need tell say CM-bird=DET tɛ gakrana na? COMPL keep.quiet IP ‘Why is he telling bird to keep quiet?’ [15.3.36]

In the example sentence (36) below, the final vowel of na is lengthened with a rise in pitch. This is an utterance by a head of family who is settling a case involving two brothers. He becomes highly irritated by the attitude of one of the witnesses who is hedging. He fails to provide clear answers to pertinent questions and the head of family explodes with this content question marked by naa at the uttermost boundary directed to him:

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36. Ɔmɔ odó utsa a naaʔ ɔ-mɔ o-dó u-tsa=a naaʔ 3SG-Q AM-build CM-house=DET INTP ‘Who build the house? (I demand to know from you!)

naa can also be used in a polar question to express ones opinion with an expecta-tion of a response. In the sentence below, the speaker expresses her idea as she sees a picture. She expects an answer or an alternative viewpoint from the ad-dressee. For instance, the speaker of this sentence below is describing what she sees in a picture –Frog Story- and she wants a confirmation from the people seeing the same picture or to agree with her. She nevertheless thinks her point of view is right. 37. Agbi ɛ o ŋu nwo utsa yɛ odzɛ tɛ o ŋu akpakpla a nwowɔ utsa nu na a.

a-gbi=ɛ o-ŋu nwó utsa yɛ o-dzɛ tɛ CM-dog=DET SM.SG-see bee house CONJ 3SG-look COMPL o-ŋu a-kpakpla=a n-wo-wɔ u-tsa nu náa 3SG-see CM-frog=DET PLU-bee-PLU CM-house in QP ‘The dog sees the beehive and look whether It will see frog in the beehive.’

[15.2.29/2] naa may be modified to give another interpretation. This modified form suggests an angry mood of the questioner who expects an alternative response. Most often. anáa is said with a rising pitch. (36) can be said with anáa replacing naa. The final vowel of anaa may be lenghened. When it is lenghened, it is an indication that the questioner is impatient with the person addressed.

13.3.2 tá ‘politeness marker’ The utterance final particle tá can be viewed as a signal of politeness in semi-formal situations. It is only used in questions. This expression is also used when the speaker wants to show deference to the addressee. This becomes evident on the two occassions that I heard it used. In a casual conversation, a Logba citizen who is far younger than the chief wanted the chief to tell him the name of the leader of the Asafohene at Adzakoe. The sentence in (38) is what he said. 38. Unansa, Asafohene gbawo é xé obo Adzakoe mɛ eledzi lɛ tá?

u-nansa, Asafohene gbawo=e xé o-bo Adzakoe CM-chief Asafohene leader=DET RP 3SG-stay Adzakoe

mɛ e-le-dzi lɛ tá Q 3PLU-PRSPROG-call 3SGOBJ PM ‘Chief, how is the leader of the Asafohene at Adzakoe called?’

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Another example of the use of tá is found in the question posed by my consultant to the queenmother about what was done to the girls who are undergoing puberty rites in the past when there were no churches in Logba. 39. Totokpa, xe ɔkpayadzigo minya mɛ eleblɔɛ tá?

totokpa xe ɔ-kpayadzigo mi-nya Formerly CONJ 3SG-church.going NEG-stay mɛ e-le-blɔ=ɛ tá Q 3PLU-PRSPROG-make=3SGOBJ PM ‘Formerly, when there were no churches how were they making it?’

tá is also used in ‘get well intention expressions’ This is used when a person is bereaved or when something bad happens to someone. (Refer to chapter 14. Ex-pression of sympathy) Expressions of this nature need to show concern and this borders on politeness and affection. Example sentence (40) and (41) are said to a sick person by visitors who went to his house to wish him well. 40. Mɛ akpɔ tá

mɛ a-kpɔ tá? Q 2SG-lie PM ‘Do you feel well?’

41. Mɛ adzi tá?

mɛ a-dzi tá? Q 2SG-wake.up PM ‘Do you wake up well?’

13.3.3 ló ‘addressive particle’ ló ‘addressive particle’ either suggests surprise or a warning to the addressee. This particle gives additional information because the sentences are complete without the addressive particle. The examples below illustrate the use of addressive particle in these sentences: 42. Ɔnta lɛ (ɔlɛ) ivakpe nu ló! ɔ-nta ɔlɛ i-vakpe nú lo 3SG-self 3SG CM-knowledge in ADR ‘According to what he himself thought (I inform you). [15.2.31]

43. Tobá ló!

to-bá ló! never-come ADR ‘never come ( I warn you ).’

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13.3.4 loo ‘addressive particle’ loo is used to show that the speaker has finished his turn and he is signalling the audience or the addressee to have the floor. It has a low tone and it is used in the final position in greetings as in (48), welcome statements as in (46), in introduc-tions of a story as shown in (47), and to signal an end of a talk as in (49). Sen-tences (44), (45) and (46) are dialogue from story telling where Papa tells the school children a story. (See chapter 15.2 and 15.3 for the stories).

44. Story teller (Papa): Ebitɔ, Ebitɔ,

E-bi-tɔ E-bi-tɔ CM-Child-PLU CM-child-PLU ‘Children, Children’ [15.3.01]

45. Children: Papa!

papa Father, (response to an elderly male) [15.3.02]

46. Children: Anu ani na loo

anu ani-na loo! 2PLUPOSS 2PLUSUBJ-walk ADR ‘You are welcome’ [15.3.02]

47. Story teller: Nu nu ogridi loo!

nu nu o-gridi loo! hear-IMP hear-IMP CM-story ADR ‘Hear story!’ [15.2.01]

48 tá awá loo tá a-wá loo give 2SG-greeting ADR

‘Greetings to you’ 49. Amu ugbi é ozu etsi loo

amú u-gbi=é o-zu 1SG CM-voice=DET SM.SG-descend etsí loo down ADR My voice has descended. I am done. [15.9.97]

In this chapter, ideophones, interjections and particles are discussed. Ideophones are depictive of the ideas they express, they display unique syllable structure and can belong to different grammatical categories. Interjections are used to express emotion, speaker attitude and intention. Particles are little words that express a

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speaker’s attitude towards a proposition and unlike interjections, which may consti-tute an utterance, particles are intergrated into the sentence in which they occur.

14 ROUTINE EXPRESSIONS Routine expressions are standardised phrases used for socio-cultural interaction which is speech community specific. This includes greetings, expressions used to show appreciation to someone at work, invitations to someone at dinner and ex-pressions of welcome. In Logba, these expressions are indicative of the goodwill that the interlocutors feel towards one another. There are social and cultural norms associated with these expressions each of which should be strictly observed. These expressions are cultural codes and are given a particular interpretation depending on how and where it is performed. Routine expressions in Logba are described in this chapter. An attempt is made to explain the circumstances in which these expressions are used and their underlying meanings. The chapter is organized as follows: The chapter opens with greetings and is followed by expressions of welcome. Expressions of gratitude and sympathy are treated next. The chapter is concluded with disclaimers and expressions of farewell.

14.1 Greetings

In Logba, like in other African communities, greeting one another is considered an important social behaviour. One hardly sees people passing by without exchanging greetings. People who even reside in the same house are supposed to greet one another when they wake up in the morning. It is not strange to find a family head early in the morning going round the compounds to greet the people in the lineage. He, in turn reproaches the young ones if they do not do likewise. There are a num-ber of non-linguistic features associated with greetings. The following are some of them: When greeting an elderly person one should bend the upper part of the body as a sign of reverence. Men who are in cloth should remove the part covering the left shoulder when they are exchanging greetings with elders in the community. If the person who is about to greet wears a hat, it should be removed in the course of greeting as a sign of respect. It is also against cultural norms to greet when going to the rubbish heap or toilet. It is permitted on the person’s return from the rubbish heap. When one greets on one’s way to the rubbish heap or toilet, it is taken as a non-verbal statement which is synonymous with: ‘I shit in your mouth’ or ‘I throw the rubbish in your mouth’. This is regarded as a culturally unacceptable behaviour. As such, fines are imposed on people who go against these rules and they are tagged as ‘uncultured’. Similar situations are observed for Ewe in Ameka (1991) and in Ga in Dakubu (1981). The day is divided into two parts in respect of the type of greeting. The first part is the morning to midday and the second is from midday to the night.

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14.1.1 Morning to midday greetings Below is the greeting and response pair showing the various turns: 1. A: ta awá loo ta a-wá loo say 2SG-greeting ADR ‘Greetings to you’ 2. B: awá zii, afán(u) awá a-wa zii a-fan awá 2SG-greeting be good CM-house greeting ‘Greetings to the home, I greet the house’ 3. A: awá, ani dzíi? a-wá ani-dzíi

2SG-greeting 2PLU-wake.up ‘greetings, are you fine?’

4. B: yoo, ani bo enzí? yoo ani-bo enzí yes, 2PLU-stay well ‘Yes OK?’ This could be prefaced with the appropriate address term. For example, unansa, ‘chief,’ am(u)gusa ‘my brother’

14.1.2 Midday to evening greetings Below is the greeting and response pair: 5. A: ngaanu loo n-gaanu loo 1SG-salute ADR ‘I salute you’ 6 B: Yawɔɛn, afan (ahá) etsí yawɔɛn a-fan a-há e-tsí yes CM-house CM-people AM-stay ‘Yes, the people in the house are in good health’

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14.1.3 The greeting response: Yawɔɛn Yawɔɛn occurs only in greetings in Logba and is used in response to greetings from midday to the night. Some speakers use it also as a response for greetings in the morning. All the people consulted could not offer any clear cut meaning for this expression. This does not however mean that it is only phatic. The absence of Yawɔɛn in response to the greeting shows that the person responding to the greet-ing does not share the love and comradeship wholeheartedly with the person who is greeting him or her. Coincidentally, all the GTM languages surrounding Logba – Tafi, Nyagbo, and Avatime use this expression in response to greetings. This is attested in the following greeting response adjacency pairs in the data from the following neighbouring GTM Languages as well as Ewe below:49 Tafi 7. A1: Ayenɔ o

B: Yawɔɛn, wɔkɔnyɛ A2: Nɔ lɛ mɔ o.

Nyagbo 8. A1: Ayigbɔ o (SG). Ayimɔ o (PLU)

B: Yawɔɛn wɔkɔ o / Wɔpamé o. A2: Kpasi o.

Avatime 9. A1: Ayé

B: Yawɔɛn ɔlɔkpasi A2: ƆKpasi

It is culturally undesirable to interrupt people who are in the middle of a discussion with greetings. If a person passing by wants to greet these discussants, he has to seek permission with the phrase ani yé loo ‘you stand’ and when it is granted with the response yoo ‘yes’ then he can proceed with his greeting. In case the people are sitting A will greet with the expression ani tsii loo ‘you sit’. Normally, a shorter version of the greeting is used in situations like this. This is shown (7) and (8) below: 10. A1: Aniyé loo A2: Anitsí loo

ani-yé loo ani-tsí loo 2PLU-stand ADR 2PLU-sit ADR ‘You stand’ ‘You sit’

49 In Ewe, what is heard is awɔɛ This word is used by old people and it is dying out.

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11. B: Eé awú fɛ anaa eé awú fɛ a-na-á yes 2SG also 2SG-walk-Q ‘You also you walk?’ A:Yoo ‘OK’ 12. B: Afanu etsí a-fanu e-tsí CM-house 3PLU-stay ‘The house is well?’ (Is all well at home?)

A: Yoo ‘OK’

There are other forms of greeting which are determined not by the time of day but by the situation or the activity that the addressee is performing.

14.1.4 Working in the farm Apart from being neighbours in the house, much value is placed on healthy social relationship among people who are farming in one area especially those who share boundaries. When one goes to farm, and one’s neighbour is already working before one arrives, one is expected to acknowledge the neighbour’s presence by greeting him or her thus: 13. A: Dze nta loo dze n-ta loo look CM-hand ADR ‘look hand!’

B: Yoo ‘Yes’

The first part uttered by A is a calque on the Ewe phrase: kpɔ asi loo ‘look hand’. which is used in the same situation.

14.1.5 Doing manual work When a person is doing any type of manual work and one sees him, the passer-by can salute him with the expression: Ayekoo. This expression is also used in Ewe and other GTM languages like Nyagbo and Tafi but it is a borrowed word from possibly the Ga language. Another expression used with its response is as below:

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14.A: Awú atsi otsú loo

awú a-tsi o-tsú loo 2SG.IND 2SG-stay CM-top ADR ‘You are on top’

B: Yoo ‘Yes’

This makes the addressee (person working) aware of the presence of the speaker and also an indication that he appreciates the work he is doing and wants him to continue. This expression is normally heard when people are engaged in communal labour. Exchange of greeting reflects the order in which interactants come to the work place. Normally, the person who comes later is the initiator of the greeting re-sponse pair. It will be noted that words itɛ ‘front’ and ama ‘back’ are used to refer to people who are ahead when coming to a place and the people who are behind at home respectively. One thing that is worth noting is that these words attract the /i/ cross reference on the verb. An indication that itɛ ‘front’ and ama ‘back’ are per-ceived as mass nouns. This is shown in (15) below: 15. A Ité ikpɔ loo? i-té i-kpɔ loo

CM-front SM-lie ADR ‘You are in front?’ Lit: The front lives there.

B: ikpɔ; ama ikpɔ?

i-kpɔ a-ma i-kpɔ AM-be.lie CM-back SM-lie

‘It lives; the back lives?’

A: ikpɔ i-kpɔ 3SG-be.lie

‘it lies’ When a person returns from farm, people in the house will welcome him with the greeting as in (16): 16. People in the house: Awu uwa ɔkpɔɔ? awu u-wa ɔ-kpɔ-ɔ 2SG CM-forest SM.SG-lie-Q ‘Your forest is fine?’

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Farmer: Yoo, ɔkpɔ yoo ɔ-kpɔ OK 3SG-lie ‘OK, it is fine’ The person from the farm will then take his turn and greet the people in the house as in (17): 17. Farmer: Amá íkpɔ a-má í-kpɔ CM-back SM-lie ‘Is the back fine’ People in the house: ikpɔ i-kpɔ 3SG-lie ‘It lies’

14.1.6 Greeting when people are eating When a person enters a house and realises that the people in the house are eating, he does not interrupt with a greeting. He must first call their attention by saying the phrase as in (18): 18. A: Dze nta loo dze n-ta loo look CM-hand ADR ‘look hand!’ The expressions that follow are varied. They are all an invitation of the visitor to come and join them in sharing the meal. The four versions of this are shown in (19). 19. B1: Yoo na ba umɛ. yoo na ba u-mɛ yes walk come CM-here ‘Yes come here.’

B2: Yoo ba atu wa. (PLU) yoo ba atu wa Yes come 1PLU place ‘Yes, come to us.’

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B3: Yoo na ba amu wa. (SG) yoo na ba amu wa Yes walk come 1SG place ‘Yes, come to me.’ B4: Yoo zɔ ba umɛ. yoo zɔ ba u-mɛ Yes walk come CM-here ‘Yes come here.’ B5: Yoo ba tɛ atsi kpɛ iva. (PLU) yoo ba tɛ atsi kpɛ iva Yes come COMPL 1PLU eat thing ‘Yes, come that we eat.’ The visitor will then say umokoe izi ‘this place is good’ which is an indirect refer-ence that the members of the house are enjoying good food and drinks. It is after this exchange that the people in the house will invite the visitor to greet them or ask him to defer the greeting so that they will all enjoy the meal together.

14.1.7 Welcoming people The Logba people have expressions which they use to welcome people who have travelled somewhere and returned. These expressions are also used for strangers when you see them after they have been introduced. It is used to welcome people when the interlocutors have not seen one another for a long time. There are two variants of the welcoming expression: one used when the person to be welcomed is singular as in (20a) and the other when they are more than one as in (20b) 20a. SG: Awa ana loo. awu a-na loo 2SGIND 2SG-walk ADR ‘You are welcome.’ 20b. PLU: Aná ni ná loo. anu ani-na loo 2PLU.IND 2PLU-walk ADR ‘You are welcome.’ The response in each case is Yoo ‘OK’ This greeting suggests that the addressees have walked. It is similar to the Ewe expression woe zɔ ‘you (SG) have walked’ miawoe zɔ ‘you (PLU) have walked’

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(see Ameka 1991). It is interesting to note that there is a special welcome when a person returns from farm. This is as in (21) below: 21. People in the house: Awú ɔgbá dzí ahá etsi awú ɔ-gbá dzí a-há e-tsi 2SG CM-road top CM-people 3PLU-stay ‘Are your people on your journey well?’

Visitor: Etsí e-tsí 3PLU-stay ‘They are fine’

People in the house: Awu (u)gusa otsí awú u-gusa o-tsí 2SG CM-neighbour 3SG-stay ‘Is your neighbour fine?’ In all cases after the welcome response pair, the visitor will be given water to drink to cool off and then the greeting follows. The greeting in this situation is centered on the people and friends of the visitor at where he comes from. In the plural, Awu egusa atsi is used in the Tota dialect while Awu egusa etsi is the form in the Alakpeti dialect. 22. Visitor: otsi (SG) etsí / atsi (PLU) e-tsí 3PLU-stay ‘They are fine’

People in the house: Awa na loo (Awu ana loo) awu a-na loo 2SG.IND 2SG-walk ADR ‘Welcome’

Visitor: Yoo ‘OK’ After the how-are-you questions the oldest of the family in the house at the time of the arrival of the visitor will ask of the visitor’s purpose of visit by saying as be-low:

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23. Elder: Atsu wa iyú atsu wa i-yú 1PLU side AM-be.cold ‘Our place here is cool’(There is peace here) This expression is used when everything is going on peacefully in the family. If, on the other hand, there is a death or an accident in the family, the expression in (24) is used. 24. Elder: Atsú wá ibo ɔdzá atsu wa i-bo ɔ-dzá

1PLU side AM-stay CM-fire ‘Our place here is ‘hot’’(There is misfortune here) The visitor states his mission and asks them to tell him the iyu ‘cold’ or the ɔdza ‘fire’ that is in the family by asking them as follows: 25. Visitor: Anu wa a blɛ anu wa a-blɛ 2PLU side SM-own ‘How is the situation like at your side?’

14.1.8 Acknowledgement of the priest’s return after libation prayer The priest, after libation prayer, returns to take his seat with the elders and other family members. They greet him thus: 26. Elders: Aw(ú) akpi

aw(ú) a-kpi 2SG.IND 2SG-go ‘You have gone’

Priest: Yoo ‘OK’

The elders welcome the priest because it is believed that he has been to the ances-tors to offer prayer on their behalf and come back. The elders then thank the priest for being so caring and patriotic.

14.2 Expressing gratitude

When a person is given a present, he is expected to show how grateful he is to his benefactor. The recipient also expresses thanks to God. Some thank the ancestors

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because they believe they are dependable messengers of God and He works through them. The following expressions are used: 27. Anyintse

a-nyintse 2SG-thanks ‘Thank you’

Ɔkpaya, anyíntsé. ɔkpaya a-nyintsé God 2SG-stay-strong ‘God, thank you.’

14.3 Expressions for congratulations

When a person is fortunate and has won a prize or has given birth to a bouncing baby people in the community troop to the house to share the joy and congratulate the parents especially the mother. The expression below is used most often: 28. Awu iyo iva inyintse.

awú i-yo iva i-ny(a)-intse 2SG CM-skin thing SM-stay-strong ‘Your luck is strong.’

14.4 Expressing sympathy

In a situation where a person is bereaved or when something bad happens to some-one, for example, when a person is involved in an accident or is bereaved the members of the family and other well wishers in the community go to the house of the sick person to express their sympathy. The following expressions are used after the usual greetings: Expressions to the sick: 29 Mɛ akpɔ tá?

mɛ a-kpɔ tá Q 2SG-lie PM ‘Do you feel well?’

Mɛ iɖú awu iyó nu? mɛ i-ɖú awú i-yó nu Q 3SG-be 2SG CM-skin containing.region ‘How do you feel inside your body?’

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With these empathetic ‘get well intention’ questions, the sick person tells the visi-tors the progress and his general state of health and they in turn reply with encour-aging words, one of which is: 30. Ibíkɔ wú.

i-bí-kɔ wú 3SG-FUT lift.up 2SGOBJ ‘It will be better.’ (Lit: It will be lifted up from you.)

The sickness is metaphorically taken as a heavy load placed on the sick person that will be lifted from him. The following expressions are therefore used to console the bereaved person: Expressions to the bereaved person: 31 Awú afiɖa e.

awú a-fiɖa=e 2SG.IND 2SG-meet=3SGOBJ ‘YOU have met it.’

Awú aŋu e awú a-ŋu=e 2SG.IND 2SG-see=3SGOBJ ‘YOU have seen it’

These expressions show that the person they have come to visit has come into contact with something unfortunate. In cases where it is a chain of bereavements, some people use the Present Progressive marker in both expressions: Awú alofiɖa e ‘You are meeting it’ Awú aloŋu e ‘You are seeing it.’ Before the sympathisers leave the house of the bereaved, the person whom they visited will wish them well by saying: 32. Anú ani vé ina yó

anú ani vé i-na yó 2PLU.IND 2PLU save CM-person skin ‘You have sympathised with a person’

14.5 Disclaimers

In Logba, as well as many Ghanaian languages, an adult native speaker is expected to display his knowledge of the social and cultural norms through the way he inter-acts linguistically with the people. When one wants to enter a person’s house one has to announce his presence before he enters by saying Agoo and the response

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from the people in the house is ina to ba ‘let the person come’. Agoo is also used when one wants people to give way to him in a crowded market or a farm path. The use of Agoo and the response is the same in many Ghanaian languages. When one wants to use a word or an expression which one considers to be vulgar or profane one should use the words: taflatse or kafra to preface what one considers to be a socially undesirable expression. Matá wú zugbo ‘I give you head’ is used when one wants to ask a favour from someone or wants to speak to an addressee considered to be older, or occupying a social status higher than the speaker. When a person wants to give something to another person, the right hand should be used. It is culturally unacceptable to use the left hand. However, if it becomes necessary to use the left hand, the giver should indicate that he is aware that the left hand is not what he should use. The expression below is used in such situations: 33. Giver: Kafra, eble ló. kafra e-ble ló Excuse CM-left ADR ‘Excuse, it is left.’ Mata wú zugbo eble ló. ma-ta wú zugbo e-ble ló 1SG-give 2SGOBJ head CM-left ADR ‘Your pardon, it is left.’ The recipient will then use the response below as he takes the item: 34. Recipient: Yoo agbashi. OK a-gbashi yes CM-hand ‘OK hand’

14.6 Expressing farewell

Normally, when a person is to embark on a journey, he informs his people and they in turn wish him a safe journey to wherever he is going. If he is due to return, they tell him to return on time as in (35): 35. Ta ba kaba.

ta ba kaba let come early ‘May you come back early.’

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However, if his return is not scheduled, they bid him farewell as in (36) and (37): The examples are singular and plural. 36. SG

Ta na (e)nzi. ta ná enzi let walk well ‘Safe journey.’ PLU Ta aniná enzi. ta ani-ná enzi let 2PLU-walk well ‘Safe journey.’ SG

37. Ɔkpaya ta ɔgbáwú. ɔkpaya ta ɔgbá wú God let road 2SGOBJ ‘Let God be on your path.’ PLU Ɔkpaya ta ɔgbánú. ɔkpaya ta ɔgbá nú God let road 2PLUOBJ ‘Let God be on your path.’

15 LOGBA TEXTS These texts are collected from native speakers who are resident in the Logba towns to show how the language is really spoken. Stories, proverbs, riddles and folk sto-ries are represented. There are also procedural and socio-cultural organisational texts.. Interlinear English gloss and a free English translation is provided.

15.1 Frog, where are you? This is a story re-telling from Frog story (Berman and Slobin 1994) a popular pic-ture book story used by linguists working on systematic analysis on language and cognition. The story is re-told by Rosalyn Adzah, a student in the Jim Bourton Secondary School, Logba. She is 16 years and a native of Tota. The story was recorded on 12th February 2004.

A child, a dog and a frog which is kept as a pet in a bottle lived in a house. The frog got out of the bottle and the child and the dog were looking for it. They looked in the shoe, bottle and across the house but did not find it. The boy and the dog went to the forest to search for the frog. The boy saw a hole in the ground and looked for the frog inside but only a rat ran out of the hole. In their search, they found a beehive in a tree. They held the tree and the bees scattered and chased them. The boy saw a hole in a tree and looked inside for the frog. An owl came out of the hole and they ran and fell. They saw an anthill and the boy climbed it. When the boy was on the anthill, he saw an antelope at the back of the anthill and he climbed it. The antelope ran, the boy held the horns and the dog followed. The boy fell into a big river. It was there he saw the frog and took it home. 01. E-bitsi-klɔyi ɔ-kpɛ a-gbɛ kpɛ a-kpakpla é-nya

CM-child-small CM-one CM-dog CONJ CM-frog SM.PLU live ‘There lived a small child, a dog and a frog’

02. A-kpakpla=a a-ri-e fɛ tumpa nu yɛ o-ɖu CM-Frog=DET 3PLU-hold-3OBJ in bottle in CONJ 3SG-be

i-vavialiva yɛ a-tsa-vialiiva a-fá-nu. CM- pet CONJ 3PLU-HAB-pet CM-house-in ‘They took a frog which is a pet and put it in a bottle; they play in a house’

03. Adzi-ŋkpɛ e-bitsi=ɛ ɔ-fɛdzu, o-ri a-gbi=ɛ day-one child=DET SM.SG-sleep 3SG-hold CM-dog=DET ka o-yó yɛ akpakpla=a xé ó-tsi . put CM-skin CONJ frog=DET RP SM.SG-stay tumpa nu ó-dó tenyi á-va bottle in 3SG-go.out escape CM-place ‘One day, the child slept with the dog close to him; the frog which was in the bottle escaped’

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04. Iɖi i-wa yɛ a-dze akpakpla=a yayi day SM-break CONJ 3PLU-start frog=DET search ‘Day broke and they started to look for the frog’.

05. A-yáyi-e pétée ma-kpe-nú iva etsi. 3PLU-search=3SGOBJ all NEG-know-NEG thing down ‘They looked for it for a long time but they could not find it’

06. E-bitsi=ɛ o-bo-dze akpaiva nu gake CM-Child=DET SM.SG-come-look boot in CONJ

mo-ŋú-nu akpakpla=a NEG-see-NEG frog=DET ‘The child came to look into the boot but he did not see the frog’

07. Agbɛ fɛ o-dzé tumpa=a nu xé a-ri akpakpla dog also SM.SG-look bottle=DET in RP 3PLU-hold frog

akpakpla=á fi-ɛ gake mo-ŋú-nu-é. frog=DET put=3SGOBJ CONJ NEG-3SG see-NEG=3SGOBJ ‘The dog looked into the bottle in which the frog was put but it did not see it’

08. Agbɛ o-zi tumpa na o-fu yɛ ebitsi=ɛ fɛ dog SM.SG-lift bottle to CM-nose CONJ child=DET also o-dzu ɖe fesre otsoe yɛ a-la-yayi SM.SG-stand to window fringes CONJ 3PLU-PRSPROG-search akpakpla ɔdzɔgbe. frog outside ‘The dog put the bottle to the nose and the child stood close to the window and they were looking for the frog outside’

09. A-dze okusioku gake ma-ŋu-nu akpakpla=a 3PLU-look everywhere CONJ NEG-see-NEG frog=DET ‘They searched everywhere but they did not see the frog’

10. agbɛ o-kebu etsi, tumpa=a ó-ló-le dog SM.SG-jump down bottle=DET 3SG-PRSPROG-be.at

o-fu=ɛ anú ye e-bítsi=ɛ fɛ CM-nose=DET mouth CONJ CM-child=DET also

o-lo-dze fɛ o-lo-ŋu akpakpla=a naa SM-SG-PRSPROG-see also 3SG-PRSPROG-see frog=DET QP ‘The dog jumps down, the bottle is on the nose and the child also is searching to see if the frog is there’

11. Ebitsi=ɛ mo-ó-lo-ŋu akpakpla=á ɔkplɛ o-kɛbu child=DET NEG-SM.SG-PRSPROG-see frog=DET therefore 3SG-jump

etsi yɛ o-zi agbi=ɛ tɛ ɔ-fɛ down CONJ 3SG-lift dog=DET COMPL 3SG-also

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mo-o-to-fui. NEG-3SG-PSTPROG-get.lost ‘As the child did not see the frog it came down and carried the dog so that it would not get lost’

12. A ina-nyɔ a-dzu-ye u-tsa ama fesre etsi. 3PLU person-two 3PLU-return-stand CM-house back window down ‘They, two persons stood up at the back of the house down the window’

13. A-ná kukɔ tsɔŋ yɛ a-ba dzu-ye ɔ-yɔ 3PLU-walk round long CONJ 3PLU-come return-stand tree

ɔ-kpiɛ etsi tɛ a-ŋu akpakpla=a naa AM-INDEF down COMPL 3PLU-see frog=DET QP ‘They walked round for a long time and came and stood up under a certain tree to see if they could find the frog’

14. A-yayi=é pétée, ma-ŋú-nú=é. 3PLU-search=3SGOBJ all NEG-see-NEG=3SGOBJ ‘They searched all places but they did not see it’

15. Á-la-na kukɔ tsɔŋ bi fo uwá nango nango 3PLU-PRSPROG-walk round long come to forest big big

ɔ-kpiɛ nu yɛ a-ba fo ɔ-yɔ ɔ-kpiɛ etsi AM-INDEF in CONJ 3PLU-come to CM-tree AM-INDEF below ‘They are walking round for a long time into a certain big forest and they came under a big tree’

16. Agbi=ɛ o-ŋu nwo utsa yɛ o-dze tɛ o-ŋu dog=DET SM.SG-see bee house CONJ 3SG-think COMPL 3SG-see

akpakpla=a nwó-wɔ utsá nu náa. frog=DET bee-PLU house in QP ‘The dog sees the beehive and looks whether is sees the frog in the bee-hive’

17. Ebitsi=ɛ fɛ o-lo-dze vutsi ɔ-kpiɛ nu child=DET also SG-PRSPROG-look hole AM-INDEF in

tɛ o-bo-ŋú akpakpla=a vutsi=ɛ nu náa COMPL 3SG-come-see frog=DET hole=DET in QP ‘The child is also looking in a certain hole whether the frog is in the hole’

18. Agbi=ɛ ó-ló-dze tɛ ó-ŋú akpakpla dog=DET SM.SG-PRSPROG-look COMPL 3SG-see frog

nwo-wɔ utsa=a nu yɛ ebítsi=ɛ fɛ bee-PLU house=DET in CONJ child=DET also

o-lo-dze vutsi=ɛ nu yɛ oglui o-ke 3SG-PRSPROG-look hole=DET in CONJ mouse SM.SG-jump

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do vutsi=ɛ nu out hole=DET in ‘The dog is looking for the frog in the beehive and the child is looking in the hole and a mouse rushed out of the hole’

19. Ɔ-vɔ i-tá tɛ o-dzu tsi etsi 3SG-fear 3SG-result say 3SG-sit stay.in down ‘He was afraid, and as a result he sat down’

20. Agbi=ɛ fɛ o-tsi etsi ɔ-lɔ-yayi akpakpla=a dog=DET also SM.SG-sit down 3SG-PRSPROG-look frog=DET

nwó-wɔ=á nu-é yɛ nwó-wɔ u-tsá lenta PLU-bee-PLU=DET in=DET CONJ bee-PLU CM-house fall

yɛ n-do. CONJ SM-come out ‘The dog also sat and was looking for the frog in the beehive but it fell and the bees scattered’

21. A-gbi=ɛ kpɛ e-bitsi=ɛ á-hu tenyi. Dog=DET CONJ CM-child=DET 3PLU-run escape The dog and the child run for safety.

22. Ebitsi=ɛ ɔ-kpɔ kla fɛ ɔ-yɔ nango . child=DET SM.SG-move hide into tree big ɔ-kpiɛ etsi AM-INDEF under ‘The child went and hid under a big tree’

23. Ɔyɔ-=a nu xé ebitsi=ɛ ɔ-kla fiɛ yɛ ɔnzi=ɛ tree=DET in RP child=DET SM.SG-hide into CONJ owl=DET ɔ-kpiɛ o-do. AM-INDEF 3SG-come out ‘The tree into which the child hid was a certain owl which came out’

24. Ɔnzi=ɛ o-ɖu adzi nango ɔ-kpiɛ yɛ . owl=DET SM.SG-be bird big AM-INDEF CONJ

ɔ-tsɔ-flɛ atsi 3SG-HAB-fly night ‘The owl is one big bird which can fly at night’

25. Yɛ ebitsi=ɛ o-ŋu e la, ɔ-vɔ inta when child=DET 3SG-see=3SGOBJ CFM 3SG-fear greatly

tɛ o-lenta ɔ-yɔ=a nu. COMPL 3SG-fall CM-tree=DET in ‘When the child saw it, he became very much afraid that he fell from the tree’

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26. Agbi=ɛ fɛ nwo-wɔ=a a-dɔ agba-ma tɛ dog=DET also bee-PLU=DET SM.PLU-follow road-back COMPL

a-ba ti=ɛ 3PLU-come sting=3SGOBJ ‘The dog also, bees followed it to sting it’

27. Ebítsi=ɛ o-huite bi fɛ uwa nango ɔ-kpiɛ nu child=DET SM.SG-escape come into forest big AM-INDEF in ‘The child ran into a certain big forest’

28. Agbi=ɛ fɛ nwo-wɔ=a a-dɔ ɔ-gba-ma. dog=DET also bee-PLU=DET 3PLU-follow CM-road-back ‘The dog also the bees followed it’

29. Ebitsi=ɛ o-hu bi ve lé u-tu child=DET 3SG-run come pass climb CM-anthill

nango ɔ-kpiɛ tsu big AM-INDEF on ‘The child run climb onto a big anthill’

30. Utu=e tsu xɛ o-yi-ɛ yɛ o-ŋu a-gu anthill=DET on RP 3SG-stand-3SG CONJ 3SG-see CM-antelope

u-tu=e ama. CM-anthill=DET back ‘The hill on which it was standing he saw an antelope at the back of the anthill’

31. Agu ntsa=a dzaa ko yɛ n-do yɛ o-ŋu antelope horn=DET only only CONJ PLU-come.out CONJ 3SG-see ‘The animal’s horn was only what came out he saw’

32. Ebitsi=ɛ mo-kpe-nu yɛ o-ri agun-tsa fɛ nta child=DET NEG know-NEG CONJ 3SG-hold antelope-horn with hand

yɛ agu=ɛ o-zi=ɛ ntsa tsu CONJ antelope=DET SM.SG-carry=3SGOBJ horn on

yɛ o-he zɔ CONJ 3SG-pull go ‘The child did not know so he held the antelope’s horn with hand and the animal took him on the horn and dragged him’

33. yɛ o-bo ŋu Agbi=ɛ fɛ ukunkpɛ yɛ CONJ 3SG-come see dog=DET also somewhere CONJ

ó-zi ɔ-fɛ na ntsa tsú 3SG-carry 3SG-also put horn on ‘They came to the place where the dog was and took it also on the horn’

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34. ó-bo mi-á lenta fɛ n-ɖú nango n-kpiɛ. 3SG-come take-3PLU.OBJ fall in CM-water big AM-INDEF ‘It took them to fall in a very big river’

35. Agbi=ɛ kpɛ ebítsi=ɛ a-nya n-wa=a nu dog=DET CONJ child=DET SM.PLU-stay PLU-forest=DET in

n-ɖú=ɛ nu dze n-ɖu=ɛ lá dze n-ɖú=ɛ nu water=DET in start CM-water=DET swim start CM-water=DET in

kukɔ tɛ a-ŋu akpakpla=a náa. round COMPL 3PLU-see frog=DET QP ‘The dog and the child stayed in the forest in the water. They started searching in the water to see if they could see the frog’

36. Agu=ɛ fɛ o-le u-kpo ɔ-kpiɛ uzugbo yɛ antelope=DET also SM.SG-be CM-hill AM-INDEF top CONJ

ó-ló-dze buyó n-ɖu=é nu. 3SG-PRSPROG-look afar CM-river=DET in ‘The animal also was on a certain mountain top looking in the river’

37. Agbi=ɛ u-wasa ó-zi Agbi=ɛ fɛ i-mɔ-nu dog=DET CM-owner SM.SG-lift dog=DET into CM-neck-in

yɛ á-lá-yayi tɛ a-la-do CONJ 3PLU-PRSPROG-search COMPL 3PLU-PRSPROG-come.out

n-ɖú-ɛ nu CM-water=DET in ‘The dog owner carried the dog on his neck searching if it is coming out of the water’

38. Ibɛ imɔ-a tsu tututuɛ ebitsi-ɛ ɔ-ŋu ɔyɔtsigbo time that=DET on exactly child=DET SM.SG-see stump

ɔ-kpiɛ yɛ ɔ-lɔ-wa agbi-ɛ ɔgakrana tɛ AM-INDEF CONJ 3SG-PRSPROG-say dog=DET keep.quiet COMPL

a-la-ŋu akpakpla-a naa. 3PLU-PRSPROG-see frog=DET QP ‘At exactly that time the child saw a stump and was telling the dog to be quiet to see if they could see the frog’

39. Ebitsi=ɛ kpɛ agbi=ɛ petee a-dzu zɔ child=DET CONJ dog=DET all SM.PLU-return go

ɔ-yɔtsigbo=ɛ ama tadze tɛ a-la-ŋu CM-stump=DET back immediately COMPL 3PLU-PRSPROG-see

akpakpla=a náa frog=DET QP ‘The child and the dog went to the back of the stump to see if they can see the frog’

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40. Tadze ko n-kpakplawɔ n-nyɔ n-tsi mediately only CM-frog-PLU AM-two SM.PLU-stay

ɔ-yɔtsigbo=é ama. CM-stump=DET back ‘Immediately then they saw two frogs at the back of the stump’

41. o-ŋu ɔ-blɛ ka anyi 3SG-see 3SG-own put face ‘he identified his.’

42. Iyɛ ama n-kpakpla-wɔ gblɛlɛlɛ n-do gbi 3SGIND back CM-frog-PLU many SM-come many

yɛ ebítsi=ɛ kpɛ Agbi=ɛ á-dzuye CONJ child=DET CONJ dog=DET 3PLU-stand ɔ-yɔtsigbo=ɛ tsú CM-stump=DET on ‘After that many frogs came out plenty and the child and the dog stood on the stump’

43. yɛ a-la-dze fɛ buyó . CONJ 3PLU-PRSPROG-look from distance ‘and were looking at them over there’

44. Ebítsi=ɛ ɔ-na zɔ bi zi ɔ-bliɛ yɛ a-kpɛ child=DET SM.SG-walk go come take 3SG-own CONJ 3PLU-CONJ

agbi=ɛ yɛ á-ve yɛ a-sa. dog=DET CONJ 3PLU-pass CONJ 3PLU leave ‘The child went to take his own and they and the dog came passed (and left)’

45. A-kpɛ agbi=ɛ a-sa yɛ a-huhu 3PLU-CONJ dog=DET SM.PLU-leave CONJ 3PLU-wave

n-gbashi=ɛ yika n-kpakpla n-gango=ɛ PLU-arm=DET direction PLU-frog PLU-rest=DET ‘He and the dog went away and waved hands to the rest of the frogs

15.2 Ananse and the wisdom gourd

Asafo Kudjo (Age 56), a native of Adzakoe told this story on 26th March 2004 to pupils of Adzakoe Roman Catholic Primary school where it was recorded. The video recording is available. Spider and family including his brother Dekanyo live in one of the villages in Adzakoe called Gbamuzɔ. Spider was selfish and envious of his friends. As a re-sult, he planned to take all the knowledge in the world and hid it in a place which

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will be known to him alone. As part of this plan, he went to Logba market to buy a big gourd, collected all the knowledge and stuffed them into the gourd. Spider then decided to hide the knowledge high up in a tree. He put the gourd on his chest when he was climbing the tree. His brother Dekanyo advised that he should put the gourd at his back. Spider, in his frustration, realized that some of the knowledge remained which he did not collect. Spider then left the gourd and it fell on the ground and broke. Knowledge then returned to everybody’s brain.

01. Nu nu o-gridi loo!

hear (IMP) hear (IMP) CM-story ADR “Listen to story”

02. O-gridi to-ó-ba-a! CM-story let-SM.SG-come-ADR “Let the story come”

03. O-gridi o-dzi tsyɔɔ yɛ o-ba dze CM-story SM.SG-take off IDEO CONJ 3SG-come land i-ɖie-nu tsu CM-world-in on Story takes off for a long time and falls on the world

04. o-dze o-tsu 3SG-land 3SG-on ‘it falls on it’

05. yɛ o-ba dze i-vakpe tsu CONJ 3SG-come land CM-knowledge on ‘And it comes and falls on knowledge’

06. o-dze ó-tsú ʋla 3SG-land 3SG-on IDEO ‘it falls on it with ʋla’

07. yɛ ɔ-ba dze a-gbí tsu, a-gbi-glɔmɔ CONJ 3SG-come land CM-spider on CM-spider-APPEL ‘Then it falls on spider, spider’ (APPELATION)

08. o-dze o-tsu ʋiim! 3SG-land 3SG-on IDEO ‘it falls on it ʋiim!’

09. yɛ o-ba dze u-gusa Ðekanyo tsu CONJ 3SG-come land brother Ðekanyo on ‘Then it falls on brother Ðekanyo ’

10. o-dze o-tsu ʋim 3SG-land 3SG-on IDEO ‘It falls on it ʋiim!’

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11. Aha a-me pete-e xé ma-dzi-ɛ people AM-DEM all-EMPH RP 1SG-call-CFM ‘All these people I call,’

12. Kpaita, a-pete a-nya Adzakoe kɔƒe ɔ-kpiɛ nu now 3PLU-all 3PLU-stay Adzakoe village AM-INDEF in ‘Now, they all stayed in one of the villages in Adzakoe’

13. xé é-tse-dzi tɛ Gbámuzɔ nu RP 3PLU-HAB-call COMPL Gbámuzɔ in ‘Which they used to call Gbamuzɔ (Lit: put me on go)’

14. I-tatɛ A-gbi=ɛ xé ó-ŋú iva mɔ-ta i-na AM-result CM-spider=DET when SM.SG-see thing NEG-give person ‘When the spider gets something, he does not give it out to any person’

15. yɛ ɔ-kple yɛ e-nya u-mokoe petee la CONJ CM-REAS CONJ 3PLU stay CM-there all UFP

a-blɛ ɔ-va i-ti-kpɛ (l)ɛ a-mɛ 3PLU-own CM-behaviour 3SG-PTPROG-eat 3SGOBJ CM-stomach ‘‘And because when they all stayed there he is envious of his friends’

16. yɛ ɔ-kplɛ ɔ-blɔ a-susu tɛ CONJ CM-REAS AM-make CM-mind COMPL ɔ-lɔ-ba fushi AM-PRSPROG-come take.from ‘That is why he made up his mind that he would take away’

17. i-na-shi-na i-zugbo-nu bu-go=e CM-person-every-person CM-head-in count-NOM=DET ‘everyone’s thinking. (wisdom)’

18. xé o-ri-e ɔ-nta RP 3SG-hold=3SGOBJ AM-own ‘Which everyone possesses to himself’

19. i-vakpe xé ó-ló-fushi-ɛ CM-knowledge RP 3SG-PSPROG-take from-CFM ‘Knowledge which he is taking’

20. ó-ló-kpomi kla ko 3SG-PSPROG-collect hide only ‘he is collecting it and hide it only’

21. i-nashina mo-ó-ló-kpe ɔ-ŋkpɛ CM-everyone NEG-SM.SG-PRSPROG-know CM-anything ‘everyone so that no one knows anything’

22. Ko ɔ-le a-gbiglɔmɔ ɔ-le wa ko only 3SG-be CM-spider SM.SG-be side only

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i-vakpe i-nya CM-knowledge SM-stay ‘It is he, spider alone whose bosom that knowledge would stay’

23. Ikpá yɛ ɔ-kpɔ lɛ o-fonyi=ɛ Akpana true CONJ 3SG-set out buy CM-guord=DET Akpana o-vu=é nu CM-market=DET in ‘Truly, he set out to buy the gourd in the Akpana market’

24. Ibi-mɛ nu Akpana o-vu=é e-nyá Egemi time-this in Akpana CM-market=DET SM.SG-stay Egemi

u-zugbo u-mɔ CM-head CM-there ‘This time the Akpana market is on the top of the Egemi mountain there’

25. Tɛ ani kpe okuniɛ e-le-dzi

Q 2PLU know that.place 3PLU-PRSPROG-call

Egemi-ɛ ɖe Egemi-EMPH Q(Ewe) ‘You know that place they are calling Gemi?’

26. I-bo u-kpo=é tsú. yɛ ɔ-kpɔ lɛ o-fónyi 3SG-stay CM-mountain=DET on. CONJ 3SG-go buy CM-gourd ‘It is on the mountain. And he went to buy a gourd’

27. nango nango nango ɔ-kpiɛ yɛ ó-mí mla big big big AM-INDEF CONJ 3SG-take bring very big and brought it’

28. Yɛ o-bo fo-e, CONJ 3SG-come reach-CFM ‘When he came back,’

29. yɛ o-ri a-ha pete-pete ivakpi-ɛ CONJ 3SG-hold CM-people all-all knowledge-EMPH ‘then he collected all the people’s knowledge’

30. Ye o-mi fɛ o-fonyi=ɛ nu CONJ 3SG-take put CM-gourd=DET in ‘And put it in a gourd’

31. Ɔ-nta alɛ i-vakpe nú lo 3SG-self 3SG CM-knowledge mouth ADR ‘According to what he himself thought (I inform you)’

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32. Yedze a-ha pété i-vakpi-ɛ then CM-people all CM-knowledge-EMPH ‘Then all the knowledge of the people’

33. o-fushi-ɛ aha nta 3SG-collect 3SGOBJ people hand ‘he collected it from the people’s hand (from them)’

34. Yɛ o-mi fɛ o-fonyi=ɛ nu CONJ 3SG-take put CM-gourd=DET in ‘And put it in a gourd’

35. Ekple xé o-dzi do-e now COND 3SG-stand go out-CFM ‘Now when he went out’

36. O-fonyi=e ibotɛ to ó-ba mi=ɛ CM-gourd=DET because should SM.SG-come take=3SGOBJ

kɔ a-gu ɔyɔ nu hang CM-top tree in ‘The gourd, because he has to take it and hang it in a tree at the top’

37. Mɛ ɔ-blɔ tɛ xé o-mi o-fonyi=e Q 3SG-make COMPL if 3SG-take CM-gourd=DET

mi kɔ a-gu take hang CM-top ‘What does he make if he takes the gourd to hang on the top?’

38. Yedze-ɛ ibotɛ o-lé ɔ-yɔ=ɔ then-EMPH because 3SG-climb CM-tree=DET ‘Then it means, he climbs the tree’

Interlude with song in Ewe 39. Agbi=ɛ xe o-ri ivakpi=ɛ pete

spider=DET RP SM.SG-hold CM-knowledge=DET all ‘The spider who collected all the knowledge’

40. xé o-bo-mi lé ɔ-yɔ RP 3SG-FUT-take climb CM-tree ‘that he will take climb the tree’

41. Menu anu ani kpe tɛ o-mi (l)ɛ na Q 2PLU 2PLU know COMPL 3SG-take 3SGOBJ put ‘Where do you think he will put it’

42. xé o-lé ɔ-yɔ=a-e RP 3SG-climb CM-tree=DET-Q ‘as he climbs the tree?’

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43. Ó-mi (l)ɛ na a-mátsi 3SG-take 3SGOBJ put CM-back ‘He puts it at the back’

44. Aha, tee o-fonyi=é ɔmɛ ɖe téé AFF may.be CM-gourd=DET AM-this COND maybe

ó-le a-mantsi 3SG-be.located CM-back(of body) ‘Yes, may be if this gourd were at his back’

45. i-botɛ tɛ ó-mi o-fónyi=é na CM-REAS COMPL 3SG-take CM-gourd=DET put ‘Because as he takes the gourd’

46. xé o-mi lé ɔ-yɔ RP 3SG-take climb CM-tree ‘which he takes to climb the tree’

47. I-botɛ xé é-lé-lé o-yɔ=ɔ CM-REAS if 3PLU-PRSPROG-climb CM-tree=DET

mi-ɖu ɔ-kɔtu NEG-be CM-chest ‘Because if they are climbing a tree it is not on the chest’

48. e-te-mi lé o-yɔ=ɔ? 3PLU-HAB-take climb CM-tree=DET ‘they use to climb the tree?’

49. Ee! Yɛ ɔ -zɔ xé o-bo dze ɔ-yɔ=ɔ lé yes! CONJ 3SG-go as 3SG-come start CM-tree=DET climb ‘Yes as he starts to climb the tree’

50. yɛ ó-mi o-fonyi=é CONJ 3SG-take CM-gourd=DET ‘And takes the gourd’

51. Xé o-mi na a-men yɛ o-dze ɔ-yɔ lé RP 3SG-take put CM-stomach CONJ 3SG-start CM-tree climb ‘Which he takes on the stomach and he starts to climb the tree’

52. Ani susu tɛ i-nya lé tsi-i 2PLU think COMPL 3SG-possible climb stay-Q ‘Do you think that it is possible to climb?’

53. Ao! Yɛ o-dze ɔ-yɔ=ɔ lé O-le-zɔ no! CONJ 3SG-start CM-tree=DET climb 3SG-PRSPROG-go

o-lenta 3SG-fall ‘No! and he starts to climb the tree. He is going, he falls’

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54. O-le-zɔ o-lenta O-le-zɔ o-lenta 3SG-PRSPROG-go 3SG-fall 3SG-PRSPROG-go 3SG-fall ‘He is going, he falls. He is going, he falls’

55. Yɛ u-gusa xé e-le-dzi Ðekanyo-ɛ CONJ CM-brother RP 3PLU-PRSPROG call Ðekanyo-EMPH ‘And his brother who they call Ðekanyo’

56. Ó-dzi-é ‘aḿ-gusa, mi-í-ɖu 3SG-call=3SGOBJ 1SGIND-brother NEG-SM-be

anyɛ é-te-blɔ-ɛ’ so 3PLU-HAB-make=3SGOBJ He called him and said, ‘my brother it is not this way it is done’

57. ‘Dzú o-fonyi=é ta mí mla a-ma.’ turn back CM-gourd=DET COHOR take bring CM-back ‘Turn the gourd to your back Let’s bring it to the back’

58. Xé á-mi o-fonyi=é mla a-má=á if 2SG-take CM-gourd=DET bring CM-back=DET ‘If you turn the gourd to the back’

59. a-lé ɔ-yɔ=ɔ i-tsɔ fiɛ 2SG-climb CM-tree=DET SM-fast exceed ‘You climb the tree faster’

Interlude with a song in Ewe 60. Yɛ a-gbi o-tsitsi dze e-tsi tsyɔɔ

CONJ CM-spider SM.SG-turn look CM-ground IDEO

yɛ ɔ-wa tɛ ã ã CONJ 3SG-say COMPL MIME ‘And spider turns and looks down and said that ‘ã ã’ (Miming)

61. “Nanɛkpa” i-vakpi=é xé ó-ló-fushi-e then CM-knowledge=DET RP SM-PRSPROG-collect-EMPH ‘Then the knowledge he is collecting,’

62. i-na kpɛ i-blɛ i-ga CM-person one SM-own SM-remain ‘that of one person has remained (uncollected)’

63. I-lɔ i-mɛ i-kpɛ (l)ɛ a-mɛ CM-word SM-this SM-eat 3SGOBJ CM-stomach ‘This news disturbed him’

64. ɛ ita tɛ A-gbi ɔ-sa nta o-fonyi=e 3SG result COMPL CM-spider SM.SG-leave hand CM-gourd=DET

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yo bu e-tsi skin fall CM-ground ‘This results in the spider leaving the gourd to fall on the ground’

65. Yɛ o-fonyi=é e-bli kpoi CONJ CM-gourd=DET SM.SG-break IDEO ‘And the gourd breaks ‘kpoi’

66. iyɛ i-tatɛ i-na-shi-na alɛ ivakpe 3SG SM-result CM-person-every-person 3PLU knowledge ‘The result is that the knowledge of everybody’

67. Yɛ i-dzu fɛ ile a-susu nu CONJ SM-return into 3SG CM-brain in ‘has returned to everybody’s brain’

68. Yɛ me-ɖu anyɛ-ɛ tɛ yɛ atsu tsi umɛ CONJ NEG-be so-EMPH COMPL CONJ 1PLU stay there ‘If this had not happened, as we stay there’

69. Te atsú pete atsú i-vakpe tɛ i-bo COND 3PLU all 3PLU CM-knowledge COMPL SM-stay

agbiglɔmɔ wa spider side ‘All our knowledge would be with spider’

70. tɛ awu ɔna xé ɔ-lɔ-yayi ivakpe COMPL 2SG person RP 3SG-PRSPROG-search knowledge ‘If you, a person, want knowledge’

71. i-botɛ á-zɔ a-gbi wá CM-REAS 2SG.FUT-go CM-spider side ‘because you go to the spider’

72. a-bɔ-ta-ɛ u-zugbó 2SG-FUT-give=3SGOBJ CM-head ‘you give him your head (plead with him)’

73. xé ɔ-ta wu i-vakpe COMPL 3SG-give 2SGOBJ CM-knowledge ‘That he gives you knowledge’

74. Yɛ n-ɖú-ba yɛ ma-fo Adɔ a-nu=é CONJ 1SG-PRSPROG-come CONJ 1SG-reach Adɔ CM-mouth=DET ‘As I was coming and I got to the mouth of River Adɔ’

75. ɔ-sa tsengo ɔ-kpi-ɛ o-tsi mɔ CM-man old AM-INDEF 3SG-sit there ‘An old man sat there’

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76. Yɛ a-tɛ ma-ba tɛ n-da wa (a)nu tɛ CONJ 3PLU-COMPL 1SG-come COMPL AM-tell say 2PLU COMPL ‘That when I come (that) I tell you that’

77. Yɛ ani-ŋu iva tɛ anu ta a-nɖa CONJ 2PLU-see thing give 2PLUOBJ to CM-one another ‘And if you have something give to your friend.’

78. Ekple i-na ɔ-kpɛ xé o-bo i-ɖiɛnu=é now CM-person CM-one RP 3SG-stay CM-world=DET

to-to susu tɛ never-never think COMPL ‘Now a single person in this world should not think that’

79. ɔ-kpe iva fiɛ =ɛ 3SG-know thing exceed=3PLUOBJ ‘he is wiser than all’

80. I-na-shi-na ó-kpe CM-person-every-person SM.SG-know

ɔ-ŋkpɛ tsibitsibitsibi CM-something small small small ‘Everybody knows small bits about something.’

81. Iyɔkplɛ xé awu ɔ-nɖa ɔ-wa wu ɔ-ŋkpi-ɛ reason if 2PLU CM-friend 3SG-say 2PLUOBJ CM-something-EMPH ‘Therefore, if your friend tells you something’

82. ta ke n-tsoe. Xé anu ivagblawo give open CM-ear If 2PLU teacher

ɔ-lɔ-gbla iva SM.SG-PRSPROG-teach thing ‘Listen to him! If your teacher is teaching’

83. Xé ɔ-wa tɛ blɔ anyɛ ta ke n-tsoe if AM-say COMPL make so give open CM-ear ‘And he gives instructions, listen to him’

84. Ɔ-na xé o-griɖi ɔmɛ ɔ-nyɔndzi-ɛ CM-person RP CM-story this 3SG-live.sweet-EMPH ‘The person who enjoys this story’

86. tɛ o-ri=ɛ fɛ n-ta loo COMPL 3SG-hold=3SGOBJ put CM-hand UFP ‘Let him hold (keep) it firmly’

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15.3 The rope and the bird

Asafo Kudjo, (Age 56) a native of Adzakoe told this story on 26tht March 2004 to pupils of Adzakoe Roman Catholic Primary school where it was recorded. The video recording is available.

Rope, bird, tortoise, tree and hunter all lived in a big forest. Bird who is the leader went to the top of the tree and sang. Rope also climbed to the top of the tree. Be-cause tortoise could not climb, he stayed under the tree. Bird sang aloud unceas-ingly to disturb the others. Tortoise called rope and asked him to advise bird to keep quiet in the forest. Bird responded that he did not mind whatever happened to anyone in the forest. One day as bird was singing the hunter heard the song. He came to the spot and shot bird, dead. As he came to pick bird, he saw tortoise and collected tortoise and tied it with rope. Bird, tortoise and rope were all taken to the hunter’s home and used as food by the hunter. 01. E-bí-tɔ E-bí-tɔ

CM-Child-PLU CM-child-PLU “Children, Children”

02. Papa! Anu ani-na loo! father 2PLU 2PLU-walk UFP “Father, (response to elderly) you are welcome”

03. Anu e-tsí-wɔ e-boo! 2PLU CM-parent-PLU SM.SG-stay “Your parents fine?”

04. i-dze ati-bí-ta ogridi wá anɖa CM-today 1PLU-FUT-give story say friend “Today, we shall tell a story to one another”

05. Xé é-lé-ta o-gridi mɛ e-te-blɔ? COND 3PLU-PRSPROG-give CM-story Q 3PLU-HAB make “If a story is being told, what should we do?”

06. E-te-gakrana kpoo! 3PLU-HAB-keep.quiet IDEO “They keep quiet”

07. Nu nu o-gridi loo! hear-IMP hear-IMP CM-story ADR “Hear story!”

08. O-gridi to ba CM-story let come “Let the story come”

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09. o-gridi o-dzi o-bó-dze a-sangbla tsú CM-story SM.SG-stand 3SG-come land CM-tortoise on ‘The story takes off and falls on tortoise’

10. o-dze o-tsú wa! 3SG-land 3SG-on IDEO ‘It falls on it wa!’

11. o-dzi tsyɔɔ yɛ o-bo-dze ɔ-ŋkpa tsu 3SG-stand long CONJ 3SG-come-land CM-rope on ‘It moves for long and falls on rope’

12. o-dze o-tsú wa! 3SG-land 3SG-on IDEO “It falls on it wa!”

13. o-dzi ó-bo-dze a-dzi tsú 3SG-stand 3SG-come-land CM-bird on ‘It moves and falls on bird’

14. o-dze o-tsú wa! 3SG-land AM-on IDEO ‘It falls on it wa!’

15. o-dzi mokoe yɛ o-bo-dze ɔ-yɔ tsu AM-stand there CONJ 3SG-come-land CM-tree on ‘It moves there and falls on the tree’

16. yɛ o-bo-dze i-vanu-kpi-wo tsú CONJ 3SG-come-land CM-bush-go-NOM on ‘and then falls on the hunter’

17. o-dze o-tsú wa! 3SG-land 3SG-on IDEO ‘It falls on it!’

18. Ye a-dzi ŋ-kpe i-va-mɛ pétée xé CONJ CM-day CM-one CM- thing-this all RP

ma-dzi u-nyi mɛ 1SG-call CM-name here ‘Then, one day all the things whose names I have called here’

19. iyɛ petee i-nya u-wa nango nango ɔ-kpɛ nu 3SG all SM-stay CM-forest big big CM-one in ‘They all stayed in a very big forest’

20. Yɛ á-petee e-ɖu e-gusa yɛ e-nya mɔ CONJ 3PLU-all 3PLU-be PLU-friend CONJ 3PLU-stay there ‘And they all were friends and stayed there.’

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21. Yɛ ibeshibenu ko é-te-fiɖa yɛ é-te-la CONJ always only 3PLU-HAB-meet CONJ 3PLU-HAB make

a-laga wa anɖa CM-speech say friend ‘always only these three friends meet and talk to one another’

22. Yɛ a-dzi ŋ-kpɛ e-be-le -fiɖa. CONJ CM-day CM-one 3PLU-come-again-meet ‘Then one day, they came and met again.’

23. Xé e-be-le -fiɖa, COND 3PLU-come-again-meet ‘When they met again’

24. a-dzi=ɛ xé o-tsi a-nu=e yɛ a-dzi=ɛ CM-bird=DET RP SM.SG-stay 3PLU-in=DET CONJ CM-bird=DET

ɔ-zɔ a-gu 3SG-go CM-top ‘The bird who is the leader and the bird went to the top’

25. Yɛ ɔ-ŋkpa yɛ ɔ-fɛ o-le ɔ-yɔ yó CONJ CM-rope CONJ 3SG-also 3SG-climb CM-tree skin

tsɔɔ zɔ a-gu IDEO go CM-top ‘Then rope also climbed the tree for long and got to the top’

26. yɛ a-sangbla yɛ ɔ-kpɔ e-tsi dɔɔ CONJ CM-tortoise CONJ SM.SG-lie CM-down IDEO

mɔ-tanyi ɔ-yɔ lé. NEG-can CM-tree climb ‘And tortoise then lay under the tree motionless; it can not climb the tree’

27. Ɔ-kple, zãa ko i-vanu-kpi-wo CM-reason for.a.while only CM-bush-go-NOM

ɔ-lɔ-ba SM.SG-PRSPROG-come ‘Because only after a while, the hunter is coming’

28. Yɛdze i-be-nu xé ɔ-lɔ-ba-a then CM-time-in RP 3SG-PRSPROG-come-EMPH ‘Then the time that he is coming’

29. yɛdze a-dzi=ɛ ɔ-lɔ-zɔ i-ku then CM-bird=DET SM.SG-PSPROG-sing CM-song ‘then the bird is singing’

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30. A-dzi-ɛ ɔ-lɔ-zɔ i-ku CM-bird-DET SM.SG-PRSPROG-sing CM-song ‘The bird is singing’

31. Yɛ a-dzi=ɛ ɔ-lɔ-zɔ i-ku CONJ CM-bird=DET SM.SG-PRSPROG-sing CM-song

ɔ-lɔ-zɔ i-ku, SM.SG-PRSPROG-sing CM-song ‘And the bird is singing, it is singing’

32. Ɔ-lɔ-zɔ i-ku. A-saŋgbla o-dzi ɔ-ŋkpa SM.SG-PRSPROG-sing CM-song CM-tortoise AM-call CM-rope,

Ɔ-ŋkpá CM-rope(IMP) ‘It is singing. Tortoise called rope: “Rope!’

33. Dá wá a-dzi o-mɛ tɛ o-gakrana” tell(IMP) say CM-bird AM-that COMPL 3SG-keep quiet ‘Tell that bird to keep quiet’

34. ɔ-ŋkpa tɛ mi-zi a-nú ɔlɛ CM-rope COMPL NEG-close CM-mouth 3SGIND ‘Rope replied that it did not mind if the bird close his mouth (stop sing ing)’

35. xé a-dzi ɔ-lɔ-zɔ i-ku=á-o RP CM-bird SM.SG-PRSPROG-sing CM-song=DET-CFP ‘if the bird was singing the song’

36. Mɛ ɔ-lɔ-dze da wa a-dzi=ɛ tɛ Q 3SG-PRSPROG-need tell say CM-bird=DET COMPL

gakrana na? keep.quiet QP ‘Why does he need to be telling bird to keep quiet?’

37. Ɔ-lɔ-mo-da wɔ=ɛ i-ku ko 3SG-PSPROG-NEG-tell say=3SGOBJ CM-song only

ɔ-lɔ-zɔ 3SG-PRSPROG-sing ‘He is not telling him. Meanwhile, the singing continues’

38. Ɛ-tsu, i-ku ko i-li-zɔ 3SGOBJ-on CM-song only 3SG-PRSPROG-sing

iyɛ-tsu, tsyɔɔ 3SG-on for long ‘It continues, only the song continues unceasingly’

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39. Ko i-vanu-kpi-wo=é ó-nu i-ku=é only CM-bush-go-NOM=DET SM.SG-hear CM-song=DET ‘Suddenly, the hunter heard the song’

40. Ko ã i-nɔ yayi me ɔ-zɔ only INTJ(surprise) CM-meat search here 3SG-go ‘Only ah! meat is what he searches for here’

41. Yoo yɛ o-mi i-ku=é vui pétépété OK CONJ 3SG-take CM-song=DET stop all all

ko fini doɖu only blast out.down ‘OK, it takes up a tune and stop all the singing, it rather blasted it down’

42. Ó-ri i-mɛ ó-mi ka, ó-ri i-mɛ 3SG-hold AM-this 3SG-take put.down 3SG-hold AM-this

o-mi ka, 3SG-take put.down ‘It takes this tune and puts it down, it takes this tune, puts it down’

43. Ó-mi ka ã i-vanukpiwo=é 3SG-take put.down INTJ CM-hunter=DET ‘Puts it down Ah! As for the hunter’

44. o-lɔ-ɔ i-nɔ ɔ-lɔ-yayi 3SG-as for him-EMPH CM-meat 3SG-PRSPROG search ‘it is meat that he is searching for’

45. Iyɔ-kple ɔ-zɔ xé o-nu i-ku=é ko yɛ CM-reason 3SG-go when 3SG-hear CM-song=DET only and ‘That is why as soon as he heard the song’

46. o-dze i-ku=é ɔ-gba-má tsi 3SG-start CM-song=DET CM-road-back stay ‘He starts to trace where the song was coming from’

47. Yɛ o-dze i-ku=é o-gba-má dɔ ko-e CONJ 3SG-start CM-song=DET CM-road-back follow only-EMPH

to-bo dze let-come see ‘As he started to follow the direction of the song; come and see’

48. O! a-dzi nango nango mɛ yɛ ó-le ɔ-yɔ tsú EXC CM-bird big big this CONJ 3SG-be CM-tree on ‘Oh! This big big bird is on a tree’

49. Yɛ ɔ-lɔ-zɔ i-ku ɖukpatsi i-mɛ, o-vananie CONJ AM-PRSPROG-sing CM-song fine CM-this CM-something

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xé o-le ɔ-yɔ tsu=e RP 3SG-be CM-tree on=DET ‘Then singing a fine song; this thing on the tree ‘

50. To-nu kpoi!! E-tsi ʋim yɛ o-lenta o-sé let-hear IDEO CM-ground IDEO CONJ 3SG-fall 3SG-cease ‘Hear the noise; the ground it fell at once. That is the end’

51. Nta le, yɛ i-vanukpiwo=e yɛ ɔ-zɔ fall(JUXT) CONJ CM-hunter=DET CONJ SM.SG-go ‘It fell! and the hunter went’

52. tɛ o-lo-kpi zí a-dzi=e COMPL 3SG-PRSPROG-go lift CM-bird=DET ‘that he is going to lift the bird’

53. A-dzi=é xé o-zí-e, to-dze ko CM-bird=DET RP 3SG-lift=3SGOBJ let-see only

a-saŋgbla he CM-tortoise this ‘As he took the bird he noticed that there was tortoise’

54. xé ɔ-kpɔ ɔ-yɔ e-tsi RP 3SG-lie CM-tree CM-ground ‘Which lay under the tree’

55. O! O! mɛ ani nɛnu tɛ ɔ-blɔ? EXCL Q 2PLU believe COMPL 3SG-make ‘Oh! Oh! What do you believe that he would do?

O-zǐ-e kaba 3SG-lift.up=3SGOBJ immediately He lift it up immediately’

56. A-saŋgbla=a xé o-zi lɛ mɛ tɛ blɔ? CM-tortoise=DET RP 3SG-lift 3SGOBJ Q COMPL make ‘The tortoise that he took what should he do?’

57. E-ta fɛ le ɔ-ŋkpa. Iyɛ n-ɖú 3PLU-give put 3SGOBJ CM-rope CM-and 1SG-PSPROG

wa wú mɛ say 2PLU this ‘They would tie it with rope. What I am telling you’

58. E-ri ɔ-ŋkpa vlɔ ɔ-yɔ yó tsyiãa 3PLU-hold CM-rope IDEO CM-tree skin IDEO

yɛ o-zi a-saŋgbla CONJ 3SG-lift CM-tortoise ‘They held rope ‘vlɔ’ from the tree at once and took tortoise’

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59. Ó-le amá yɛ ó-mi ɔ-ŋkpa é-mi fɛ, 3SG-be back CONJ 3SG-take CM-rope 3PLU-take put

a-dzi=ɛ fɛ CM-bird=DET also ‘After this he took rope and tortoise also’

60. ɔ-ŋkpa fɛ a-petee i-vanu-kpi-wo=e CM-rope also 3PLU-all CM-bush-go-NOM=DET

alɛ a-fanu yrom 3SGIND CM-house IDEO ‘Rope also; all ended up in the hunter’s home “yrom!”’

61. Xé i-fo u-ɖobe a-dzi=é fɛ, CONJ 3SG-reach CM-afternoon CM-bird=DET also

a-saŋgbla=a fɛ CM-tortoise=DET also ‘In the afternoon, the bird also, tortoise also’

62. Yɛ e-mi fɛ futsú a-sɔ nu CONJ 3PLU-take put soup CM-pot in ‘They put them in a soup pot’

63. Xé n-ɖú-ba-a u-dzɛ tsengo ɔ-kpɛ as 1SG-PRSPROG-come-CFM CM-woman old CM-one ‘As I am coming, an old woman’

64. xé ó-bo anú suku o-kpo=é tsú mɛ RP SM.SG-stay 2PLU school CM-compund=DET on this ‘Who stays on this your school compound’

65. Xé ɔ-wa-m yɛ ɔ-wa-m tɛ RP 3SG-say-1SGOBJ CONJ 3SG-say-1SGOBJ COMPL

xé ma-ba mɛ COND 1SG-come here ‘Who has told me; and she asks me that when I come here’

66. Ta anu e-bí-tɔ xé ani-bo xé give 2PLU CM-child-PLU RP 2PLU stay RP

ani-mi-bubu iva 2PLU NEG-respect thing ‘Give your children who do not respect anything’

67. xé anú e-tsi-wa e-le-wa nu RP 2SGIND CM-parent-PLU SM.PLU-PSPROG-say 2PLUOBJ ‘Which your parents are telling you’

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68. tɛ tó-ló-blɔ-nu anyɛ xé ani mi nú COMPL never-PRSPROG-make-NEG so COND 2PLU NEG hear ‘That never do that so when you do not hear’

69. xé e-tsú50 ko ani-tsi xé ani-ti-blɔ that 3SG-on only 2PLU-stay RP 2PLU-HAB-make ‘That you still continue what you do’

70. tɛ ma-mi ka anu a-nyi-nu tɛ dzi kpanɛ tsú COMPL 1SG-take put 2PLU CM-face-in COMPL from now on ‘That I should bring it before you that from now on’

71. Xé a-blɔ ɔ-ŋkpɛ yɛ awu tsi ɔ-wa if 2SG-make CM-one CONJ 2PLU father 3SG-say ‘If you do something and your father says’

72. tɛ ɔ-tɔ-lɔ-blɔ ko-e COMPL 3SG-never-PRSPROG-make only-EMPH ‘You should stop that’

73. Mɛ i-botɛ ani-blɔ i-botɛ ta Q CM-REAS 2PLU-make CM-REAS give

nu nu-é 2PLUOBJ hear=3SGOBJ ‘What should you do? You have to hear what he says’

74. tɛ anu vui blɔ COMPL 2PLUIND stop make ‘That you stop’

75. anu anɖakame xé a-lɔ-blɔ ɔ-ŋkpɛ 2PLU neighbour if 2SG-PRSPROG-make CM-one

yɛ ɔ-wa wu CONJ 3SG-say 2SGOBJ ‘Each one of you, if you are doing something and you are told’

76. tɛ tɔ-lɔ-blɔ ko ta nu vui blɔ COMPL never-PRSPROG-make only give 2PLU stop make

ko ta nu vui blɔ only give 2PLU stop make ‘that never do what you are doing then stop what you are doing’

77. Yɛ a-briwa yɛ ɔ-wa-m tɛ xé CONJ CM-old lady CONJ 3SG-say-1SGOBJ COMPL when

50 iyɛ-tsú

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ma-fo-e 1SG reach-CFM ‘And an old lady told me that when I reach here’

78. tɛ n-da wá nu u-dantsi mɛ tɛ COMPL 1SG-tell say 2PLU CM-morning this COMPL

i-nya nu nu tsi-e CM-own hear 2PLU down-CFM ‘that I tell you this morning to the level of your understanding.’

79. tɛ ani rí-é fɛ nta loo. let 2PLU hold=3SGOBJ put hand UFP. ‘Take it seriously!’

Yoo a-nyitse OK CM-thanks ‘OK thanks.’

15.4 Proverbs

Proverbs are witty sayings which are taken to mean something more than the os-tensible form. Normally, proverbs are understood when they are related to the context of use. These proverbs were collected on different occassions during the entire period of my fieldwork in Logba. I have to acknowledge the contribution of Asafo Kudjo (Aged 56) who assisted greatly in the collection of these proverbs. 01. A-lo-yó i-mutsi nu i-yó 2SG-PRSPROG-dance CM-barn in CM-dance ‘You are dancing inside a barn’

02. E-bitsi klɔyi ó-ló-la nta anú alɛ yó CM-child small SM.SG-PRSPROG-beat hand mouth 3PLU skin

‘A child shouts according to the size of his mouth’

03. U-bi o-tso a-vu kpó mo-ó-tso i-lɔ nango CM-child SM.SG-cut CM-food big NEG-3SG-cut CM-word big ‘A child that eats large morsels of food should exercise caution in speech’

04. A-bó-zi a-sɔ drui lo! 2SG-FUT-lift CM-pot red ADR

‘You should be careful not to say the unmentionable’

05. U-bí mo-ó-zi a-dzi o-do CM-child NEG-3SG-pluck CM-bird AM-feather

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mi-í-gbla o-nukpa tsi NEG-3SG-teach CM-old.man on

‘A child does not pluck a bird’s feather to show to the elderly’

06. A-ló-zí-iva u-menta a-má 2SG-PRSPROG-cook-thing CM-salt AM-back ‘You are cooking food without salt’You are doing something for which an important person who should be present is absent’

07. I-dzɔ-wasa anyi-nu i-dzɔ i-ŋú bé CM-yam-owner face-in CM-yam SM-see well.cooked ‘Yam gets well-cooked in the presence of the owner’

08. Ɔ-babie ó-le o-vodzo CM-small ɔba.tree 3SG-be CM-ovodzo ‘The small tree resembles the ɔba tree’ (The person being talked about is coming)

09. Kɔku-te-m Kɔku- close-1SGOBJ ‘Kɔku is closing in on us’ (The person being talked about is coming)

10. A-ha ɛ-bɛlɛ mo-ó-kpali-e CM-people 3PLU-clear.forest NEG-3SG-collect=3SGOBJ ‘When many people clear the forest, one person alone should not collect the cuttings’

11. Iva wasa mo-ó-wá ɛ xé a-wá o thing owner NEG-3SG-say Yes then 2SG-AM-say No ‘The owner of a thing will not say yes then another person will say no’

12. Dzosú o-tsi a-men fɛ e-tsú a-tsɔlí blood 3SG-stay.in CM-stomach also 3PLU-spit CM-spittle ‘Blood is in a person’s mouth but we spit out spittle’

13. A-gbɛ ko ó-dzu i-na-má yɛ CM-dog only SM.SG-return CM-person- back CONJ

e-ŋu-kanyi 3PLU-see-light ‘It is only a dog that abandons a person and it shows clearly’

14. Bá mo-o-nya ɔ-ŋkpa yó gift NEG-3SG-stay CM-rope skin ‘There is no condition attached to anything that is given for free’

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15. Gblaga51 tɛ a-wɔ mo-o-fe i-ndzíba gblaga say CM-snake NEG-3SG-wear CM-bead ‘Gblaga says that a snake does not wear beads’

16. Me-zi-wu ye awu fɛ á-lo-zi 1SG-carry-2SGOBJ CONJ 2SG also 2SG-PRSPROG-carry i-na CM-person ‘I carry you and you are also carrying someone’

17. Dze-me tɛ am-fɛ n-dze-me look-here COMPL 1SG-also 1SG-look-here

i-ti-gbla o-gba SM-HAB-teach CM-path ‘We find the path if you look here and I also look here’

18. N-tɔ mo-ó-dzú i-nfieyi a-dzisiadzi CM-Ash NEG-3SG-become CM-sand CM-everyday ‘Ash can never become sand’

19. M-mua mo-o-sé ɔ-gɔ tsú CM-Flour NEG-3SG-finish CM-grinding stone on ‘Flour never gets finished on the grinding stone’

20. I-n(a)-ɔsa mo-o-vɔ u-botsú CM-person.male NEG-3SG-fea CM-dew ‘A man does not fear dew’

21. Agbɛ tɛ ó-ló-mo-o-du a-nú CM-dog say 3SG-PRSPROG-NEG-3SG-be.sick CM-mouth

o-du CM-sickness ‘The dog says it is not attacked with ‘mouth-sickness’

22. O-gbá kisayi mo-o-vé u-bɔme yó CM-road long NEG-3SG-pass CM-town skin ‘A long road does not pass by a town’

23. Xé a-ŋu awu o-ɖankame zugbo COND 2SG-see 2SGIND CM-neighbour head

o-dzɔgbe-e ta dzu awú-blɛ fɛ (u)wa CM-grassland-CFM let return 2SGIND-own put.in forest ‘If you see your neghbour’s head in the grassland, you hide yours in the forest’

51 Gblaga is the name of a person to whom the saying is attributed.

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24. Antɛnyi tɛ mkpɔnyi mo-ó-ma olɛ fɛ earthworm COMPL eye NEG-3SG-have 3SGIND also

o-to-kpe a-fa-gba SM.SG-HAB-know CM-house-path ‘Earthworm says that even without eyes it knows the way home’

25. Ati-trɔ i-ɖu fɛ ati-lí-gbe 1PLU-carry CM-gunpowder also 1PLU-PRSPROG-smoke

a-tamá CM-tobacco

‘We carry gunpowder yet we are smoking tobacco’

26. Xé a-mo-kpé tenyi-é taá kpé kla COND 2SG-NEG-know run-CFM should know hide ‘If you do not know how to escape you should know how to hide’

27. Tó dze a-gádzá m-kpɔnyí tɛ ɔ-yɔtsí never see CM-crab CM-eye say CM-stick ‘Never see crab’s eyes like a stick’

28. A-nkɔ tɛ ɔ-lɔ-kpɔ a-tsa nu fɛ CM-hen COMPL SM.SG-PRSPROG-lie CM-coop in also

ɔlɛ u-vi=é ɔ-kpɔ onyui 3SG CM- tail=DET SMSG-lie outside ‘The hen says it is lying in the coop but its tail lies outside’

29. A-gadza tɛ ɔ-nɖa ɔ-kplɛ u-zugbó CM-crab COMPL CM-friendship CM-reason CM-head mo-ó-nyá-nu olɛ NEG-3SG-stay-NEG 3SG ‘The crab says because of friendship he has no head’

30. Iyɛ blɔ-wo=e mo-ó-kpé nu-e 3SG make-owner=DET NEG-3SG-eat NEG=3SGOBJ ‘He who makes it does not benefit from what he has made’

31. Mɛ-ɛ-gɔ m-mua dovu e-tsí NEG-3PLU-grind CM-flour pour.out CM-ground ‘One does not grind flour and pour it on the ground’

32. I-ló mi-í-kla i-yó-gu a-sɔ CM-testis NEG-SM-hide CM-skin-wash CM-pot ‘The testis is not hidden from the pot used for bathing’

33. O-dzú mo-ó-kpali lé u-kpó CM-river NEG-SM-flow climb CM-mountan ‘A river cannot flow climbing a mountan’

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34. Ina xé a-wɔ ɔ-kpi-ɛ person RP CM-snake SM.SG-eat-CFM

ɔ-tsɔ-bama ta a-ntenyi 3SG-HAB-fear give CM-earthworm

‘A person who a snake bites fears earthworm’

35. A-bu-dzɛ tɛ o-kunyie i-zitawo-e CM-nanny-goat COMPL CM-place SM-be.suitable-CFM

ó-mi i-fli=e na 3SG-take CM-white=DET on ‘The nanny-goat says the place that suits her there she puts the white mark’

36. A-gadza tɛ xé a-lo-dze ole vutsi CM-crab say COND 2SG-PRSPROG-look 3SGIND hole

nu-e o-kpaya fɛ ó-ló-dze awu o-kunu in-CFM CM-God also 3SG-PRSPROG-look 2SGIND CM-anus

‘The crab says if you look into its hole, God also looks into your anus’

37. Dze a-fá-wá look CM-home-place

‘Look homewards’

38. Zá e-bleta tɛ n-zá a-tukpata yɛ row CM-left COMPL 1SGPRSPROG-row CM-right CONJ

o-dzutsúklo o-to-mi zɔ itɛ CM-boat 3SG-HAB-take go front

‘Row left and I row right makes the boat to move forward’

39. Xé a-ló-glui ɔ-yɔ e-tsie in(a)-ɔkpɛ COND 2SG-PRSPROG-dig CM-tree CM-under person-one

ó-ló-kpitsi=é a-gu 3SG-PRSPROG-pluck=3SGOBJ CM-top

‘When you are digging under a tree someone is plucking above’

40. I-mɔ-nu iva kpɛ ɔ-hlɔyí-nu iva kpoyi ikpɛ CM-neck-in thing CONJ CM-throat-in thing all one

‘The thing used for the neck and the one used for the throat are all one

41. A-hoaintsa a-tɛ i-tɛ fɛ i-ná a-má CM-chameleon 3PLU-say CM-front also CM-walk CM-back

fɛ i-ná also CM-walk

‘Chameleon says movement is both forward and backwards’

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42. Ɔ-dza yó tsi-wo=e blɛ i-da be CM-fire skin stay-owner=DET own CM-ahead well.cooked

‘The thing that belongs to the person close to the fire is well cooked ahead of the others’

43. A-klua mo-o-le ŋ-gbɔ CM-insult NEG-SM.SG-be CM-rough.marks.on.skin

‘Insult does not result in rough marks on the skin’

44. Xé ina-nyɔ e-ké-e ina-nyɔ COND person-two 3PLU-set.trap=3SGOBJ person-two

e-dzé=e 3PLU-see=3SGOBJ

‘If two people set trap for a thing, the two go to see the trap’

45. To-dze o-kunyie a-kpɔ boŋu dze o-kunyie a-kpitá never-see CM-place 2SG-lie rather see CM-place 2SG-stumble

‘Never watch the place you have fallen look for the place you have stumbled’

46. Xé awu nta-ma inyɔ-wu ɔndzi tsɔɔ fɛ COND 2SGIND palm-back sweet-2SG sweet long also mi-i-ɖu batɛ awu ntubɔ nu

NEG-3SG-be like 2SGIND palm in ‘However sweet the back of your palm is it will not be equal to the sweetness of the front of your palm’

47. Ina=á xé o-fó-wu-e ó-ke person=DET RP 3SG-wash-2SGOBJ-CFM 3SG-be.exact

o-bá-la-wú i-vi 3SG-FUT-make-2SG CM-dirt ‘The person who cleans you is the same person to make you dirty’

48. A-zuzɔ tɛ mekoe fɛ o-dzuama mɔkoe CM-housefly say here also CM-waterback there

fɛ o-dzuama also CM-water.back ‘Housefly says, here is also waterback, there is also waterback’

49. E-ŋgble tɛ ó-ló-mo-ɖu-nu a-bue xé CM-snail say 3SG-PRSPROG-NEG-be-NEG CM-animal RP

o-ri iva dzue ó-ló-le atsá 3SG-hold thing but 3SG-PRSPROG-be horn ‘Snail says it is not a wild animal but it has a horn’

50. A-ko tɛ e-vianŋgba yɛ ɔlɔ-tɔ-kpɛ a-bɛ CM-parrot say CM-noon CONJ LOG-HAB-eat CM-palmfruit ‘Parrot says it is noon that it eats palmfruit’

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51. Mi-zɔ mi-zɔ mi-i-nya zɔ-tsi take-sing take-sing NEG-3SG-stay sing-HAB ‘It is not easy to sing if one is called suddenly to sing’

52. O-pete mɔ-ɔ-blɔ u-zugbó-kpa-go a-va CM-vulture NEG-SM.SG-make CM-head-shave-NOM CM-medicine ‘Vulture does not prepare a medicine that prevents baldness for someone’

53. To mi awú bu-me dzú awú kpɔme never take 2SGIND fall-LOC become 2SGIND home ‘Never take the place that you fall to be your home’

54. Ɔ-kpɔnyi ó-bli fɛ i-nyui i-tsi o-nu CM-eye SM.SG-break also CM-sleep SM-in 3SG-in ‘Though the eye cannot see, there is sleep in it’

55. Mi-í-bu-nu-e mi-í-klu-a NEG-3SG-rotten-NEG-CFM NEG-3SG-smell-PART ‘If it does not get rotten, it does not smell’

56. Xé i-fie a-gbashi-e a-kpa e-te-zi=e COND 3SG-exceed CM-arm-CFM CM-foot 3PLU-HAB-take=3SGOB If it is more than the arm, it is the foot that carries it’

57. O-kunkpɛ é-susu ka i-dzi vɔ CM-place.one SM.PLU-urinate put 3SG-stand foam ‘It is one place we urinate for the urine to foam’

58. I-ntse i-bo a-fá i-bo u-wá fɛ CM-strength SM-stay CM-home AM-stay CM-forest also

‘Strength is at home and abroad also’

59. M(a)-á-blɔ m(a)-á-blɔ mo-ó-blɔ 1SG-FUT-make 1SG-FUT-make NEG-3SG-make

‘Postponing things that one should do does not make the thing to be done’

60. I-yó-yó-me u-kunku i-ti-fiɖa CM-dance-dance-LOC CM-elbow SM-HAB-meet

‘It is at the dancing place that elbow meets elbow’

61. I-dzɔ i-tsitsi-go kpɛ iyɛ i-ntse CM-yam SM-move-NOM CONJ 3SGIND CM-strength

‘The movement of yam and its strength’

62. Mɛ-ɛ-fɛ n-ta i-na mángo u-kpo-nu NEG-3PLU-put.in CM-hand CM-person different CM-coop-in

bú e-bú ask 3PLU-ask ‘Never put your hand in another person’s coop, you should ask’

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63 A-zuzɔ fɛ alɛ blɔ-mɛ i-bo CM-housefly also 3PLU make-LOC SM-stay ‘Houseflies also have their importance’

64. Mé-é-nyá u-ha-nu u-ha o-tsoe é-nyá NEG-3PLU-stay CM-group-in CM-group CM-ear 3PLU-stay ‘Never stay in a group, we stay at the fringes’

65. O-glui o-tsi i-súsɔ nu CM-mouse SM.SG-stay.in CM-thatch in

‘There is mouse in the thatch roofing’

66. U-dzi-gbo ma-á-fífí CM-broom-bunch NEG-FUT-break

‘A bunch of broom never breaks’

67. Xé i-kisa tsɔɔ fɛ o-zúme COND 3SG-become.long for.long also CM-tommorow

ko e-dzi only 3PLU-call ‘However distant the time is, we say it is tommorow’

68. A-saŋgbla ŋu-me e-ɖu alɛ dze-me CM-tortoise see-LOC 3PLU-be 3PLUIND look-LOC

‘The place tortoise is seen is where it is found’

69. A-va gbali fɛ wo o-da nɔ CM-medicine bad put.in owner SM.SG-lead drink

‘The owner of bad medicine should drink first’

70. Xé i-ɖi mi-í-mu-nu-e COND CM-atmosphere NEG-SM-be.dark-NEG-CFM

i-ɖi mi-í-wa CM-atmosphere NEG-SM-open.up

‘If night does not fall, day will not break’

71. E-tsí a-fá zɔ ɔ-kplɛ ati-mi-kpɔ inyui ló CM-ground CM-home go CM-reason 1PLU-NEG-lie sleep PART Is it because of going home under the ground that we are not going to sleep?’

72. Xé á-tɛ a-ɖú ina kpe-wo=e52 COND 3PLU-say 2SG-be person eat-owner=DET

me-te-dzí iva NEG-HAB-call thing ‘If they say that you are a witch, you do not swear’

52 A person who eats human flesh

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73. Ódzú-nu-kpí-wo ole o-to-blí a-sɔ river-in-go-owner 3SG 3SG-HAB-break CM-pot ‘It is the person that goes to river for water who breaks pot’

74. O-dró-yó n-ɖú=e e-mí za=e(ze) CM-elephant-skin CM-water=DET 3PLU-take cook=3SGOBJ ‘It is the water that comes when steaming elephant meat that is used in its cooking’

75. A-bukpa o-ɖa mɛ mɛ fɛ mo-o-fiɛ o-fui CM-shoulder 3SG-big great great also NEG-3SG-exceed CM-thigh ‘However big a shoulder is, it cannot be bigger than the thigh’

76. Mo-o-shibi ɔ-dzá dze ina=a xé a-kpe NEG-3SG-light CM-fire look person=DET RP 2SG-know

e-viangba a-nyi-nu a-tsí CM-noon CM-face-in CM-night

‘One should not light fire in the night to look at the face of a person you know in the day’

77. U-zugbo mo-o-trɔ (mo-o-zi) i-mɔ CM-head NEG-3SG-carry (NEG-3SG-lift.up) CM-neck

‘The head does not carry the neck’

78. U-zugbó ɔ-kpɛ mo-o-blɔ a-ɖaŋu CM-head AM-one NEG-SMSG-make CM-advice

‘One head is not used in taking a decision’

79. A-bobi o-to-klé fiɛ a-táwalibi CM-moon 3SG-HAB-shines exceed CM-stars ‘The moon shines brighter than the stars’

80. I-na gblɛlɛ a-ɖaŋu i-zi CM-person many CM-advice SM-good

fiɛ i-na ɔ-kpɛ exceed CM-person AM-one ‘The advice of many people is better than the advice of one person’

81. Ŋ-kpɔnyi n-nyɔ mi-i-dze a-bɔɖiabɔ nu CM-eye AM-two NEG.SM.look CM-bottle in ‘You cannot use two eyes to see in one bottle’

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15.5 Riddles

The recording was done on 3rd June 2006 in Alakpeti E. P. Chapel. A group from Tota comprising Prosper Howusu, Prosper Akom, Festus Howusu and Godsway Howusu took active part in the competition. Riddle or adzo as it is called is a form of recreation. The same term is used in Ewe and both languages have the same procedure of performance. In Ga, nsra is the term used. However, the performance in Logba is almost the same as in Ga and Ewe. For example in Ga the one telling the riddle says Ajenuloo and the audience responds Ajembaa (see Dakubu 1981) while in Ewe, it is Adzo loo and the re-sponse is Adzo neva. Telling riddles is a learning situation for the people especially the young ones. It is in situations like this that children are informally exposed to the norms of speaking in a group, how concepts are described concisely and the ability in these brainstorming sessions to figure out what these descriptions refer to. In addition, it is to inform the child of the riddles in the community so that he will also be able to tell it to other people on another occassion. In a riddle telling competition, there are two teams; one sits facing the other. The distance between the teams is about one meter. One of the contestants (A) takes the floor and announces that he is going to present a riddle to the opposing team. A member of the opposing team, (B) responds by saying that the riddle should come as below:

A: Adzo loo B: Adzo tá ɔ-ba riddle ADR riddle let 3SG-come ‘Riddle’ ‘ Let riddle come’

After telling the riddle, answers are offered by members. A member of the team, (C) offers an answer to the riddle and (A) either accepts the answer as correct or rejects it as incorrect. This is shown below:

A I-lɔ mi-dzu nu-ɛ ɔ-sá ɔ-mɛ mɔ-hua? CM-word NEG-arrive NEG-CFM CM-man AM-this NEG-move Q ‘Trouble does not come, doesn’t this man move?’

C U-kú nango A Iyɛ o-nyi CM-drum big 3SG(IND) 3SG-be.it ‘Big drum’ ‘That is the answer’

When the answer is not correct, the opportunity is given for other persons to make attempts. It could be a person from the team or any other person outside it. If all the people present are unable to get the correct answer, the riddle is then referred to the one who tells it to offer the right answer. Normally, he gives the answer by explaining why the riddle should have such an answer (meaning). This is shown in the example below:

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A Iva i-kpɛ i-bò tɛ mi-i-ɖu iyi-ɛ thing 3SG-one 3SG-stay COMPL NEG-3SG-be 3SGIND-CFM

tɛ i-na mo-o-kpe tɛ COMPL CM-person NEG-3SG-know COMPL

i-ɖi i-wa CM-day 3SG-break ‘There is something if it were not there no one will know the time day breaks’

B: Sɔleme iɖá A: Oo ‘church bell’ No

C: Eví A: Ao ‘sun’ ‘No’

D: Ankɔ A: Ankɔ ɔmɔá ‘fowl’ ‘Which fowl’

E. Ankɔsá A: Iyɛ nyi ‘cock’ ‘That’s it’

The riddles collected in Logba and their correct responses are below.

01a. U-dze ɔ-mɛ o-gu i-yó sé o-vé CM-woman 3SG-this 3SG-wash CM-skin finish 3SG-pass

fɛ ɔ-bà-n into CM-mud-in ‘This woman has finished bathing but has got into mud’

01b. Agadza ‘Crab’

02a. Am-tsi o-do u-tsá ɔ-mɛ tá-ma-a 1SG-father 3SG-build CM-house 3SG-this give-1SGOBJ-CFM

fesre kpɛ u-zi sɔŋsɔŋ window CONJ CM-door many(IDEO) ‘My father has built this house for me, it’s only windows and doors’

02b. Afie ‘sieve’

03a Am-tsi ɔ-nɛ a-fúta a-mɛ tá-ma-a 1SG-father 3SG-buy CM-cloth 3SG-this give-1SGOBJ-CFM

ma-n-tanyi a-gbá 1SG-NEG-can 3SG-cover ‘My father bought this cloth for me but I could not wear it’

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03b. Uklo ‘lorry’

04a. U-dzɛ ɔ-mɛ mo-o-kpi o-dzu-n dzue n-ɖú CM-woman 3SG-this NEG-3SG-go CM-river-in but CM-water

n-tsi o-tanki=e nu SM-stay CM-tank=DET in ‘This woman has not been to the riverside for water but there is water in her tank’

04b. Yovune ‘coconut’

05a. N-du-zɔ-a m-bo drui yɛ 1SG-PRSPROG-go-CFM 1SG-stay red CONJ

n-du-ba-a m-bo fli 1SG-PRSPROG-come-CFM 1SG-stay white ‘When going I am red, when coming I am white’

05b. Indubi kpɛ ete ‘tongue and teeth’

06a. N-dú-zɔ u-bo-nu-e a-ha á-mɛ 1SG-PRSPROG-go CM-farm-CFM 3PLU-person 3PLU-this

a-la-blɔ-m ‘bye bye’ 3PLU-PRSPROG-make-1SGOBJ bye bye ‘I am going to the farm, these people are waving me’

06b. Agbeɖiodo ‘cassava leaf’

07a. Yɛ tɛ mi-i-ɖu u-tsa ɔ-mɛ tɛ COND COMPL NEG-3SG-be CM-building 3SG-this COMPL

ma-ŋu a-blotsi 1SG-see CM-overseas If it were not this building, I should have travelled overseas’

07b. Uvu ‘stomach’

08a. Am-tsi ɔ-nɛ a-bue ɔ-mɛ tá-m 1SG-father 3SG-buy CM-animal 3SG-this give-1SGOBJ

a-tɛ n-lá nta o-tsúe-n dzue ma-n-tanyi 3PLU-ask 1SG-beat hand CM-ear-in but 1SG-NEG-can ‘My father bought me this animal, he asked me to slap it but I could not’

08b. Abɛ zugbo ‘a bunch of palm fruit’

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09a. O-nukpa ɔ-mɛ o-ku i-sikpi=e i-li-bo CM-chief 3SG-this 3SG-die CM-ring=DET SM-again-stay ‘This chief has died, the rings are still there’

09b. Aklando ‘centipede’

10a. Ɔ-sálokpoto ɔ-mɛ ɔ-sa a-fúta CM-smallish.man AM-this 3SG-cover CM-cloth

fɛ tso o-dzú on cross CM-river ‘This smallish man put on cloth to cross the river’

10b. Asaŋgbla tortoise

11a. Ɔ-salokpoto ɔ-mɛ ɔ-glɛ i-ɖa a-wu. CM-smallish.man 3SG-this 3SG-tie CM-metal CM-dress ‘This smallish man put on a metal dress’

11b Abiku ‘palm kernel’

12a. Aha a-nyɔ a-ye ɔ-gba yó nyangbo people AM-two 3PLU-stand CM-road skin rain ɔ-lɔ-lá ɔ-kpɛ mɔ-ɔ-lɔ-lá ɔ-kpɛ 3SG-PRSPROG-beat AM-one NEG-3SG-PRSPROG-beat AM-one ‘Two people are standing by the road side rain beats one but not the other one.’

12b. Amewasa ‘pregnant woman’

13a. Yɛ n-dú-zɔ-a ma-blɔ fli COND 1SG-PRSPROG-go-CFM 1SG-make white

yɛ n-dú-ba-a ma-blɔ drui COND 1SG-PRSPROG-come-CFM 1SG-make red ‘If I am going I am white, if I am coming, I am red’

13b. Abolo ‘corn flour bread’

14a. I-va-flɛ-go i-kpɛ i-bo a-tɛ CM-thing-fly-NOM AM-one SM.SG-stay 3PLU-say

ɔ-lɔ-tsɔ-blɔ ɪnyɛɪnyɛ iva dzue ɔlɛ futsú=e 3SG-PRSPROG-make filthy thing but 3SG soup=DET

ɔ-bɔndzi 3SG-tasty ‘There is a fly which they say it makes things filthy but it makes soup tasty’

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14b. Ankɔ ‘fowl’

15a U-dzɛ ɔ-mɛ ɔ-blɔ n-trɔ=a gblayii CM-woman AM-this 3SG-make CM-breast=DET hanging ‘This woman makes her breast hanging loosely’

15b. Bafunuba ‘pawpaw’

16a. U-dzɛ ɔ-mɛ o-tsi o-ke o-yó ka CM-woman AM-this SM.SG-stay 3SG-open 3SG-skin put ‘This woman sits and opens herself down’

16b. Atrui ‘hearth’

17a. A-nansa ɔ-mɛ o-bo u-tsá-n dzue CM-old.man AM-this SM.SG-stay CM-toom-in but

i-dzi=e i-bo ɔ-dzɔgbɛ CM-beard=DET SM-stay CM-outside ‘This oldman is indoors but his beard is outside’

17b. Umushi ‘smoke’

18a. Iva i-mɛ i-bo i-tanyi ɔ-gbɔ=a thing AM-this SM-stay SM-can CM-town=DET

petee iva-kpɛ-go tá all thing-food-NOM give ‘There is a thing that can give food to the whole town’

18b. Abobí ‘moon’

19a. Ɔ-gbɔ=a petee o-ku a-vla-a ɖanka CM-town=DET all SM.SG-die 3PLU-bury-3PLU coffin

ɔ-kpɛ nu AM-one in ‘The whole town is dead, they bury them in one coffin’

19b. Matsesi ‘matches’

20a. Iva i-kpɪɛ i-bo i-kisa i-tanyi Thing AM-INDEF SM-stay SM-long SM--can

aha petee zi people all carry ‘There is something that is long; it can carry all people’

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20b. Iyanuklo aeroplane

21a. U-dzɛ ɔ-mɛ o-gu i-yó o-do CM-woman AM-this SM.SG-wash CM-body 3SG-come.out

ɔ-fa-n kpɛ i-nɖu CM-house-in with CM-tear ‘This woman has bathed and came out with tears’

21b. Ɔtswɛnsa ‘sponge’

22a. U-kun-kpɛ i-bo xɛ a-ve fɛ u-mɔa CM-place.one SM-stay COND 3PLU-pass into LOC-there

a-dze i-ɖawa dzue xé a-do-e 3PLU-contract CM-madness but COND 3PLU-come.out-CFM

i-ɖawa i-kɔ-wu CM-madness SM-get.over-2SGOBJ ‘There is a place if you enter, you will become mad but if you come out you will be healed of the madness’

22b. Ɔfánu ‘bath room’

23a. Iva i-kpɛ i-bo xé n-du-zɔ thing AM-one SM-stay COND 1SG-PRSPROG-go

u-kun-kpi-ɛ xé ma-dzi-ni-e fɛ CM-place-one-CFM COND 1SG-call-NEG=3SGOBJ also

i-dɔ-m ɔ-gba-ma SM-follow-1SGOBJ CM-road-back ‘There is something, if I am going somewhere and I do not call it too it follows me’

23b. Vɔvɔli ‘shadow’

24a. Ma-dzi ma-dzi-wú 1SG-stand 1SG-call-2SGOBJ-Q ‘I stand, have I called you?’

24b. Vɔvɔli ‘shadow’

25a. Ma-ŋu ɔ-gbɔ ɔ-mɛ nu dzuɛ ma-n-tanyi o-nu kpi 1SG-see CM-town 3SG-this in but 1SG-NEG-can 3SG-in go ‘I have seen this town but I can not go into it’

25b. Amɛn ‘stomach’

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26a. A-do u-tsa ɔ-mɛ tá-m dzue 3PLU-build CM-house AM-this give-1SGOBJ but

` u-zí mo-ó-ma o-yó CM-door NEG-3SG-stay 3SG-skin ‘They build this house for me but it has no door’

26b. Ankɔfɔ ‘egg’

27a. I-va-nu drui drui drui CM-thing-in red red red ‘The inside of a thing is red throughout’

27b. Tɔnka ‘pepper’

28a. A-dzo o-sé amu n-ta CM-riddle SM.SG-finish 1SG CM-hand ‘riddle has finished in my hand’

28b. Ohoyiebi ‘cowry’

15.6 Origin of the Logba people

This text was recorded on 6th June 2004. Asafo Kudjo (Age 56) presented his ver-sion of the folk story about the origin of the Logba people. This is an extract from a longer conversation. The Logba people came from Egypt and Sudan. It took the Logba people 200 years to come to their present settlement. They lived with other people on their way and come into contact with Yorubas and the Fon people. As a result, words from these languages entered the Logba language. The Logba people were belligerent. They did not stay in Notsie with the Ewes. The Logbas helped the Ewes when the Ewes were leaving Notsie to show them the way and they called the Akpana’s Logba. The Logba peole lived as one people in one settlement but in Awara they started to break into smaller settlements. 01. Akpana e-ɖu aha xɛ e-do gu

Akpana SM.PLU-be people RP 3PLU-come from

Egypt kpɛ Sudan i-vantsienu egypt CONJ Sudan CM-area ‘The Logba people are people who migrated from Egypt and Sudan.’

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02. A ɔ-gbá nago gu Sudan bi-fo o-kpunyie 3PLU CM-route journey from Sudan come-arrive CM-present.place

xé e-tsi i-dze í-fo ŋkpɛ uga inyɔ. RP 3PLU-in CM-today SM-about year hundred two ‘Their journey from Sudan to their present settlement took about 200years’

03. Akpana á ɔ-gbá nago o-mɛ ɔ-gba bina Akpana 3PLU CM-route journey AM-this CM-route come.through

Kamalo kpɛ á-yó aha xé e-nyamɔ . kamalo CONJ 3PLU-skin people RP 3PLU-stay-there

ib(è)-imɛ nu time-this in ‘This journey took the Logba people through Cameroon and people resi-dent in the environs at the time’

04. A-kpɛ ǎnyenu aha amɛ e-nya ŋkpe geɖee (gblɛlɛ) 3PLU-CONJ particular people these 3PLU-live year many ‘They (Logba people) with these people lived together for many years’

05. Akpana e-sa mɔkoe fɛ a-yisagoe mɔ Akpana SM-PLU-leave there also 3PLU-migration that

i-bi-gu o-ta kpɛ i-yoyu nya-mo-ó-nya. SM-come-from CM-war CONJ CM-peace stay-NEG-3SG-stay ‘The Logbas left that place too because of wars and lack of peace’

06. A-yisago tamble imɛ i-ta tɛ a-kpɛ 3PLU-migration third this SM-give COMPL 3PLU-CONJ

alatawoe fɛ é-be-fida. yorubas also 3PLU-come.contact ‘Their third migration (journey) made them to come into contact with the Yorubas’.

07. Iva=a xé i-nya Akpanawo=e yó i-ɖu tɛ thing=DET that SM-live Akpana=DET skin SM-be COMPL

mɛ-ɛ-dzunu tɛ e-lé-nya ina etsi. NEG-3PLU-like COMPL 3PLU-PRSPROG-stay person under ‘The Logba people did not like to be subordinate to other ethnic groups’

08. Iy(ɛ)-ɔkplɛ a-kpɛ alatawo=e fɛ mɛ-tanyi-nu nya. 3SG-reason 3PLU-CONJ Yoruba=DET also NEG-can-NEG stay ‘Because of this, they could not stay together with the Yorubas’

09. Alatawo=é xé etsi kpɛ Akpana é-ɖu Yorubawo. alata=DET RP under CONJ Akpana SM.PLU-be Yoruba ‘The ‘Alatas’ who stayed with the Logbas are the Yoruba people.

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10. Akpana i-nya-go kpɛ Yoruba-wo=e ibita tɛ Akpana SM-stay-NOM CONJ Yoruba-PLU=DET result COMPL

Yoruba gbe i-bi-ve fɛ ikpana. yoruba language SM-come-pass into Ikpana ‘Their stay with the Yorubas made some words from Yoruba language to come into the Logba language’

11. Ɛfɔn kpɛ Ugbe-wa-go ikpɛ menu xé i-nya efon CONJ Language-speak-NOM INDEF where RP SM-stay

n-tsi=e mɔ fɛ i-bi vé fɛ ikpana nu. PLU-area=DET there also SM-come pass into Ikpana in ‘The Fon language and other languages in that area also entered the Logba language’

12. Ivi-mɛ ita tɛ Ikpana inta e-dze fui. thing-this make COMPL Ikpana self 3PLU-start disappear ‘This led to the disappearance of the original Logba language.’

13. Iva, xé, ma-yayi tɛ uklontsi o-mɛ thing RP 1SG-search COMPL book AM-this

gawoe to kpe i-ɖu tɛ Akpana-wo=e . reader let know 3SG-be COMPL Akpana-PLU=DET

me-é-ɖu-nu aha yugo NEG-3PLU-be-NEG people peace ‘What I want the reader to note is that the Logba people are not peaceful’

14. E-ɖu o-ta gu-wɔ é-bime-n. 3PLU-be CM-war make-PLU 3PLU-that.day-in ‘They were belligerent in those days’

15. Akpana=a mɛ-ɛ-nyá-nu Notsie kpɛ Aʋiewo Akpana=DET NEG-3PLU-stay-NEG Notsie CONJ Ewe.people

alo Iʋi-wa-wo=e or Ewe-speak-PLU=DET ‘The Logbas did not stay at Notsie with the Ewes or the Ewe speakers’

16. Ibɛ-tsú xé aʋi=e e-nya Notsie, time-on RP Ewe=DET SM.PLU-stay Notsie ‘At the time the Ewes stayed at Notsie,’

17. Akpana kpɛ e-gusá xé a-fɛ e-ɖu Logba CONJ PLU-neighbour RP 3PLU-also SM.PLU-be

afiawo=é, e-nya o-kunyie dialect.speaker=DET 3PLU-stay CM-that.place ‘Logba and her allies who were also dialect speakers were staying at that place’

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18. xé ati-li-dzi idzɛ tɛ eviegbeƒeme Togo what 1PLU-PRSPROG-call today COMPL west Togo

ba o-kunyie xé é-lé-dzi Volta Region idzɛ. come CM-that.place RP 3PLUPRSPROG-call Volta Region today ‘what we are calling today the Western part of Togoland to where is presently called Volta Region.’

19. Aʋie e-do-go a-gli=é nu imɛ i-bi Ewe 3PLU-leave-NOM CM-wall=DET in this SM-come

vúvɔ iva Akpana kpɛ anda-wɔ yó spoil thing Akpana CONJ friend-PLU skin ‘The Exodus of the Ewes affected the Logbas and their allies’

20. Iyóyu=e xé i-nya i-bi-sé o-tá gu-go CM-peace=DET RP SM-stay 3PLU-come-end CM-war make-NOM

kpɛ í-futó blɔ-go i-bi tsonyui CONJ CM-hostility make-NOM SM-come start ‘The peace that prevailed came to an end and war and hostility started’

21. Agli=e nu do-go ibɛ tsú aʋie wall=DET-in leave-NOM time on Ewe

e-ta Akpana nyi tɛ Logba. SM.PLU-give Akpana name COMPL Logba ‘It was during the breaking into ‘the wall’ that the Ewes named the ‘Ak-panas’, Logba’

22. Ibotɛ mɛ-tɛ-nú ikpana xé e-te-wa CONJ NEG-PSTPROG-understand Ikpana COMPL 3PLU.PTPROG-say

nu tɛ e-la o-gbá=a aʋie i-lɔ xé in COMPL 3PLU-cut CM-path=DET Ewe CM-word RP

é-té-nu-e é-ɖu Logba 3PLU-PTPROG-understand-CFM 3PLU-be Logba ‘The Ewes did not understand what the Logbas were saying, what they heard was Logba’

23. Logba iyɛ i-bi-dzu Logba idze. Logba 3SG SM-come-know Logba today ‘Logba, which is now Logba today’

24. Akpana éɖú ina ikpɛ ibɛ kpóyi nu bifó ibɛ tsú Akpana SM.PLU-be person one time all in uptill time on

e-be-fo o-kunyi=é ɛ-tɛ-dzi Awara. 3PLU-come-reach CM-place=DET 3PLU-PTPROG-call Awara ‘The Logbas were one people for a long time up to the time that they came to a place called Awara.’

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25. Awara yɛ Akpana ɛ-dzɛ-tsi fɛ u-bɔmɛ anu. Awara 3SG Akpana SM.PLU-start-break into settlement in ‘It was at Awara that the Logbas started breaking into settlements.’

15.7 Linguist staff

This text is an extract from a longer converstion which was recorded on 20th May 2004 in Klikpo. Torgbui Asamoah III (A)(Age 60) explained what the linguist staff is to Ophelia (O) (Age 52) and Hayse.(H) (Age 47) The linguist staff is important in Logba. The key on the linguist staff shows that the paramount chief has the key and he is the person ‘who opens the door’ for the people. The paramount chief leads the way in everything in Logba. All other chiefs including their linguists are subordinate to the paramount chief. 01. H: U-nansa ma-nenu tɛ ani-ti-ri tsami ɔyɔ

CM-chief 1SG-believe COMPL 2PLU-HAB-hold linguist stick

ɔkpɛ xé safi o-le o-yó one REL key 3SG-be 3SG-skin ‘Chief, I believe that you usually hold a linguist staff which has a key on it’

02. A-susu a-mɛ ɔkplɛ xé safi ɔ-mɛ o-le ɔyɔ CM-reason AM-Q reason RP key AM-this SM.SG-be stick

ɔ-mɛ yó ibotɛ Akpana tsami ɔyɔ ugugo. AM-this skin because Logba linguist stick different ‘Why is it that this key is on this staff because Logba has different linguist staffs’

03. i-bo xɛ an(u)-ɔblɛ Klikpo safi o-le o-yó ? 3SG-stay RP 2PLU-own Klikpo key 3SG-be CM-skin ‘Why do you have key on your own Klikpo one?’

04. A: Yoo a-bu enzi. Klikpo atu pétée atsi-kpe tɛ OK 2SG-ask well Klikpo 1PLU all 1PLU-know COMPL

i-le i-ɖu o-nukpa nango ɔ-gbɔnu SM-be.located SM-be CM-chief big CM-town ‘OK You ask well. We all know that Klikpo is the town of the paramount chief’

05. ibotɛ o-nukpa nango=e ama ina ɔ-kpɛ mo-o-ma because CM-chief big=DET back person AM-one NEG-3SG-stay

xé ɔ-da uzi ta ina ɔ-kpɛ tɛ o-ve RP 3SG-open door give person AM-one COMPL 3SG-pass

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fɛ okusioku into everywhere ‘Because apart from the paramount chief no one can open the door for anyone to go anywhere’.

06. Xé ɔŋkpesiɔkpɛ ɔ-ba u-tuɖimi=ɛ wa fɛ COND anything 3SG-come CM-government=DET side also

u-nansa nango o-bó-ɖú i-te CM-chief big 3SG-will-stay CM-front ‘If anything happens in the government also the paramount chief will lead’

07. xé a-tani okusioku fo safi ɔ-mɛ ɔ-lɛ COND 3PLU-can everywhere reach key AM-this SM.SG-be.at

o-ɖu ɔyɔ xé o-to-mi-gba Akpana. Safi ɔ-mɛ o-le 3SG-be stick RP 3SG-HAB-lead Logba key AM-this AM-be

ɔ-yɔ ɔ-mɛ yó ibotɛ Akpana tsiami CM-stick AM-this skin because Akpana linguist

ɔ-yɔ o-gugo CM-stick AM-different ‘If they can reach everywhere this key on this staff is what they will use to lead the Logba people ‘This key is on this stick because the linguist staff of Logba is different’’

08. Xɛ e-ŋu (l)ɛ ko a-kpe tɛ . COND 3PLU-see 3SGOBJ only 3PLU-know COMPL

ɔ-lɛ o-ɖu onukpa nango ta Akpana 3SG-be.at 3SG-be chief big give Logba ‘If they see it then they know that it is Logba paramount chief’

09. H: Mɛ o-ɖu tɛ xɛ ani-fiɖa okunkpɛ Q 3SG-be COMPL when 2PLU-meet somewhere

ani-ti-mi -lɛ tá tsami mango tɛ 2PLU-HAB-take=3SGOBJ give linguist another COMPL

o-ri ta=anú 3SG-hold give=2PLUOBJ ‘Why is it that when you meet somewhere you give it to another linguist to hold for you’

10. Alo ani-dzi li-zɔ okunkpɛ loo ani-dzu-ɛ or 2PLU-stand PRSPROG-go somewhere or 2PLU-stand-CFM

ani-ti-mí ta in(a)-ɔkpɛ tɛ o-ri ta anu? 2PLU-HAB-take give person-one COMPL 3SG-hold give 2PLUOBJ ‘or when you are going somewhere do you give it to another person to hold for you?’

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11. Anu tsami vafɔ ɖi-go ɔkplɛ 2PLU linguist side rule-NOM reason

n-du-bu=ɛ lo! 1SGPRSPROG-be ask=3SGOBJ ADR ‘As you are our elder, that is why I am asking’

12. A: Akpana ɔ-kɔɔ ó-ló-ɖu tɛ xé e-ka Logba CM-custom 3SG-PRSPROG-be COMPL COND 3PLU-put

wu abia tsú ko a-dzu onukpa alo tsami. Tsami 2SGOBJ stool on only 2SG-become chief or linguist linguist

ɔkpesiokpɛ xé o-bo Akpana o-tsi onukpanango etsi. everyone REL 3SG-stay Logba 3SG-stay chief.big under ‘Logba custom is that if you are put on a stool you become a chief or a linguist. All linguists in Logba are under the paramount chief’

13. Iyɛ-ɔkplɛ xe a-bo dzi-ɛ ibotɛ tátá tɛ awu 3SG-reason COND 2SG-stay stand-CFM reason inform COMPL 2PLU

nyɔmbli=ɛ o-kpɛ tɛ abia tátà wu etsi. second=DET 3SG-know COMPL chair inform 2SG ground ‘That is why when you will leave you have to inform your partner so that the chair is not empty’

14. Xé Tsami ɔ-kpɛ o-dzi tɛ ɔ-bɔ-fɛ-ntá 53 COND linguist AM-one 3SG-stand COMPL 3SG-FUT put.in-hand

ibotɛ o-mi=e ta-ɛ tsami mango ibotɛ reason 3SG-take=3SGOBJ give3SGOBJ linguist another reason

Tsami ɔkpɛsiokpɛ o-tsi onukpanango etsi linguist every 3SG-stay chief.big under ‘If a linguist stands to go to urinate, its good that he gives it to another linguist because every linguist is under the Paramount chief’

15. O: Unansa ma-nenu tɛ i-lɔ =a xé Hesse Chief 1SG-believe COMPL CM-word=DET RP Hesse

o-bu=ɛ o-bu-ɛ na dzangbɛ SM.SG-ask=3SGOBJ 3SG-ask=3SGOBJ on linguist.stick

yó dzuɛ ma-yayi tɛ m-bu tɛ katawɔɛ skin but 1SG-search COMPL 1SG-ask COMPL umbrella

xé unansanango ɔ-tsɔ-na ɔ-nago gu RP chief-big 3SG-HAB-put.on 3SG-different from

53 Verbal indirection; an expression used when one wants to say in public that he wants to visit the washroom

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a-nukpa ongago=ɛ iblɛ yó PLU-chief other=DET own skin Chief, I believe the words that Hesse asks he asks about the linguist stick. But I want to ask whether the parasol that the Paramount chief uses is dif-ferent from that of other chiefs?’

16. A: Atsú-nta atsi-kpe tɛ unansanango adzi=á 1PLU-own 1PLU-know COMPL chief.big day=DET

xɛ ɔ-bɔ-zɔ ɔgbantsiɛ afuta=a xɛ ɔ-bɔ-gba-a RP 3SG-FUT-go road.between cloth=DET RP 3SG-FUT-wear-CFM

xé i-ɖu tɛ a-bo=wu fɛɛ a-mɔ-gba a. COND 3SG-be COMPL 2SG-stay=2SGOBJ too 2SG-NEG-wear-3PLU ‘We all know that the day the paramount chief will go out or on a journey, the cloth he will wear you will not wear it even if you have it’

17. Ibotɛ xé a-gba-a i-gbla tɛ a-mɔ-lɔ reason COND 2SG-wear-3PLU 3SG-show COMPL 2SG-NEG-PRSPROG

fɛ ugo nango anu kpɛ unansanango ŋtsi put difference big 2PLU CONJ chief.big between ‘It shows that there is no great difference between you and the Paramount chief’

18. Iyɛ ɔkplɛ xɛ e-be-blɔ katawɔɛ tɛ-ɛ ibotɛ 3SG reason COND 3PLU-FUT-make umbrella for=3SGOBJ reason

tɛ ɔ-nago gu a-nukpa aŋgagoe yó . COMPL 3SG-be.different from PLU-chief others skin ‘That is why if they should make umbrella for him, it should be different from that of other chiefs’

19. O: Anyintsɛ tɛ a-la i-lɔ i-mɛ wa tsu. thanks COMPL 2SG-beat CM-word AM-this tell 1PLUOBJ ‘Thanks that you have explained this to us’

20. Ibotɛ atsu-e ebit-wɔ klɔyi ko atsi-ɖu. Ibotɛ atsi reason 1PLU-EMPH child-PLU small only 1PLU-be reason 1PLU

dze tɛ katawɔɛ petee i-ɖu ikpɛ. Awu see COMPL parasol all SM-be one 2SG

unansanango=e fɛ xɛ a-tsi umi-ɛ kpɛ aŋgagoe chief.big=DET also RP 2SG-sit there-EMPH CONJ others

i-blɛ tɛ i-ɖu ikpɛ 3PLU-own COMPL AM-be one ‘For we are children. Because we see that all the parasols are the same; You the Paramount chiefs also who are there with the other chiefs should be one’

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15.8 Aɖɔɖí ‘love’

Aɖɔɖí ‘love’ is a song that is composed by T.K. Bediako, (Age 71) a native speaker of Logba from Tota. Most of the songs sung by the Logba people are in Ewe and Akan. The songs in Logba are sung when certain rituals are to be per-formed. It is believed that it is forbidden to sing songs which are composed in the Logba language. I am informed that this is the first attempt at writing music in the Logba language. It is amazing how a choir from Tota can sing it with expression. 01. A-ɖɔɖí A-ɖɔɖi A-ɖɔɖí A-ɖɔɖí

CM-love CM-love CM-love CM-love ‘Love, love, love, love’

02. A-ɖɔɖí i-ɖu i-kago kelekele CM-love SM-be CM-law first ‘Love is the first law’

03. Iyɛ i-ɖu Ɔ-kpaya i-kago kelekele 3SGIND SM-be CM-God CM-law first ‘It is the first law of God’

04. O u-gusa o u-gune o atsú pétépété o CM-brother o CM-sister o 1PLU all ‘Oh brother, o sister o all of us’

05. Yesu ɔ-da iyɛ ka tɛ Jesus 3SG-say 3SGIND down COMPL ‘Jesus said it that’

06. ɖɔɖí awu gusa ɖɔɖi awu gune bɔtɛ awu nta awu-yó love 2SG brother love 2SG sister like 2SGIND own 2SGIND-skin ‘love your brother, love your sister like your own self’

07. Yedze a-blɔ ɔ-kpaya i-kagoe petee tsú then 2SG-make CM-God CM-rules all on ‘Then you will abide by the Lords commandments’

08. Ðɔɖi nu anɖakame loo love 2PLUOBJ each.other ADR ‘Love each other (I urge you)’

09. Dze nu golgata u-kpo=é tsú look 2PLU golgata CM-mountain=DET on ‘Look at the Golgata mountains’

10. Ao dzalelelele mɛ-ɔ-ba-ɛ? INJ dzalelele(INJ) QP-3SG-come-QP ‘Oh what has come to pass?’

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11. Yesu Kristo Ɔ-mawu-bí=é Jesus Christ CM-God-child=DET ‘Jesus Christ, the son of God’

12. ɔ-kɔ atitsoga yó i-yógbe tsú 3SG-hang cross skin CM-misery on ‘He hangs on the cross miserably’

13. Awu, amu atsú i-vagbali ɔ-kplɛ 2SGIND 1SGIND 1PLUIND CM-sin CM-reason ‘Because of you, I, and our sins’

14. I-bò i-ntse loo i-bò i-ntse loo 3SG-stay CM-strength ADR 3SG-stay CM-strength ADR

i-bò i-ntse loo 3SG-stay CM-strength ADR ‘It is difficult! It is difficult ! It is difficult!’

15. Agoo tɛ m-kpa dze iyɛ texoe ta amu-yó Agoo let 1SG-go look 3SGIND scene for 1SGIND skin ‘Agoo, let me go and watch the scene for myself’

16. I-te na o-tsú inta Vui nu ivagbali blɔ nu 3SG-press on 3SG-on very stop 2PLU sin make 2PLU ‘He is so much disturbed. Stop from your sins’

17. Tɛ tanyi nya u-zúngbá ɖukpa COMPL can stay CM-life good ‘that you lead a good life’

15.9 Yam cultivation

Yam is one of the special food crops in the Logba area. Mr. M. K. Nyalemegbe (Age 53) describes how it is cultivated in Logba. This was recorded on 16th June 2004. Yam cultivation starts with the selection of a fertile piece of land, clearing, plant-ing and taking care of the young plants up to the time that they are ready for har-vest. After harvest, it is stored. Some are sold while a portion is kept as food for the family and another stored as seeds for the planting season that follows. 01. Gbã xé a-lo-yayi tɛ a-ka

first if 2SG-PRSPROG-search COMPL 2SG-put

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i-dzɔ bo-ɛ CM-yam farm-EMPH ‘First, if you are willing to cultivate yam’

02. ibotɛ tɛ a-zɔ tɛ a-kpɔ yayi e-tsi ɖukpa reason COMPL 2SG-go COMPL 2SG-go search CM-land good ‘you have to go and search for a good land’

03. okuniɛ xé a-ŋu tɛ i-dzɔ i-nyɔ-zi-ɛ place RP 2SG-see COMPL CM-yam SM-stay-well-CFM ‘place where you think that yam will do well’

04. Yɛdze xé a-yayi e-tsi=ɛ se a-bo bé iva then if 2SG-search CM-land=DET finish 2SG-FUT clear thing ‘Then if you finish searching for land, you clear it’

05. Xé á-ŋú tɛ a-yɔ e-bo e-tsi-ɛ tsú-e if 2SG-see COMPL PLU-tree 3PLU-stay CM-land=DET on-EMPH ‘If you see that trees are on the land’

06. yedze a-tso a-yɔ=ɔ pete then 2SG-cut AM-tree=DET all ‘then you cut all the trees’

07. yɛdze a-bɔ-ta tɛ iva te i-tsúe then 2SG-FUT-leave COMPL thing get SM-dry ‘then you will leave it that the thing get dried’

08. Xɛ i-tsúɛ se-e yɛdze a-bɔ-fɛ iva ɔ-dza when SM-dry finish-CFM then 2SG-FUT-set thing fire ‘After it is dried then you will set fire to it.’

09. Yɛdze ábɔ kpali iva, xé a-kpali iva sé-e then 2SG-FUT collect thing when 2SG-collect thing finish-CFM ‘then you will collect it. When you finish collecting it’

10. yɛ nyangbo ɔ-nɔ-ɔ, yɛdze a-bɔ-yayi a-gblenu CONJ rain SM.SG-fall-CFM then 2SG-FUT-search CM-hoe ‘and rain falls then you will look for a hoe’

11. A-bɔ-la a-dru yɛ a-la a-dru=ɛ se 2SG-FUT-beat CM-mound CONJ 2SG-beat CM-mound=DET finish ‘You will prepare a mound and after you finish making the mound’

12. yɛdze a-bó-mi i-dzɔ-zugbo=é a-bɔ-fashi=ɛ then 2SG-FUT-take CM-yam-head=DET AM-FUT-split=3SGOBJ ‘then you will take the yam head (see) and split it’

13. Yɛ a-fashi=ɛ sé-e yɛdze a-bɔ-dzanyi CONJ 2SG-split=3SGOBJ finish-CFM then 2SG-FUT-collect ‘and after you finish splitting it then you collect’

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14. i-dzɔ=ɔ na a-dru=ɛ tsú CM-yam=DET on CM-mound=DET on ‘the yam (seeds) and put them on the mounds’

15. yɛ a-bɔ-mi a-gblenu ke yɛ CONJ 2SG-FUT-take CM-hoe again CONJ ‘and you will take the hoe again and’

16. a-bó-mi fɛ i-dzɔ=ɔ a-dru=ɛ nu 2SG-FUT-take into CM-yam=DET CM-mound =DET in ‘you will put into the yam mounds (plant the yam seeds)’

17. yɛdze i-yɔloli kpɛ e-kele=é then CM-small sticks CONJ CM-grass=DET ‘then the pieces of sticks and weeds’

18. xé a-gba u-bo=e nu-ɛ RP 2SG-sweep CM-farm=DET in-CFM ‘which you gathered in the farm’

19. a-mi na a-dru=ɛ tsú tɛ itatɛ 2SG-take put CM-mound=DET on COMPL reason

i-yoyu alo i-yugo CM-moisture or coolness ‘you put on the mound to give moisture or coolness’

20. tɛ itatɛ i-yoyu alo i-yúgo COMPL reason CM-moisture or coolness ‘that moisture or coolness’

21. tɛ i-nya a-dru=ɛ nu COMPL AM-stay CM-mound=DET in ‘that it stays in the mound’

22. tɛ e-tsi=ɛ nu tɛ i-ti tsúe COMPL CM-land=DET in COMPL AM-never dry ‘that the mound does not get dried’

23. yɛ i-dzɔ=ɔ i-le-e yɛdze CONJ CM-yam=DET SM-germinate-EMPH then ‘When the yam germinates, then’

24. a-bɔ-kpɔmi a-ganyi 2SG-FUT-remove leaves.CM-palm.branch ‘you will remove leaves from a palm branch;’

25. a-bó-mi ya i-dzɔ=ɔ pétée 2SG-FUT-take stake CM-yam=DET all ‘you will use it to stake all the yam’

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26. yɛ a-ya=ɛ sé-é yɛdze a-zɔ iva-nu when 2SG-stake=3SGOBJ finish-CFM then 2SG-go thing-in (bush) ‘After you stake it then you go to the bush’

27. á-kpo tso pampro aló i-yɔ 2SGFUT-go cut bamboo or PLU-stick ‘you will cut bamboo or stick;’

28. a-glui vutsi yɛdze a-mi=e fɛ 2SGFUT-dig hole then 2SG-take=3SGOBJ in ‘you will dig a hole then you will put it in’

29. Yɛ a-fi-ɛ yɛdze a-ri i-dzɔ=ɔ fɛ iyɛ nu when 2SG-in=3SGOBJ then 2SG-hold CM-yam=DET in 3SGIND in ‘when you put it in then you hold the yam on to the stick’

30. Igu e-tsitsi-ɛ ɔ-yɔ=ɔ ɔ-ɖá yó from 3SG-turn-EMPH CM-tree=DET SM.SG-big skin ‘It is according to the size of the stick’

31. Yɛ ɔ-yɔ=ɔ ɔ-ɖa yɛdze a-ri i-dzɔ gblɛlɛ if CM-stick=DET SM.SG-big then 2SG-hold CM-yam many ‘if the stick is big then you hold plenty yam’

32. fɛ=ɛ nu iná alo inu in=3SGOBJ in four or five ‘on it, four or five’

33. Yɛ dzuɛ ɔ-yɔ=ɔ mɔ-ɖa-nu-e if but CM-stick=DET NEG-big-NEG-CFM ‘if however, the stick is small‘

34. yɛdze a-ri i-dzɔ=ɔ inyɔ alo ɔkpɛ then 2SG-hold CM-yam=DET two or one ‘then you hold two or one yam on it’

35. A-bo-ri fɛ tɛ i-dzɔ=ɔ i-lé fɛ 2SG-FUT-hold in COMPL CM-yam=DET SM-climb in ‘You will hold it on it for the yam to climb it’

36. Xé u-bo=e nu i-yi-ɛ xé a-ɖu ɔga-wasa if CM-farm=DET in AM-weedy-CFM if 2SG-be wife-owner ‘If the farm is weedy, if you have a wife’

37. yɛdze á-wa awu ɔ-ga then 2SGFUT-say 2SG CM-spouse ‘then you will tell your wife’

38. ó-bó-mi a-gblenu aló i-fiami 3SG-FUT-take CM-hoe or CM-cutlass ‘she will take hoe or cutlass’

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39. ɔ-bɔ-lɔ u-bo=e nu. 3SG-FUT-weed CM-farm=DET in ‘she will weed the farm’

40. Xé i-dzɔ=ɔ i-dze m-ba la-a COND CM-yam=DET SM-start CM-tendril take off-CFM ‘If the tendrils start to grow’

41. yɛdze i-be-shi-be-nu xé a-zɔ u-bo=e nu-ɛ then CM-time-every-time-in COND 2SG-go CM-farm=DET in-CFM ‘then everytime when you go to the farm’

42. a-bó-tso-ri i-dzɔ m-ba=a gle fɛ a-nɖa nu 2SG-FUT-HAB-hold CM-yam CM-tendril=DET tie into CM-friend in ‘you will have to hold the yam tendrils into one another’

43. tɛ i-ti-ri a-nɖakame COMPL AM-never-hold CM-friend.each.other ‘that it will never get into one another’

44. Xé a-blɔ imɔ-a tsyɔɔ COND 2SG-make that-EMPH IDEO ‘If you do that tsyɔɔ (for a long time)’

45. yɛ i-nɛ bɔtɛ a-bobí glankpɛ CONJ AM-getlike CM-month seven ‘and it gets to about seven months’

46. li-zɔ mlaminá m-blɛ nu-e PRSPROG-go eight CM-ORD in-EMPH ‘going to the eighth month (in)’

47. yedze a-bó-glu i-dzɔ=á e-tsi then 2SG-FUT-dig CM-yam=DET CM-under(ground) ‘then you will dig under the yam’

48. I-dzɔ-etsi-glui i-mɛ-ɛ i-dzɔ i-kpɛ CM-yam-under-dig CM-here-EMPH CM-yam CM-one ‘This process of digging under the yam, one yam’

49. i-bí-tà bɔtɛ i-ta aló i-na yedze SM-FUT-give like CM-three or CM-four then

a-kpitsi iyɛ yó 2SG-remove 3SG skin ‘it will give about three or four; then you will remove some from it’

50. I-be i-kpɛ mɛnu a-gá ɔ-kpɛ alo i-nyɔ fɛ CM-time AM-one where 2SG-leave CM-one or CM-two in ‘sometimes you leave one or two in’

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51. kpɛ a-susu tɛ i-dzɔ=ɔ tɛ i-zu ɖa CONJ CM-reason COMPL CM-yam=DET COMPL AM-be.big fat ‘with the reason that the yam becomes big’

52. Yedze a-bobi gɔkɔaɖu m-blɛ nu-e then CM-month nine CM-ORD in-CFM ‘then in the ninth month’

53. yedze a-dze i-dzɔ=ɔ glui then 2SG-start CM-yam=DET harvest ‘then you start the yam harvest'

54. Xé á-ló-glui=ɛ a-tɔ=ɛ COND 2SG-PRSPROG-harvest=3SGOBJ 2SG-remove.part=3SGOBJ ‘when you are harvesting you leave part of it’

55. Xé a-tɔ=ɛ ye i-ɖu tɛ COND 2SG-remove.part=3SGOBJ CONJ SM-be that ‘If in the process you feel that’

56. awú i-dzɔ=ɔ i-wlui-ɛ 2SG CM-yam=DET SM-many-EMPH ‘your harvest is great’

57. yedze a-mi ikpɛ zɔ o-vu=e nu then 2SG-take one go CM-market=DET in ‘then you take some to the market’

58. a-kpi zɔ alo a-kà=ɛ ka ɔ-gba yó 2SG-go sell or 2SG-put=3SGOBJ put CM-road skin ‘to sell or sell it by the road side’

59. á-zɔ ta u-klo nu a-ha 2SGFUT-sell give CM-lorry in CM-people ‘you will sell to those who travel in lorries’

60. dzue xé a-mo-ɖu i-dzɔ gblɛlɛ ɖu-wo=e but COND 2SG-NEG-be CM-yam many sow-NOM=DET ‘but if you are not a commercial yam farmer’

61. yedze a-mi=ɛ mla a-fánu then 2SG-take=3SGOBJ bring CM-house

anyi-li-zá kpe 2PLU-PRSPROG-cook eat ‘then you take it to the house to be using for food’

62. Iva anyi-li-zá etsitome i-dzɔ=ɔ thing 2PLU-PRSPROG-cook beginning CM-yam=DET

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mi-tsé-nu NEG-grow-NEG ‘things you are cooking; in the beginning the yam is not developed’

63. ɔkpli-ɛ a-ha gblɛlɛ i-vafɔ ko REAS-EMPH CM-people many CM-slice only

e-tse-mi zá 3PLU-HAB-take cook ‘therefore many people use it only for slice’

64. dzue xé i-dzɔ=ɔ i-dze tse-e but COND CM-yam=DET AM-start grow-EMPH

é-tse-mi yue fufu fɛ 3PLU-HAB-take pound fufu also ‘but if the yam is developed it is used to prepare fufu also’

65. dzue xé a-zi-ɛ sé a-bo-mi but COND 2SG-remove=3SGOBJ finish 2SG-FUT-take

ywe fufu-ɛ pound fufu-EMPH ‘but when you remove it from fire and use it to pound fufu’

66. a-ka=ɛ e-vi tɛ o-fufo tá 2SG-put=3SGOBJ CM-sun COMPL CM-air give

ɔ-li=ɛ tsibi 3SG-blow=3SGOBJ small ‘you leave it open so that air blows over it a little’

67. iyɛ ko xɛ a-ywe=ɛ that only COND 2SG-pound=3SGOBJ ‘only that when you pound it’

68. iyɛ ko i-dzɔ=ɔ fufui=ɛ ɔ-nyɔ-zi 3SGIND only CM-yam=DET fufu=DET AM-stay-good ‘only that you will have a good yam fufu’

69. xé a-tɔ=ɛ xé a-ŋu kanyi COND 2SG-harvest=3SGOBJ COND 2SG-see light ‘If you harvest and you realise’

70. tɛ i-dzɔ=ɔ mi-ɖa-nú COMPL CM-yam=DET NEG big-NEG ‘that the yam is not big’

71. tɛ a-mi-zɔ a-fá-nu a-kpɔ kpi=ɛ COMPL 2SG-take-go CM-house-in 2SG-go eat=3SGOBJ ‘to take home and use for food’

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72. yedze a-flɛ a-dru=é a-ma yedze then 2SG-break CM-mound=DET CM-back then

a-mi=ɛ fi-ɛ 2SG-take=3SGOBJ into=3SGOBJ ‘then you dig the back of the mound then you put it into it’

73. I-dzɔ i-mɛ menu anyɛ xé i-fo CM-yam AM-this type so COND 3SG-reach

i-dzɔ-zugbo la-a CM-yam-head time-CFM ‘this type of yam at the time of harvesting the yam seeds’

74. Iyɛ atsi-tsi-dzi tɛ panshia 3SG 1PLU-1PLU-call COMPL panshia ‘It is the one we call panshia’

75. A-bó-mi-ɛ ɖɔka ta e-kpe=é 2SG-FUT take=3SGOBJ reserve for CM-year=DET

xé a-lá-ba nu RP 2SG-PRSPROG-come in ‘You will reserve it for the next planting season’

76. Yedze xé i-fo i-dzɔ ɖu e-kpe=é then COND 3SG-get CM-yam plant CM-year=DET

a-la-ba nu 2SG-PRSPROG-come in ‘then when you are entering the planting time’

77. yedze a-fashi-ɛ a-mi-ɖu then 2SG-cut=3SGOBJ 2SG-take-plant ‘then you split it for planting’.

78. Iyɛ fɛ i-bi-le pɛpɛpɛ bɔtɛ i-dzɔ-zugbo-e 3SG also AM-FUT-germinate exactly like CM-yam-head-EMPH ‘It will also germinate exactly like the yam seed’

79. Xé a-blɔ-ɛ anyɛ yɛ i-fo COND 2SG-make=3SGOBJ so CONJ SM-reach ‘If you do it this way and it is up to’

80. a-bobi ɖutsanyɔ-blɛ nu=e i-bɛ i-mɔ-a nu CM-month twelve-ORD in=DET CM-time AM-that-EMPH in ‘the twelve month it is that time’

81. xé i-dzɔ ɔ-ŋkpa i-ku sé-e COND CM-yam CM-creepers SM-die finish-EMPH ‘if the leaves of the yam are dead’

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82. yedze a-bɔ-la i-dzɔ-zugbo then 2SG-FUT-take.off CM-yam-head ‘then you will harvest the yam seeds’

83. Dzuɛ xé a-bɔ-la i-dzɔ-zugbo=e but COND 2SG-FUT-take.off CM-yam-head=DET

a-ha a-kpɛ CM-people CM-one ‘but when you harvest the yam tubers, some people’

84. e-blɔ texɔ ka bɔtɛ e-tsitsi-ɛ 3PLU-make yam.barn put like SM-sit down-EMPH ‘they make yam barn like the one that sits here’

85. anyi-li-ŋú me kpaniɛ anyɛ 2PLU-PSPROG-see here now so ‘you are seeing here now’

86. A-bɔ-blɔ awu texɔ xé a-blɔ=e 2SG-FUT-make 2SG yam.barn COND 2SG-make=3SGOBJ ‘You will make your yam barn. When you make it’

87. a-la i-dzɔ-zugbo A-ha a-kpɛ 2SG-take.off CM-yam-head CM-people AM-one

xé me-blɔ texɔ-ɔ RP NEG-make yam.barn-EMPH ‘you harvest the yam seeds. Some people who do not make the barn’

88. é-tse-blɔ i-dzɔ a-gba yedze xé e-glui 3PLU-HAB-make CM-yam CM-stand then COND 3PLU-dig

i-dzɔ=ɔ sé CM-yam=DET finish ‘they make yam shed then when they finish harvesting the yam’

89. yedze e-be-gba i-dzɔ=ɔ na a-gba=a tsú then 3PLU-FUT-collect CM-yam=DET to CM-stand=DET on ‘then they will put the yam on the stand’

90. yedze e-tso iva na iyɛ tsú tɛ e-mi ɖɔka then 3PLU-cut thing to 3SG on COMPL 3PLU-take reserve ‘then they cut thing (grass) on it to reserve it’

91. ta e-kpé e-le-ba nu ta iva ɖu-go give CM-year 3PLU-PRSPROG-come in give thing plant-NOM ‘for planting in the coming year.’

92. Xé a-blɔ imɛ sé ko yedze awu lɔ COND 2SG-make this finish only then 2SG part ‘When you finish making this then as for you’

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93. e-kpé e-le-ba nu ko a-bó-tó yiɖe CM-year SM.PLU-PSPROG-come in only 2SG-FUT-only wait ‘the year coming you will only wait’

94. tà iva ɖu-go. Xé a-blɔ imɛ anyɛ give thing plant-NOM COND 2SG-make this so ‘for the planting of it. (yam) If you do it this way’

95. Mɛnu atsú A-kpanawo alo Ovuintawo-e where 1PLU Logba.people or Vuinta.people-EMPH ‘This is the way we, Logba people or the people of Vuinta’

96. atsi-tsi-ɖú i-dzɔ alo i-dzɔ-zugbo la-go 1PLU-1PLU-plant CM-yam or CM-yam-head take.off-NOM ‘sow yam or do the harvest of yam seeds’.

97. tɛ ani-nu=ɛ amú u-gbi=é o-zu COMPL 2PLU-hear=3SGOBJ 1SG CM-voice=DET AM-descend

etsi loo down UFP ‘You hear it. I am done’

15.10 Palm wine tapping

Palm wine is used in almost all socio-cultural ceremonies in Logba. As a result, it has high demand in the area. Enos Adiamah (Age 53) is a well known palmwine tapper in Logba. His description of palmwine tapping was recorded on 27th April 2006 in Alakpeti. Palm wine tapping involves felling the palm trees and leaving them for two to three weeks before removing the palm fronds. A hole is made in the soft tender upper part of the trunk with a knife and a hollow object in the shape of a pipe is inserted in the hole. The wine flows through this hole and a pot is placed under the trunk to collect the wine. The wine is sold to the people in the town and part of it is distilled into a local gin called Akpeteshie. The tree stops giving wine after about a month. Palm wine is very useful to the Logba people. 01. Abɛ xé a-bó-kpe-a iva xé i-tɔ

palm CONJ 2SG-FUT-tap-CFM thing RP SM.SG-fix

iyɛ yó i-ɖu tɛ abɛ a-shianu xé a-bo-kpe 3SG skin 3SG-be COMPL palm CM-quantity RP 2SG-FUT-tap

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ibote ta kpe iyɛ i-gago reason give know 3SG CM-number ‘Palm tree, when you want to tap it, the things involved are, the quantity that you will tap, that is you know the number’

02. Iyɛ i-gago imɛ tɛ a-yayi iva xé a-bó-mi 3SG CM-number this COMPL 2SG-search thing RP 2SG-FUT-take

kpe abɛ Iyɛ i-ɖu ɔhafi, aflandza, uzu, asɔtiwɔ xé tap palm 3SG SM-be ‘ɔhafi’ cutlass ‘uzu’ small.pots RP

a-bo-mi kpe abɛ. 2SG-FUT-take tap palm ‘This number, you will search for things that will be used to tap the palm tree. They are: “ɔhafi”, cutlass “uzu”, small pots’

03. Xé i-flɔ-ɔ yɛ a-bó-dze abɛ tǒ. COND 3SG-reach-CFM CONJ 2SG-FUT-start palm fell

Xé a-bo- tǒ abɛ ibòtɛ ta yayi ina tɛ COND 2SG-FUT-fell palm reason COMPL search person COMPL

o-bá tǒ-a ta wu 3SG-come fell-3PLU give 2SGOBJ ‘If they are ready then you start to fell the palm tree. If you will fell the palm you have to search for a person to help’

04. xé i-ɖu tɛ awú-nta a-mo-tanyi a-pétée COND 3SG-be COMPL 2SG-own 2SG-NEG-can 3PLU-all

tǒ=e fell=3SGOBJ ‘If you yourself you cannot fell all’

05. Ayɛ i-wli-go nu yɛ a-bó-mi tǒ-a xé 3PLU CM-many-NOM in CONJ 2SG-FUT-take fell-3PLU COND

a- tǒ abɛ mɛ sé-e e-bé-nya Kwasiɖa 2SG-fell palm this finish-CFM 3PLU-FUT stay week

inyɔ alo ita two or three‘ you have to consider its quantity when you want to fell it. After felling they (palm tree) will stay for two or three weeks.’

06. Ta-mblɛ nu-e yɛ a-bó-la aganyi. three-ORD in-CFM CONJ 2SG-FUT-remove palm.fronds.

xé a-bó-la aganyi fɛ a-bó-zí ɔhafi COND 2SG-FUT-remove palm.fronds also 2SG-FUT-take ɔhafi,

aflandza iyɛ a-bó-mi là aganyi. cutlass 3SG 2SG-FUT-take remove palm.fronds ‘In the third week, you remove the palm fronds. It’s “ɔhafi” and

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cutlass that you will use’

07. Ye a-la aganyi sé pétée, a-bó-zuzɔ . then 2SG-remove palm.frond finish all 2SG-FUT-roast

ilubu=e Ibe imɛ nu la, ilubu kpɛ asɔti yɛ small.pot=DET time that in CFM small.pot CONJ small.pot 3SG

atsi-lí-mi blɔ-ɛ 1PLU-PRSPROG-take make=3SGOBJ ‘After removing the palm fronds, you will roast the pots; those days it was pots and small pots that we used’

08. Kpanɛ ko ma-á-wá tɛ ima iva imɛ i-bo now only 1SG-FUT-say COMPL rubber thing this 3SG-stay

yɛ atsi-li-mi fɛ iyɛ etsi. 3SG 1PLU-PRSPROG-take put 3SG under ‘Now I will only say that we use rubber containers to put under them’

09. Iyɛ ɔkplɛ yɛ a-blɔ anye-nu iva sé petee 3SG reason CONJ 2SG-make so-in thing finish all

yɛ a-bó-tso anu pétée a-bó-mi izú=ɛ CONJ 2SG-FUT-cut mouth all 2SG-FUT-take iron=DET

yɛ a-bó-súa. CONJ 2SG-FUT-bore.hole ‘Because of this if you finish doing this you will cut the soft tender branches and bore hole in the trunk with an iron’

10. Yɛ a-bó-tɔ=a asɔ. Yɛ a-tɔ=a CONJ 2SG-FUT-put=3PLUOBJ pot CONJ 2SG-put=3PLUOBJ

asɔ sé pétée yɛ a-bó-dze=a kpe. pot finish all CONJ 2SG-FUT-start-3PLUOBJ tap

A-bo-kpe-a ukpe anyɔ 2SG-FUT-tap-3PLUOBJ CM-tap two ‘As you finish putting the pot under all then you start tapping. You will tap it twice’

11. Adenklui la a-kpe ɔkpɛ. Yɛ a-lo-kpe-a fresh palm.wine CFM 3PLU-tap one CONJ 2SG-PRSPROG-tap-3PLU

ukpé ɔkpɛ tap one ‘Fresh palm wine you will tap once. As you are tapping once’

12. yedze adenklui nɛ-mɛ la atsi-tsi-mi-nɛ mla then fresh.wine 3SG-this CFM 1PLU-1PLU-take=3SGOBJ bring

ɔ-gbɔ nu aha pétée e-tse-nɔ CM-town in people all 3PLU-HAB drink

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‘then we take the fresh wine to the town for the people to drink’

13. Dzue akpeteshi za-go kpɛ i-mɛ i-bi-ve fɛ CONJ akpeteshi cook-NOM CONJ AM-that 3SG-come-pass into

iyɛ nu ɔkplɛ atsi-mi-li mi=ɛ mla. 3SG in reason 1PLU-NEG-again take=3SGOBJ bring ‘But akpeteshi distilling we do not take it there again’

14. Atsi-li-zi=ɛ pétée uzá ɔkpɛ yɛ atsi-blɔ imɛ 1PLU-again-distill=3SG all distill one CONJ 1PLU-make this

petee bɔtɛ unyi n-nu ama yedze atsi-dze-nɛ vu. all like day AM-five back then 1PLU-start=3SGOBJ blow ‘We distill all once. When we do this after five days we start blowing it.’

15. A-bó-vu=a tɛ nda=a tɛ n-tsó 2SG-FUT-blow=3PLU COMPL palm.wine=DET COMPL AM-cut

anu ɔkplɛ m-bú-nyá bɔtɛ u-nyi n-nu mouth therefore 1SG-FUT-stay like CM-day AM-five ‘You will blow for the palm wine to have a good taste; it will therefore stay for about five days’

16. xé nda m-bo tsó anu xé a-bo-dze=nɛ CONJ palm.wine SM-stay cut mouth COND 2SG-FUT-start=3SGOBJ

zi ta ba-aha take give bar-people ‘when the palm wine has good taste then you start giving it to the bar people (sellers).’

17. xé a-lo-zi-nɛ ta ba-aha alɛ CONJ 2SG-PRSPROG-carry=3SGOBJ give bar people 3PLU

é-bé-tse-ga awú gu 3PLU-FUT-HAB-pay 2PLU price ‘When you are giving it to the sellers, they will be paying you’

18. Abɛ kɔ xé e-kpɔ etsi xé a-dze kpe la palm itself COND 3PLU-lie down COND 2SG-start tap CFM

é-vé nya la abobi ɔ-kpɛ kpɛ kɔsiɖa ɔ-kpɛ alo 3PLU-pass stay CFM moon AM-one CONJ week AM-one or

a-bobi ɔ-kpɛ tututu la e-botɛ tɛ ku. CM-moon AM-one exactly CFM 3PLU-have.to COMPL die ‘Palm tree, when it is felled and you start tapping, it will last for one month and a week or after one month exactly they have to die.’

19. yedze xé nda mu-lu-ri anu enzi, then CONJ drink NEG-PRSPROG-hold mouth well

xé i-ɖu ve fɛ awu anu nu xé mu-nyɔ

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COND 3SG-be pass into 2PLU mouth in COND NEG-stay

ɔndzie nɛ utrɔme-mi-go i-dze vé sweet 3SG work-take-NOM 3SG-start pass ‘Then if the palmwine has no good taste then it is no longer useful’

20. Yedze ibotɛ ta yó-nta nɛ yó tá kpeteshi then have.to COMPL skin-own 3SG skin give local.gin

aha tɛ a-mi zɔ people COMPL 3PLU-take go ‘Then you have to leave it and give it to local gin distillers’

21. i-mɔ ama nda xé atsi-lí kpe umɛ xé i-ɖu AM-that back drink RP 1PLU-again tap here RP AM-be

abɛ nda=a m-bò veve ta atsú Akpanawo. palm wine=DET SM-stay important give 1PLU Logba.people ‘After that palm wine that we tap here is important for us, Logba people’

22. Abɛnda ka i-bo veve ta ɔŋkpɛsiɔkpɛ palm.wine FOC 3SG-stay important COMPL everything

blɔ-go. Xé i-ɖu tɛ kpanɛ a-wo ubi make-NOM COND SM-be COMPL now 2SG-born child

atsi-bi-la ubi do onyui abɛnda nɛ . 1PLU-FUT-take child go.out outside palmwine 3SG

m-bu-ɖu ite SM-FUT-be front ‘Palmwine is important for doing everything, if a child is born and he is to be outdoored54 it is palmwine that will be an essential item’

23. A-tɛ ina o-ku e-bé-vla xé esti-wɔ 3PLU-say person 3SG-die 3PLU-FUT-bury COND elder-PLU

pétée e-tsi etsi e-bé-blɔ ɔŋkpɛ abɛnda all 3PLU-sit down 3PLU-FUT-make something palmwine

m-bu-ɖu ite AM-FUT-be front ‘They say if a person dies and they will bury him; when elders sit and they will do something, palmwine will be an essential item’

24. xé ɔŋkpɛ ɔ-ba kpata e-dzi aha petee fiɖa COND something 3SG-come suddenly 3PLU-call people all meet

xé e-bé-bu nda gu umɔkoe la abɛnda yɛ COND 3PLU-FUT-ask drink from that.place CFM palmwine 3SG

54 This is the naming ceremony of the child according to Logba custom

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m-bu-ɖu ite AM-FUT-be front ‘If something happens suddenly and they call people to meet and they ask for drink palmwine is essential’

25. Iyɔkplɛ ma-ŋu tɛ abɛnda m-bo veve ta therefore 1SG-see COMPL palmwine AM-be important give

atsú Akpanawo kpɛ atsú utsintsiɛ mɛ petee. 1PLU Logba CONJ 1PLU surroundings here all ‘Therefore, I see that palmwine is essential for the Logba and all her sur-roundings’

QUESTION 26. Yedze kpanɛ yɛ abɛ a-ku ko la yedze

then now COND palm SM.PLU-die only CFM then

a-mó-ló-ŋu ɔ-ŋkpɛ gu abɛgo=e nu? 3PLU-NEG-PRSPROG-see CM-nothing from dead.palm=DET in ‘Then if a palm tree dies, are they not getting anything from the dead palm trunk?’

ANSWER 27. Ikpa xé abɛ e-ku a-bo-ŋu iva geɖee.

true COND palm.tree SM.PLU-die 3PLU-FUT-see thing many

Gbã xé abɛ e-ku la agblamido55 first COND palm.tree SM.PLU-die CFM agbamido

e-bé-ba SM.PLU-FUT-come ‘True, if the palm tree dies you get many things, first edible worms come’

28. A-bɔ-la agblamido. xé a-la agblamido 2SG-FUT-remove edible.worms COND 2SG-remove edible.worms

amɛ xé abɛ e-zu fɛ etsi la these COND palm.tree SM.PLU-stop.yielding into ground CFM

tókpótokpó e-bé-lé a-bó-zí short.mushroom 3PLU-FUT-germinate 2SG-FUT-uproot

tókpótokpó fɛ. short.mushroom also ‘You will harvest the edible worms. After harvesting, short mushrooms will germinate and they will also be uprooted and used for food.’

29. Anaŋgba m-bú-lé a-bó-zí nɛ fɛ. broad.mushroom SM-FUT-germinate 2SG-FUT-uproot 3SGOBJ also ‘Broad mushroom will germinate and it will also be harvested.’

55 Edible worms is a delicacy in the Logba area.

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30. Abɛ aganyi fɛ la i-na a-kpɛ palm front also CFM CM-person AM-one

e-tse- zi-e e-mi fɛ ɔdza nu bɔtɛ ndzayi 3PLU-HAB-take=3SGOBJ 3PLU-take put fire in like firewood ‘Palm front also some people put it into fire like firewood’

15.11 Palm-oil making

Palm oil making is an important occupation mainly for women in Logba. Mama Bakata Challote (Age 52) gives an account and it was recorded on 8th July 2004 in her home, Adzakoe. Palm oil is generally used for cooking. Its preparation involves cooking the palm fruit and leaving it to cool. After that, the palm fruit would be pounded. Warm water is poured on the pounded palm fruit and it is stirred for the oil to come above the water and the chaff to remain below. The oil is collected into a bowl and then cooked. When it is well cooked, the oil is taken from the fire and allowed to cool. The chaff and other parts of the palm fruit are useful. 01. xé a-bɔ-za n-fú, gbã ibotɛ tɛ

if 2SG-FUT-cook CM-oil first reason COMPL

á-yayi a-sɔ alo gaze 2SG.FUT-search CM-pot or iron pot ‘If you want to make palm oil, first you have to search for pot or iron pot’

02. nu xé a-bo-za a-bɛ, a-bɛ a-shianu in RP 2SG-FUT-cook CM-palm.fruit CM-palm.fruit CM-quantity

xé a-bɔ-za RP 2SG-FUT-cook ‘in which you cook the palm fruit; the quantity you will cook’

03. i-botɛ e-wli tsibi bɔtɛ memgba nango ɔ-kpɛ CM-REAS 3SG-plenty small like bowl big CM-one ‘because it should be plenty a bit, it should be about a big bowl’

04. A-bɔ na a-bɛ ɔ-dza. Xé a-bɛ 2SG-FUT put CM-palm.fruit CM-fire. COND CM-palm fruit

e-be SM.PLU-cooked ‘You will put the fruit on fire. If the palm fruit is cooked’

05. a-bɔ-gla fɛ a-kɔntsi nu 2SG-FUT-pour into CM-basket in ‘you will pour it into a basket’

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06. xé a-gla fɛ a-kɔntsi=ɛ nu sé-e COND 2SG-pour into CM-basket=DET in finish-CFM

a-bɔ-sá n-ɖú miɔmiɔ 2SG-FUT-fetch CM-water cold ‘If you finish pouring into the basket, you fetch cold water’

07. ŋunya o-tsú tɛ a-dzi=ɛ tɛ o-yu sprinkle 3SG-on COMPL 2SG-see=3SGOBJ COMPL AM-cold ‘sprinkle on it to see that it is cold’

08. E-be-ye tsyɔɔ i-ɖi i-bi-wa 3SG-FUT-wait IDEO CM-day 3SG-FUT-break ‘It will stay for long till day break’

09. Yɛ-dze i-ɖisabe a-bɔ-yue a-bɛ and-look CM-dawn 2SG-FUT-pound CM-palm fruit ‘Then at dawn, you will pound the palm-fruit’

10. xé a-sé a-bɛ yue a-bó-mi fɛ if 2SG-finish CM-palm.fruit pound 2SG-FUT-take into

memgba nango nu bowl big in ‘If you finish pounding the palm fruit, you put it in a big bowl’

11. A-bɔ sá n-ɖú fɛ o-tsú tsibi yɛ 2SG-FUT fetch CM-water into 3SG-on small CONJ

a-bó-ló-hɔdɔ=a A-bɔ-hɔdɔ=a tsyɔɔ 2SG-FUT-PRSPROG stir=3PLUOBJ 2SG-FUT-stir=3PLUOBJ IDEO (long) ‘You will fetch water on it for a while and you will be stirring them; You will stir the palm fruit for a long time;’

12. a-bɛ e-be-dzi enzi CM-palm.fruit 3PLU-FUT-come.up AM-well it will come up well’

13. Xé a-bɛ e-dzi-e a-bo-tso oyó if CM-palm fruit SM-come up-CFM 2SG-FUT-pour 3SG-skin

fɛ memgba mango nu into bowl another in ‘If the palm fruit comes up you will pour part of it in another bowl’

14. fɛ-iyɛ a-bɔ-sá n-ɖu fɛ alɛ tsú yɛ in-3SGIND 2SG-FUT-fetch CM-water into 3SGIND on CONJ

a-bɔ-la a-bɛ 2SG-FUT-beat CM-palm.fruit ‘Now you will pour water on it and you will beat the palm fruit’

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15. A-bɔ-la tsyɔɔ i-bisa ikpɛ menu i-bi-zɔ etsi 2SG-FUT-beat IDEO CM-palm.chaff INDEF like SM-FUT-go under ‘You will beat for a while. Some palm chaff will go under’

16. yɛ n-fú=ɛ m-bu-nya agu kpɛ i-bisa then CM=DET SM-FUT-stay top with CM-palm.chaff

i-kpiɛ menu fɛ AM-INDEF like also ‘Then the oil will be on top with some of the chaff also’

17. xé a-blɔ=ɛ se-e a-bɔ-yɛ if 2SG-make=3SGOBJ finish-CFM 2SG-FUT-remove

i-bisa i-mɛ CM-palm.chaff AM- DEM ‘If you finish making it you will remove this palm chaff’

18. kpɛ nfu=e fɛ memgba mango nu CONJ oil=DET into bowl another in ‘with the oil into another bowl’

19. yɛ a-bɔ-lɔ -sá n-ɖú fɛ iyɛ tsú yɛ CONJ 2SG-FUT-PROG-fetch CM-water into 3SG on CONJ

a-bɔ-la iyɛ petee 2SG-FUT-beat 3SG all ‘and you will be pouring water on it and stir all’

20. la n-ta iyɛ tsú i-bisa ikpe menu beat CM-hand 3SG on CM-chaff INDEF like

i-bí-li-zɔ e-tsi AM-FUT-PROG go CM-down ‘Beat the top with your hand (palm) some of the chaff will be going down’

21. xé i-bisa i-zɔ e-tsi-e a-bó ŋu COND CM-chaff SM-go CM-down-EMPH 2SG-FUT-see ‘When the chaff goes down you will see’

22. tɛ nfú=ɛ n-dzi ba a-gu COMPL oil=DET SM-rise come CM-top ‘that the oil rises to the top’

23. yɛdze a-bɔ-kpa iyɛ fɛ gazi=ɛ nu then 2SG-FUT-collect 3SG into iron.pot=DET in

xé a-bɔ-za iyɛ RP 2SG-FUT-cook 3SGOBJ ‘Then you will collect it into the iron pot and you will cook it’

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24. xé a-kpa-iyɛ fɛ gazi=ɛ nu when 2SG-collect-3SG into iron.pot=DET in

xé a-bɔ-zá iyɛ RP 2SG-FUT-cook 3SG ‘when you collect it in the iron pot in which you will cook it’

25. yɛdze a-zí-iyɛ na ɔ-dza tsú a-fɛ ɔ-dza then 2SG-lift-3SG put CM-fire on 2SG-make CM-fire

iyɛ e-tsi 3SG CM-under ‘Then you lift it and set the fire under it’

26. i-bi-bia iyɛ nta ɔ-kpiɛ tsyɔɔ kpɛ i-bisa 3SG-FUT-boil 3SG self AM-INDEF IDEO with CM-chaff ‘it will boil on its own for some time with the chaff’

27. yɛ i-bia yɛ a-bó-ló-gla iyɛ CONJ AM-boil CONJ 2SG-FUT-PROG-pour 3SGIND ‘As it boils then you will pour it ’

28. fɛ asuɛ nu A-bɔ-tsúrɔ iyɛ enzi tɛ into sieve in 2SG-FUT-sieve 3SGIND well COMPL

i-bisa ikpɛsikpɛ mi-li-na n-fú=ɛ nu CM-chaff all NEG-stick-on CM-oil=DET in ‘into a sieve.You will sieve it well to prevent all the chaff from being in the oil’

29. a-bɔ-ɖɔ gazi=ɛ nu fo yɛ 2SG-FUT-again iron.pot=DET in wash CONJ ‘you will wash the iron pot again and’

30. á-dzu n-fú=ɛ fɛ gazi=ɛ nu-ɛ 2SGFUT-return CM-oil=DET into iron.pot=DET in-EMPH ‘put the oil back in the iron pot’

31. á-dzu=ɛ na ɔ-dza á-fɛ ɔ-dza 2SGFUT-return=3SGOBJ on CM-fire 2SGFUT-make CM-fire

nɛ yó 3SG skin ‘you will put it back on the fire and set it under it’

32. xé a-fɛ ɔ-dza nɛ yo-e m-bu-bia CONJ 2SG-set CM-fire 3SG skin-EMPH AM-FUT-boil ‘When you set the fire under it, it will boil’

33. yɛdze á-mi u-klui á-ló-mi then 2SGFUT-take CM-cooking.stick 2SGFUT-PRSPROG-take

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blu nɛ nu stir 3SG in ‘Then you will take a cooking stick and be stirring in it’

34. tɛ n-tu-kanyi, fɛ n-tu-ri na COMPL NEG-HAB-burn also NEG-HAB-hold on a-sɔ=a etsi CM-pot=DET under ‘that it should not burn so that it does not stick under the pot’

35. A-bo-lo-blu-nɛ nu tsyɔɔ a-bo-ŋu 2SG-FUT-PROG-stir=3SGOBJ in IDEO 2SG-FUT-see ‘You will be stirring in it for some time and you will see’

36. tɛ n-fú=ɛ n-ɖú-dzi i-vɔ COMPL CM-oil=DET AM-PRSPROG stand foam ‘that foam will come to the top of the oil’

37. Xé n-ɖú-dzi i-vɔ a-bo-ŋu tɛ when AM-PROG-stand CM-foam 2SG-FUT-see COMPL

n-du-dzi zɔ agu tsyɔɔ AM-PRSPROG-stand go top IDEO ‘when it is foaming you will see that it is rising to the top for some time’

38. xé n-dze be-ɛ m-bu-dzu fɛ etsi when AM-start cooked-EMPH SM-FUT-return into down ‘When it starts to cook well, the foam will settle down’

39. yɛdze beku=ɛ xé o-tsi n-fu=ɛ nu-ɛ then beku=DET RP SM.SG-stay CM-oil=DET in-EMPH ‘then the beku (thick sediments in the oil) which is in the oil’

40. ɔ-fɛ o-bo-dzu fɛ etsi 3SG-also 3SG-FUT-return into down ‘also will settle down’

41. xé a-ŋu tɛ beku=ɛ o-dzu kpɔ when 2SG see COMPL beku=DET SM.SG-return lie ‘When you see that the “beku” is settled’

42. tɛ a-kpe tɛ n-fu=ɛ m-be COMPL 2SG-know COMPL CM-oil=DET SM-cooked ‘then you know that the oil is cooked’

43. mɔkoe a-bɔ-gla n=fú-ɛ. there 2SG-FUT-pour CM-oil=DET ‘There, you will pour the oil’

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44. a-gla=nɛ kaba tɛ n-tu kanyi 2SG-pour=3SGOBJ quickly COMPL NEG-let burn ‘You pour it quickly that it should not burn’

45. yɛ a-gla n-fú=ɛ fɛ memgba nu sé CONJ 2SG-pour CM-oil=DET into bowl in finish ‘After you finish pouring the oil in the bowl,’

46. yɛdze a-za-nɛ se then 2SG-cook=3SGOBJ finish ‘then you finish cooking it.’

47. yɛdze i-bisa=a xé a-ye mɔ ikpiɛ then CM-chaff=DET RP 2SG-remove there INDEF ‘Some of the chaff which you remove there’

48. a-tanyi-mi blɔ iva ikpiɛ é-te-dzi 2SG-can-take make thing INDEF 3PLU-HAB-call

tɛ kpelɛbɛ COMPL kpelɛbɛ ‘can be used to make something they used to call “kpelɛbɛ”’

49. a-bó-mi=ɛ fɛ a-kɔntsi nu 2SG-FUT take=3SGOBJ into CM-basket in

yedze n-ɖú=ɛ then CM-water=DET ‘You will put it into a basket then the water’

50. xé a-mi blɔ n-fú=ɛ a-bɔ-gla-nɛ RP 2SG-take make CM-oil=DET 2SG-FUT pour 3SGOBJ ‘which you used to make the oil you will pour it’

51. fɛ i-bisa tsú a-kɔntsi=ɛ nu into CM -chaff on CM-basket=DET in ‘onto the chaff in the basket’

52. N-ɖú kotsoe m-bú-dovu. M-bú-do i-bisa nu CM-water only SM-FUT-pour.out AM-FUT-comeCM-chaff in ‘Water only will come out. It will come out of the chaff’

53. yɛ i-bí-gá n-ɖú tongue fɛ i-bísa tu CONJ 3SG-FUT-remain CM-water thick in CM-chaff on ‘and it will remain the thick water on the chaff’

54. mokoe n-dzi n-ta a-ma=á a-bɔ-bɔ there CM-day AM-three CM-back=DET 2SG-FUT-press

iyɛ petee 3SGIND all ‘There after three days you will press it all (in bits)’

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55. a-bɔ=ɛ a-mi ka e-vi 2SG-press=3SGOBJ 2SG-take put CM-sun ‘You press it; you put it in the sun’

56. xé a-ka iyɛ e-vi bɔtɛ Kɔsiɖa ɔkpɛ a-má if 2SG-put 3SGIND CM-sun like week one CM-back ‘If you dry it after a week’

57. xé i-tsoe iva imɛ a-mi=ɛ tsu ɔ-dzá when SM-dry thing this 2SG-take=3SGOBJ set CM-fire ‘when it dries, this thing you use it to set fire.’

58. anyɛ ko i-ɖu bɔtɛ tsitsi-ɛ menu a-mi keresine so only SM-be like turn-EMPH like 2SG-take kerosine ‘So, it only turns like using kerosene’

59. xé a-mi tsú ɔ-dzá=á RP 2SG-take set CM-fire=DET ‘which you take set fire’

60. anyɛ kee i-ɖu a-biku=ɛ xé a-la so also SM-be CM-palm.kernel=DET RP 2SG-remove

a-bɛ nu=é CM-palm.fruit in=DET ‘So also is the palm kernel which is removed from the palm fruit’

61. a-fɛ a-tsimi-a. A-bi=ɛ xé a-ŋu mɔ 2SG-also 2SG-crack=3PLUOBJ CM-palm.fruit=DET RP 2SGM-see DEM ‘you also crack it. The palm fruit that you get from making the oil’

62. a-bó-kplo a-fɛ á-mi blɔ a-bi ɔ-fifiɛ 2SG-FUT-fry 3PLU-also AM-take make CM-palm.kernel CM- oil ‘you will fry. They also take the palm kernel to make palm kernel oil’.

63. Iyɛ fɛ i-ɖu ɔ-fifiɛ ɔ-kpɛ xé e-tse-mi za iva 3SG also SM-be CM-oil AM-one RP 3PLU-HAB-make cook thing ‘It is also one kind of oil which is used for cooking’

64. E-tse -mi blɔ tɔnka, e-mi kplo gawu 3PLU-HAB-take make pepper 3PLU-take fry gawu

kpɛ iva mango-wɔ and thing different-PLU ‘They use it to make stew, fry beans pastry and different things’

65. anyɛ ke i-ɖu a-bifɔ=ɔ á-fɛ so also SM-be CM-kernel.shell=DET 3PLU-also

a-mi=a tsu ɔ-dza. AM-take=3PLUOBJ set CM-fire ‘So is the palm kernel shell, they use it to set fire’

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66. Iyɛ ɔ-kplɛ a-ŋu kanyi tɛ 3SGIND CM-reason 2SG-see realise COMPL ‘One therefore realises that’

67. a-bɛ mi-ɖu iva vuvɔ-go kura CM-palm.fruit NEG-be thing waste-NOM NEG all ‘palm fruit does not have any waste product’

68. iyɛ okusioku mi-ma xé á-mi bɔfi 3SGIND all NEG-stay RP 3PLU-take throw.away ‘No part of it is thrown away’

69. Iyɛ i-ɖu n-fú blɔ-go iyɛ anubame 3SG SM-be CM-oil make-NOM 3SG the.end ‘This is oil making. This is the end.’

15.12 Koko preparation

Koko is a local porridge prepared with corn. It is taken as breakfast in Logba and other surrounding communities. Mercy Antor(Age 34) recounts how it is prepared. This was recorded on 15th May 2006 In the preparation of koko, corn is soaked for three days. Pepper and other spices are mixed with the corn after it is removed from the water. It is taken and milled to become a dough. Water is put on fire. When the water is hot, the dough is mixed with water and poured on the one on the fire. When the koko is well-cooked, it is seived and poured into a pot. Koko is then ready to be sold to the members of the community. 01. Ma-yayi tɛ n-la alaga gu tsitsie e-te-blɔ

1SG-search COMPL 1SG-beat speech about process 3PLU-HAB-make

koko yó. Iyɔkple ta ani gakrana Gbantɔ a-bɔ-fɛ koko skin therefore let 2PLU keep.quiet first 2SG-FUT-put

tsiyi n-ɖú unyi n-ta corn CM-water day AM-three ‘I want to talk about how to make koko. Therefore, keep quiet. First put corn in water for three days’

02. nyi-tamble adzi=e a-bó-yi=e a-bɔ-zɔ day-third occasion=DET 2SG-FUT-remove=3SG=OBJ 2SG-FUT-go

gatetsi. a-zɔ iyɛ gɔmɛ; a-bó-mi mill.under 2SG-go 3SG grind.place 2SG-FUT-take

tɔnka, afutsayi, otsúntsɔ opepre kpɛ iyóku iva petee pepper afutsayi, otsúntsɔ pepre CONJ other thing all

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ye a-bó-zí zɔ gɔ kpɛ iyɛ CONJ 2SG-FUT-carry go grind COM 3SG ‘The third day you remove it and go to the mill and grind it; you will take pepper, “afutsayi”, “otsúntsɔ”, “pepre” and other things to grind with it.’

03. Xé a-gɔ=ɛ sé a-bó-mi iva=a COND 2SG-grind=3SG finish 2SG-FUT-take thing=DET

petee mlá afán. Xé a-mí-mla afa-nu=e all bring house COND 2SG-take-bring house-in=DET

a-bó-futɔ=ɛ ka. Xé a-futɔ=ɛ ka 2SG-FUT-mix=3SG down COND 2SG-mix=3SG.OBJ down

nyɔmble adzi=ɛ a-bó-tsó anyemenu mawɔɛ yɛ second occasion=DET 2SG-FUT-cut such.kind dough CONJ

a-bó-ɖɔ lé futɔ. 2SG-FUT-again 3SG mix ‘If you finish grinding you bring it home; you take part of the said dough and you will mix it again’

04. a-bó-yayi iva xé anyinu tɛ atsa é-te-nya. 2SG-FUT-search thing RP face COMPL chaff 3PLU-HAB-stay

Iyɔkple a-bó-futɔ=ɛ enzi enzi Iyɛ ama bɛ it.reason 2SG-FUT-mix=3SGOBJ well well 3SG back time

a-bó-ta ó-bó-kpɔ etsi. 2SG-FUT-let 3SG-FUT-lie down ‘You will search for the thing which is smooth that takes the chaff. That is why you mix it well; after some time it will settle down’

05. a-bó-na nɖú-dzá. Xé nɖú=é n-dze bia 2SG-FUT-put water-fire COND water=DET SM-start boil

a-bó-tsúɖɔ nɖu n-mɛ xé a-mi futɔ mawɔɛ 2SG-FUT-sieve water AM-DEM COND 2SG-take mix dough

a-tsúɖɔ ne a-mi doɖu nɖú ɔdzá tsú. 2SG-sieve 3SG 2SG-take pour water fire on ‘You will put water on fire. When the water starts to boil, you will sieve that water that you use to mix the dough and pour it on the boiling water’

06. xé nɛ-mɔa n-bi-e mawɔɛ xé ɔ-kpɔ COND AM-DEM SM-well.cooked-CFM dough RP 3SG-lie

etsi-e a-bo-mi gla fɛ ɔdzá tsú Anyemenu down-CFM 2SG-FUT-take pour put fire on so.where

mawɔɛ mɛ xé a-futɔ ka ó-bó-fli gake xé dough this RP 2SG-mix down 3SG-FUT-white but COND

a-zɔ koko la mɛ xé e-la xé a-ŋú

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2SG-go koko beat DEM COND 3PLU-beat COND 2SG-see

tɛ ó-ló-bé-e. anyinu i-bí-drui COMPL 3SG-PRSPROG-well.cooked-CFM face-in SM-FUT-be.red ‘If that one is well cooked, the dough which is down you will put it on fire. The said dough which you mix down will be white but if you use it to prepare koko it will be red’

07. i-gbla tɛ anyemenu kóko=é o-bé. Xé 3SG-show COMPL so.where koko=DET 3SG-well.cooked COND

o-bé-e a-bó-zi sanú a-bó-tsúɖɔ 3SG-well.cooked-CFM 2SG-FUT-carry sieve 2SG-FUT-sieve

kókó=e fɛ asɔ-nu. koko=DET put pot.in ‘It shows that the said koko is well cooked. If it is well cooked you will sieve it into a pot’

08. xé a-tsúɖɔ kókó=é fɛ asɔnu sé-e a-bó-ŋu COND 2SG-sieve koko=DET put pot.in finish-CFM 2SG-FUT-see

kanyi tɛ iv(a)ikpɛ i-tsi sanu-é nu xé mi-ma realise COMPL thing.one 3SG-remain sieve=DET in RP NEG-stay

tɛ i-vé fɛ asɔ nu. Xé atsúɖɔ=ɛ COMPL SM-pass into pot.in COND 2SG-sieve=3SGOBJ

sé petee a-mi zɔ ɔgbá yó . finish all 2SG-take go road skin ‘When you finish sieving into the pot you will realise that some will stay in the sieve which does not pass through to the pot. If you finish all, you take it to the road side’

09. xé a-mi zɔ ɔgbá=á yó-e ahá xé e-bo COND 2SG-take go road=DET skin-CFM people RP 3PLU-stay

ɔgbɔ=a nu-a a-tɛ-nɛ koko=e fɛ efieyi nu. town=DET in-CFM 2SG-HAB-buy koko=DET put calabash in

Alo iva xé i-ɖu afan utrɔmɛ mi iva a-bá-nɛ or thing RP SM-be house work take thing 2SG-FUT-buy

koko=é fɛ iyɛ nu koko=DET put it in ‘When you take it to the road side you sell it to people in the town in cala-bash or in the thing that use to make house work; they buy the koko in it’

10. dzue aha xé e-zɔ okú kisayi ɛ-tɛ-nɛ but people RP SM.PLU-go place long 3PLU-HAB-buy

koko=e fɛ ima fliyi xé i-gbla tɛ koko=DET put rubber white RP AM-show COMPL

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ɛ-lɛ-zɔ okú kisayi xé e-bé-nɔ 3PLU-PRSPROG-go place long RP 3PLU-FUT-drink ‘but people who go distant places, they buy in white rubber containers which show that they are going to distant places where they will drink’

11. Iyɔkplɛ koko-la-go kpontsi ko i -ɖu i-mɛ. Ilɔ 3SG.reason koko-beat-NOM short only 3SG-be AM-DEM word

ikpɛshikpɛ mi-li-ma iyɛ-yó everything NEG-again-stay it-skin ‘Therefore this is in short koko preparation. There is nothing again about this’

12. Iyɔkplɛ ma-tso amu ilɔ nu 3SG-reason 1SG-cut my word in ‘Therefore, I end here

13. Anyintse ‘Thanks’

14. yóo ɖase moma. OK thanks NEG-stay ‘OK, not at all’

15.13 Gari making

Gari is roasted cassava flour used as food in Ghana and most West African coun-tries. Vivian Ankah (Age 37) describes how it is prepared. This was recorded on 10th May 2006.

Cassava is used in the preparation of Gari. Cassava is peeled, washed and taken to the mill. After milling, the cassava dough is pressed for the water in the dough to come out. The cassava dough is sieved and fried. The person frying has to listen to the sound the gari makes in the bowl and taste it as a test to find out whether the gari is fried well. When the gari is well-fried, it is fetched out of the bowl, sieved to remove the large grains before storing in bags. 01. Etsinɛ xé atsi-tsi-kplo gali tá iyɛ-yó ma-la process RP 1PLU-HAB-fry gali COMPL 3SG-skin 1SG-beat

alaga gu speech about

‘The process of making gari is what I talk about’

02. Gbã ati-bi-glui igbeɖi=e mla afan; first 1PLU-FUT-uproot cassava=DET bring house

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atsi-bi-vlɔ=ɛ petee, atsi-bi-fo=e. PLU-FUT-peel=3SGOBJ all 1PLU-FUT-wash=3SGOBJ

‘First, we shall uproot cassava to the house, we shall peel it and wash it’

03. Yedze atsi-bi-mi=e zɔ ɔgɔ tsu alo xé then 1PLU-FUT-take=3SGOBJ go mill on or COND

agbelilili-iɖá i-bo=e atsi-bi-lili iyɛ afan. cassava.grater-iron SM-stay=3SGOBJ 1PLU-FUT-grate 3SG house

‘Then we will take it to the mill or if one has cassaava grating material we will grate it in the house’

04. Iyɛ ama atsi-fɛ lɛ egbe tsi petee petee Yedze 3SG back 1PLU-put 3SGOBJ stone under all all then

ati-ta tɛ nɖu=e ta n-do iyɛ nu petee. 1PLU-give COMPL water=DET let SM-come.out 3SG in all ‘After this we put all of it under stone. Then we let the water to come out from it all’

05. Xé n-do se-e, yedze ibote ta tsi COND AM-get.out finish-CFM then have.to let 1PLU

sra=ɛ ta tsi sra=ɛ agbadze tsú. sieve=3SGOBJ let 1PLU sieve=3SGOBJ sieve on

Atsi-sra=ɛ enzi enzi. 1PLU-sieve=3SGOBJ well well ‘If it comes out completely then one has to sieve it on a sieve very well’

06. Yedze iyɛ ama atsi-tsú ɔdza. Ekple yedze atsi-mi then 3SG back 1PLU-set fire now then 1PLU-take

galikploalɛ na ɔdza tsú Yedze atsi-dzudzu ɔnfiɛ iyɛ nu petee. gari.frying.bowl put fire on then 1PLU-smear oil 3SG in all ‘Then after that we set fire. Now then we take gari frying bowl and smear oil in it’

07. Yedze i-lé ɔdza mo-vé intse nya yedze atsi kutsi then 3SG-be fire NEG-pass strength stay then 1PLU fetch iyɛ fɛ meŋgba nu. 3SG into bowl in ‘Then the fire should not be too strong and you fetch it and put in a bowl’

08. Yedze atsi-dze iyɛ nu kplo kpɛ efieyitsifɔ yɛ then 1PLU-start 3SG in fry CONJ calabash.crack CONJ

atsi-mi kplo=ɛ tsitsi=ɛ nu tsyɔɔ ɔmɛ 1PLU-take fry=3SGOBJ turn=3SGOBJ in long this

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asianu o-bo-bé. quantity 3SG-FUT-well.cooked ‘Then we start frying with cracked calabash turning it till this quantity is well fried’

09. Yedze atsi-bi-lí kutsí ɔŋgɔ fɛ o-tsú ke yedze then 1PLU-FUT-again fetch uncooked into 3SG-on again then

atsi-li-dze iyɛ nu kplo anyɛ. 1PLU-PRSPROG-start 3SG in fry so ‘Then we will be fetching the uncooked one into it again; then we start frying it in that manner’

10. Atsi-bi-li-kplo=e yedze xé atsi-ŋu tɛ 1PLU-FUT-PRSPROG-fry=3SGOBJ then COND 1PLU-see COMPL

i-fo awu kplo agbasi anu yedze a-bo-vui fɛ 3SG-reach 2SG fry hand mouth then 2SG-FUT-stop put ‘We shall be stiring it; then if we see that the quantity is sufficient for your hand then you stop putting more in it’

11. Yedze kpane a-bɔ-fɛ ɔdza=a gbaŋgbaŋ tɛ then now 2SG-FUT-put fire=DET strong COMPL

i-mi bé enzi enzi. Yedze kpane a-bo-blu iyɛ 3SG-take cooked well well then now 2SG-FUT-stir 3SG

nu; a-bó-kplo iyɛ nu. In 2SG-FUT-fry 3SG in ‘Then now you will set the fire to be strong that it will fry well; then you will be stiring it and you will be frying it’

12. A-bo-tso-kplo iyɛ nu zɔ tsyɔɔ xé a-ŋu kanyi 2SG-FUT-HAB-fry 3SG in go for.long COND 2SG-see realise

tɛ i-dze tsoe. Yedze a-bo-lo-he COMPL 3SG-start dry then 2SG-FUT-PRSPROG-pull

ɔdza=a mla ama. fire=DET bring back ‘You will be stiring inside for long. If you realise that it is dry then you pull the fire back’

13. A-he ɔdza=a mla ama sé yedze a-lo-dze 2SG-pull fire=DET bring back finish then 2SG-PRSPROG-start

iyɛ nu kplo tɛ i-ti-tá tɛ mɔ-ɔ-kanyi 3SG in fry COMPL 3SG-HAB-give COMPL NEG-3SG-burn ‘You move the fire back then you start to fry so that it will not burn’

14. A-kplo iyɛ nu tsyɔɔ yedze a-kutsi iyɛ na 2SG-fry 3SG in for long then 2SG-fetch 3SG put

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efieyi-tsifɔ tsú tɛ a-lo-dze tɛ alaga calabash.crack on COMPL 2SG-PRSPROG-look COMPL speech

ɔmɔa o-bó-dzú alɛ tsu naa? DEM 3SG-FUT-sound 3SG on QP ‘You stir it for long then you collect it on the cracked calabash to hear if it makes some noise’

15. Alaga xé a-bó-mi gu ilɛ tsú tɛ a-bó-mi sound RP 2SG-FUT-make from 3SG on COMPL 2SG-FUT-take

kpe tɛ o-bé loo alo mo-o-bé nú know COMPL 3SG-well.cooked ADR or NEG-3SG-well.cooked-NEG

alo a-bó-kutsi lɛ fɛ anu nu or 2SG-FUT-fetch 3SG put mouth in ‘The sound that it makes will make you know that it is well cooked or not or you taste some’

16. Umɔkoe fɛ a-bó-ŋú tɛ o-bé loo alo there also 2SG-FUT-see COMPL 3SG-well.cooked or or

mo-o-bé nú Yedze xé o-be-é NEG-3SG-well.cooked NEG then COND 3SG-well.cooked- CFM

a-gbɛ=ɛ fɛ memgba nu; xé o-yu=ɛ 2SG-cover=3SGOBJ put bowl in COND 3SG-cold=3SGOBJ

a-bɔ-ɖɔ-lɛ sra ke agbadze tsú ke 2SG-FUT-again-3SG sieve again sieve on again There too, you see that it is alright or not. Then if it is alright then you collect it in a pan. Then if it is cool, you sieve it’

17. Yedze a-la ŋkpɔnyi=e xé i-ɖu gali ŋkpɔnyi=e then 2SG-remove eye=DET RP SM-be gari eye=DET

a-bɔ-li-e ka yedze gali ɔntá xé o-ɖú ŋkpɔnyi 2SG-FUT-remove-3SG down then gari own RP SM.SG-be eye

witsi-witsi xé o-bo=e a-bɔ-ta ó-bó-yu petee. small-small RP 3SG-stay=3SGOBJ 2SG-FUT-let 3SG-FUT-cool all ‘Then you remove the eye which is gari’s eye; which are small small eyes; you will leave it to cool’

18. Yedze a-fɛ lɛ kotoku nu. A-mi ima fɛ then 2SG-put 3SGOBJ bag in 2SG-take rubber put

kotoku=é nu a-á-gbɛ fɛ o-nu tɛ xé bag=DET in 2SG-FUT-cover put 3SG-in COMPL COND

i-ɖu tɛ ɔ-bɔ-nya kisa fɛ alɛ iyu. SM-be COMPL 3SG-FUT-stay long also 3SG SM-cold

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Iyɛ amá a-mi lɛ zɔ ovu nu 3SG back 2SG-take 3SGOBJ go market in ‘Then you put it in a bag. You put rubber in bag to cover it that it takes long before it is cold. After that you take it to the market’

19. atsi-li-mi kpɛ kpɛ azayi. A-tanyi azayi za 1PLU-PRSPROG-take eat CONJ bean 2SG-can bean cook

a-mi kpi=ɛ alo a-fɛ lɛ nɖu a-nɔ. 2SG-take CONJ=3SG or 2SG-put 3SGOBJ water 2SG-drink

Ekple fɛ atsi-tanyi lɛ zá kpɛ nɖu (ɔ)dza bɔtɛ avu now also 1PLU-can 3SG use CONJ water hot like ‘akple’ ‘We use to eat it with beans. You can cook beans or put it in water and drink. Now also we can use it with hot water like “akple”’

15.14 Local soap making56

Ophelia Hesse (Age 52) recounts the preparation of local soap. This was recorded on 1st June 2006 The Logba people use palm oil, or coconut oil and caustic soda to manufacture soap. In place of caustic soda, some people use dry cocoa pod, plantain peels and palm husk which are roasted to become like ash. Water is poured on the mixture which is sieved and boiled for a long time. Oil is poured on the solution on the fire and stirred to mix well. When the water evaporates from it, then the soap is ready for use. 01. Ŋ-kpe ɔ-kpɛ gu aʋiɛ-tsɔɛ-za-go yó Xé

1SG-know AM-one from Ewe-soap-cook-NOM skin COND

a-á-za aʋiɛ-tsɔɛ a-bó-yayi iva-kpɛ-wɔ ka 2SG-FUT-cook Ewe-soap 2SG-FUT-search thing-one-PLU put.down

xé a-bó-dze ɔtsɔɛ za RP 2SG-FUT-start soap cook ‘I know something about local soap making. If you want to make local soap, you have to search some things down before you will start to pre-pare the soap’

02. Iva-wɔ i-ɖu mfú alo abi-ɔnfiɛ alo yovunɛ-ɔfifie thing-PLU SM-be palm.oil or kernel-oil or coconut-oil

kpɛ yɔkumi fɛ é-te-mi zá. ekple CONJ Shea.butter.oil also 3PLU-HAB-take cook then

56 The people call it aʋiɛtsɔɛ ‘Ewe soap’ the Ewe’s call it ameyibɔ dzalẽ ‘black man’s soap’ The impression one gathers is that the people are comparing this soap with the imported ones in these areas.

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a-bó-yayi aɖi. Aɖi=ɛ ɔ-mɛ o-ɖu 2SG-FUT-search soda Soda=DET AM-DEM 3SG-be

ivi-kpi=ɛ xé atsi-tsi-ŋú kókó afɔtsi tsúeyi aló thing-one=DET RP 1PLU-HAB-see cocoa pod dry or

bladzo afɔtsi kpɛ ibikpa zuzɔ-go nu. plantain peel CONJ palm.husk roast-NOM in ‘The things are palm-oil or kernel oil or coconut oil. They use shea butter oil also to make it. Then you will search for soda. We get the soda from cocoa pod which is dry or plantain peel and palm husk which is roasted.’

03. a-bó-zuzɔ kókó afɔtsi=e kpɛ iva i-mɛ-wɔ 2SG-FUT-roast cocoa peel=DET COM thing AM-DEM-PLU

ma-dzi-ɛ petee ikpɛ xé i-bí-dzu batɛ ntɔ 1SG-call-3SGOBJ all one COND 3SG-FUT-turn like ash

i-bí-blɔ batɛ akaŋu. Xé i-bé-e 3SG-FUT-make like saltpeter COND 3SG-well.cooked-CFM

a-gba=ɛ ka. 2SG-collect=3SGOBJ put.down ‘You will roast the cocoa pod that is peeled and all those things that I have called. They will become like ash; it will be like saltpetre. If it is well cooked you will collect it and put it down’

04. a-bɔ-fɛ nɖu ntɔ na-(i)mɛ tsú bokiti alo memgba 2SG-FUT-put water ash put-this on bucket or bowl

nu. yɛ a-bó-tsúɖɔ=ɛ petee fɛ akɔntsi nu. in. CONJ 2SG-FUT-sieve=3SGOBJ all in basket in ‘Yo u will pour water into that ash in bucket or bowl. Then you will sieve all into a basket.

05. Akɔntsi=é a-bó-mi ala xé etsi i-do yɛ basket=DET 2SG-FUT-take type RP under SM-come.out CONJ

a-bó-mi kotoku kpágo fɛ iyɛ nu xé a-bó-gla 2SG-FUT-take sack torn put 3SG in RP 2SG-FUT-pour

aɖi kpɛ nɖu=e kpɛ iyɛ petee fɛ xé i-bi-tsuɖɔ soda CONJ water=DET CONJ 3SG all put RP 3SG-FUT-sieve

fɛ iyɛ nu. put 3SG in A basket which has a loose under is what you will use. You will then use a torn sack and put in the basket. You will pour the soda and the water and all will be sieved into it’

06. Iyɛ ama a-bó-gla nɖu=e xé i-ɖu aɖi 3SG back 2SG-FUT-pour water=DET RP 3SG-be soda

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nɖu=e fɛ gaze nu xé a-mí na ɔdzá. water=DET put metal.pot in RP 2SG-take put fire ‘After this you will pour the water which is the soda water into the metal pot and you will put it on fire’

07. A-bó-zi=ɛ tsyɔɔ nɖú m-bi-bé iyɛ nu. 2SG-FUT-cook=3SGOBJ for.long water SM-FUT-well.cooked 3SG in ‘You will cook it till the water will be well cooked in it’

08. Nɖu=e ŋ-gbé petee gake xé i-bé-e water=DET NEG-evaporate all but COND 3SG-well.cooked-CFM ‘The water will not evaporate completely but when it is well-cooked’

09. a-bó-ŋu kanyi tɛ gaze nu petee i-dze fli 2SG-FUT-see realize COMPL metal.pot in all 3SG-look white ‘you will realise that inside of the pot will be white’.

10. Yedze a-bó-ŋu kanyi tɛ i-bé ko a-gla then 2SG-FUT-see realize COMPL 3SG-well.cooked only 2SG-pour

mi yida A-bó-ŋu kanyi tɛ ta gla mfú kpɛ take down 2SG-FUT-see realize COMPL give pour oil CONJ

aɖí nɖú=e pétée na ɔdzá ikpɛ. i-tsi vuvɔ soda water=DET all put fire one 3SG-stay spoil ibɛ gblɛlɛ time many ‘Then you will realise that it is well cooked and you will pour it down. You will realise that you pour the oil and soda water all on fire at once. It wastes so much time’

11. Kpanɛ anyi da nu-e xé a-za aɖi ka now face open in-CFM COND 2SG-cook soda put.down

iva a-kpe na ɔdzá57 kura. Xé a-dze iva thing 2SG-peel put fire even COND 2SG-look thing

zá ɔtsɔɛ a-mi na ɔdza cook soap 2SG-take put fire ‘In this modern world, if you cook soda you can as well cook.

12. xé a-ló-blu o-nu-e. kpanɛ ko tɛ iva COND 2SG-PRSPROG-stir 3SG-in-CFM now only COMPL thing

ta i-bé. Ɔtsɔɛ fɛ ko o-bé give well.cooked soap also only 3SG-well.cooked

57 kpe na ɔdza ‘peel put fire’ this phrase refers to peeling yam or cassava to put on fire as one of the steps in the preparation of yam or cassava slice or fufu.

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a-ŋu awu ɔtsɔɛ. 2SG-see 2SG soap ‘as you are stirring by the time the food is well cooked, the soap will also be well cooked and you will see your soap’

13. Ɔtsɔɛ xé a-mi na ɔdza, a-bó-tso-blu o-nu. soap RP 2SG-take put fire 2SG-FUT-HAB-stir 3SG-in

A-tso-blu o-nu tsyɔɔ xé mfu kpɛ aɖi petee 2SG-HAB-stir 3SG-in for.long RP oil CONJ soda all

i-bi-tsaka fɛ anɖa nu 3SG-FUT-mix into companion in ‘The soap that you put on fire, you will be stirring it. You will sitr it until the time that the oil and the soda mix into each other’

14. Xé i-blu fɛ anɖa nu petee ko a-ŋu COND 3SG-stir into companion in all only 2SG-see

tɛ nɖú ku fɛ o-nu. COMPL water die into 3SG-in ‘If it all mixes into each other then you will see that the water will be dried in it’

15. o-bó-dze tsoe alɛ tsiban petee i-bi-dze tsoe. 3SG-FUT-start dry 3PLU under all 3SG-FUT-start dry

tsyɔɔ tɛ o-bo-tsoe sé la o-petee o-bó-dzú for.long COMPL 3SG-FUT-dry finish CFM 3SG-all 3SG-FUT-turn

wesee batɛ gali coarse like gari ‘It will start drying from the bottom and all will dry. Up till the time it finished drying, it will become like gari.’

16. Yɛdzɛɛ awu tsɔɛ o-béé Yɛ i-ɖu then 2SG soap 3SG-well.cooked CONJ 3SG-be

iva ŋ-kpɛ gu ina bibli ɔtsɔɛzago yó-e. thing 1SG-know from person black soap.cooking skin-CFM Then your soap is well cooked. This is all that I know about “black mans” soap making’

QUESTION 17. Atsa-wa tɛ xé iva batɛ ɔganyi

1PLU-say COMPL COND thing like palm.frond

kpɛ avudago xé a-la-dzi tɛ CONJ leaf RP 3PLU-PRSPROG-call COMPL

acheampɔŋ ɔyɔ xé ɔ-wɔ-wu-e atsa-wa Acheampong.tree COND 3SG-prick-2SGOBJ-CFM 1PLU-say

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tɛ xé a-mi aʋiɛɔtsɔɛ glí-e COMPL COND 2SG-take local.soap tie=3SGOBJ

aɖi á-tsa-ku ikpá poison 3PLU-HAB-die true.Q ‘It is said that if something like palm frond and a leaf like Acheampong58 tree pricks you, they say that if you tie it with local soap the poison die, is it true?’

ANSWER 18. E! i-ɖu ikpá Aɖi=e xé o-tsi aviɛɔtsɔɛ nu-e Yes 3SG-be true poison=DET RP SM.SG-be.in local.soap in-CFM

o-tso-bá aɖi mango a-nú batɛ aɖi=ɛ ɔmɛ 3SG-HAB-kill poison different 3PLU-in like soda=DET this o-bo intse 3SG-stay strength ‘Yes it is true. The poison which is in local soap kills other poisons because this poison is strong’

19. ibotɛ ebi abɛ xé kɔtsú ilɔ mi-nya-nu reason past time RP hospital word NEG-stay-NEG kpe atsú ka atsi-bo kɔƒe-wɔ nu-e xé iva CONJ 1PLU FOC 1PLU-stay village-PLU in-CFM COND thing

i-wɔ=wu-e a-tanyi aʋiɛtsɔɛ mi gli-e 3SG-prick=2SGOBJ-CFM 2SG-can local.soap take tie=3SGOBJ

unyi-nyɔ unyi-nta day-two day-three ‘This applied to the past time that people did not understand going to hos-pital and also those of us who are in villages. If you are pricked by some-thing you can use local soap to tie it for two days or three days’

20. ivi-mɛ xé i-wɔ=wu-e o-bó-hɛ-ɛ thing-this RP 3SG-prick=2SGOBJ-CFM 3SG-FUT-pull=3SGOBJ

i-bí-bá aɖi xé o-tsi iyɛ nu iyɛ ama yɛ 3SG-FUT-kill poison RP 3SG-be.in 3SG in 3SG back CONJ

a-wɔ zugbo kɔtsú i-ta tɛ i-ɖu 2SG-move head hospital 3SG-show COMPL 3SG-be

ava fɛ. medicine also ‘The thing that pricks you, it will pull it out, it will kill the poison that is in it. After this then you head towards the hospital. This shows that it is medicine also’

58 A grass named after one of the former military heads of state in Ghana

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15.15 Cocoa cultivation

Cocoa is the main cash crop in Ghana and Logba is one of the areas in the Hohoe district where it is cultivated. This text is culled from a longer account of cocoa cultivation. Guady R.K. (Age 61) a chief farmer, describes how cocoa is cultivated. This was recorded on 5th April. The video version is available. Cocoa does well in forest areas. Cultivation of cocoa involves clearing of the forest and setting fire to the bush to make the land clean and ready for use. Mounds are made on which the cocoa bean is planted. Alternatively, the seeds are broadcast. It takes six to seven years for cocoa to bear fruits. Cutlass or ɔpɛ is used to pluck cocoa from the trees. When the cocoa pods are plucked, they are broken to take out the seeds. The seeds are then heaped and covered to ferment. They are dried in the sun to make them ready for sale.

01. Amu n-ɖú R.K Guady e-bonukpiwo=e onukpa. idzi=ɛ

1SG 1SG-be R. K. Guady PLU-farmer=DET chief today=DET

n-dú-la alaga gu koko-ubo-ka-go yó 1SG.PRSPROG-beat speech about koko.farm.put.NOM skin ‘I am R.K. Guady chief farmer. Today I am speaking about cocoa farm-ing’

02. Koko koŋ o-zi tá owábo. Koko cocoa mainly 3SG-be.good give forest.area cocoa

mo-ó-nyɔ-n-zi odzɔgbe nu. i-ta-tɛ NEG-3SG-stay-NEG-well savanna in 3SG-give-COMPL

atsú etsi=e xé i-ɖu Ghana umɛ koko 1PLU land=DET RP 3SG-be Ghana here cocoa

mo-ó-nyɔ-n-zi ɔdzɔgbe nu. NEG-3SG-stay-NEG-well savanna in Cocoa mainly does well in forest areas. Cocoa does not do well in savanna areas. It is that our land here, in Ghana, cocoa does not do well in the savanna’

03. Ubo-ka-go=e mɛ e-tse-blɔ lɛ ta? farm-put-NOM=DET this 3PLU-HAB-make 3SGOBJ PART

E-bé-zɔ yɛ e-be-dze okunie xé i-zi tɛ 3PLU-FUT-go CONJ 3PLU-FUT-see place RP SM-good COMPL

e-be-be uwa. 3PLU-FUT-clear forest ‘This farming, how is it done? They will go and see a place which is good so they will clear the forest.

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04. iva=á xé e-tse-mi be uwa i-ɖu ifiami thing=DET RP 3PLU-HAB-take clear forest 3SG-be cutlass

E-bémí ifiami be uwa petee yɛ e-be-dza a-yɔ. 3PLU-FUT-take cutlass clear forest all CONJ 3PLU-FUT-cut PLU-tree ‘The thing they will use to clear the forest is cutlass. They will use cutlass clear all the forest and they will cut the trees’

05. Okuna xɛ a-yɔ nango á-bo-e é-tse-mi avi place RP PLU-tree big 3PLU-stay-CFM 3PLU-HAB-take axe

e-tse-mi tso a-yɔ nango. Alɛ xé a-ɖa fiɛ 3PLU-HAB-take cut PLU-tree big 3PLU RP 3PLU-be.big exceed

e-tse-vlɔ a-yó ko e-tse-ku. 3PLU-HAB-peel 3PLU-skin only 3PLU-HAB-die ‘Where there are big trees they use axe to cut the big trees. Those which are bigger they remove their barks so that they die’

06. Xé e-lɔ iva sé-e xé e-fe iva=a COND 3PLU-clear thing finish-CFM COND 3PLU-set thing=DET

ɔdzá=a xɛ e-kpali iva=a sé-e fire=DET COND 3PLU-collect thing=DET finish-CFM ‘If they finish clearing, set fire to the bush, and finish gathering the things,

07. xé ubo=e nu i-kɔ xɛ e-lá adru=e COND farm=DET in 3SG-clean COND 3PLU-make mound=DET

yedze e-ɖú koko=e fɛ a-kpɛ e-ŋunya then 3PLU-plant cocoa=DET also CM-one 3PLU-broadcast

koko=é fɛ ubo=e nu. cocoa=DET in farm=DET in if the farm is clean, they make mounds, then they plant cocoa; some broadcast the cocoa in the farm’

08. Koko=e ibɛ-imɔ-nu xé odza ba-a iyɛ i-ɖu Cocoa=DET time-that-in RP ahead come-CFM 3SG 3SG-be

Tettey Quashie. I-ɖu koko ɔ-kpɛ xé o-tso-nyi. Tettey Quashie. 3SG-be cocoa AM-one RP 3SG-HAB-fruit Cocoa, at that time which came first is Tettey Quashie. It is a type of cocoa which bears many fruits.’

09. Ekple xé o-nyi unyi ɔkpɛ ko-e o-sé. now COND 3SG-bear fruit one only-CFM 3SG-finish

nyagbo ɔ-lɔ-nɔ fɛ mo-ó-ló-nyi rain 3SG-again-fall also NEG-3SG-PRSPROG-fruit ‘Now if it bears fruit only once then it is finished. Even if it rains again it will not bear fruits’

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10. Dzigu ɔlɛ i-ɖú-bɛ tsyɔɔ bitɔ a-dze bi-e from 3SG 3SG-plant-time for.long up.to 3PLU-start harvest-CFM

i-bitɔ n-kpe n-glo kpɛ glankpɛ yedze e-dze-nyi 3SG-up.to CM-year AM-six CONJ seven then 3PLU-start-fruit ‘From the planting up to its time of harvesting is up to six and seven years then it begins to bear fruit’

11. Xé koko=e e-dze drui iva atsi-tsi-mi COND cocoa=DET 3PLU-start red thing 1PLU-HAB-take

utrɔmɛ mɔ-ɔ i-ɖu ifiami ɔpɛ. work there-CFM 3SG-be cutlass ɔpɛ” ‘If cocoa starts to ripe the things we use to work are cutlass and “ɔpɛ”

12. ɔpɛ atsi-tsi-mi tɔlɛ na ɔyɔ anu xé atsi-tsi-mi “ɔpɛ” 1PLU-HAB-take fix on tree mouth RP 1PLU-HAB-take

bi koko=e ifiami=ɛ e-tso etsi a-blɛ. pluck cocoa=DET cutlass=DET 3PLU-pluck ground 3PLU-own

agu a-bli=ɛ atsi-tsi-mi ɔpɛ tso=á top 3PLU-own=DET 1PLU-HAB-take “ɔpɛ” cut=3PLUOBJ “ɔpɛ” we use to fix on the tree which we use to pluck the cocoa. The cutlass plucks those under; the top ones, we use “ɔpɛ” to pluck them’

13. Xé atsi-tso=a se petee e-be-gba=a COND 1PLU-cut-3PLU finish all 3PLU-FUT-heap=3PLUOBJ

xoxu e-bé-mi ifiami kɔŋklɔ xé mi-ve-nu gather 3PLU-FUT-take cutlass old RP NEG-pass-NEG

ɖa ye e-be-mi fɔnyi koko=e. big CONJ 3PLU-FUT-take break cocoa=DET ‘If we finish plucking, they heap them. After heaping all of them we use a cutlass that is old but not too big to break the cocoa’

14. Xé a-fɔnyi koko=e se-e yedze e-be-bua COND 2SG-break cocoa=DET finish-CFM then 3PLU-FUT-heap

yedze atsi ka adɔ then 1PLU put fermentation ‘If you finish breaking the cocoa then you will keep it to ferment’

15. E-be-ka ɔgayɔ avudago kpɛ kɔɖiatsa avudago ka 3PLU-FUT-put plantain leaf CONJ banana leaf put

etsi ina-kpɛ fɛ a-tsa-ka agbadɔ ground person-one also 3PLU-HAB-put shed

xé me-zɔ agu RP NEG-go top ‘They put plantain leaf and banana leaf on the ground. Some people make a shed which is not high’

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15.16 Puberty rites

According to custom, girls on reaching puberty have to undergo some rites. Mama Ella Semidi IV (Age 70) recounts what she knows about puberty rites. This is taken from a longer account that was recorded on 13th June 2006. During the time of our ancestors, they discuss with parents and then inform the girls of the time for the puberty rites. The time is usually fixed three weeks before the actual date. On the day of the ceremony, a prayer is offered and the girl will be adorned with special beads by the aunt. The girl is expected to wear the beads for three months. Food is provided by the girls’ parents for the feasting and merry making. 01. amu unyi o-ɖu Mama Ella Semidi na-mblɛ. Ma-bá-la

1SG name SM.SG-be queen Ella Semidi four-ORD 1SG-FUT-beat

alaga gu edze-zigo yó. speech about women-puberty skin ‘My name is queen mother Ella Semidi IV. I shall talk about puberty rites’

02. Gbã iva etsie e-tse-tɔ etsi-wɔ kpe first thing under 3PLU-HAB-start male.ancestor-PLU CONJ

ama=a xé a-nya ibɛ-ɛ blɔ female.ancestors=DET COND 3PLU-stay time-CFM make

ikago ta edze-zigo=e e-be-tsi e-be-la alaga rule give women.puberty=DET 3PLU-FUT-sit 3PLU-FUT-beat speech

gu iyɛ yó about 3SG skin

‘First thing is that the ancestors(both male and female) when they lived they arranged for puberty rite, they sat down to discuss it’

03. xé e-ri=e ka-a yedze e-be-ta COND 3PLU-hold=3SGOBJ put-CFM then 3PLU-FUT-give

edzebi=é e-be-yayi amu uma=a ɔ-bɔ-yayi girls=DET 3PLU-FUT-search rice mother=DET 3SG-FUT-search

amu edzebi=e e-be-yuɛ amu=é. rice girls=DET 3PLU-FUT-pound rice=DET ‘After they discussed it, they will inform the girls to find local rice; their mothers will find local rice; the girls will pound the unshelled rice’

04. Kwasiɖa ita li-zɔ abobi yedze adzi=e tsú week three PRSPROG-go month Then day=DET on

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tututu xé e-be-blɔ ɔkɔ=ɔ ta nu exactly RP 3PLU-FUT-make custom=DET give 2PLU

ubi=e e-ki-ɛ ka. daughter=DET 3PLU-tell=3SGOBJ put ‘Three weeks going to a month then the exact date that the custom will be performed for the girl will be given’

05. kelekele e-be-mi indziba-wɔ iva=a petee. Aha first 3PLU-FUT-take bead-PLU thing=DET all persons

xé e-be-fe ababli=e ta ina-a á-fɛ RP 3PLU-FUT-put puberty.rite=DET give person-CFM 3PLU-also

e-be-nya e-be-tsi. 3PLU-FUT-stay 3PLU-FUT-sit ‘First they will take all beads of different kinds. The people who will perform the rites will also be seated there’

06. Ina=a xé e-be-dze iva ta ina=a a-fɛ person=DET RP 3PLU-FUT-look thing give person=DET 3PLU-also

e-be-tsi. Yedze xé e-be-tsi-e e-be-dzi 3PLU-FUT-sit then COND 3PLU-FUT-sit-CFM 3PLU-FUT-call

Ɔkpaya tɛ é-bé-tɔ iva=á etsi God COMPL 3PLU-FUT-fix thing=DET ground The supporter of the celebrant will also be seated. As they are all seated, they will call God (pray) for the start of the ceremony’

07. E-dzi ɔkpaya se-e yedze ubí tasu 3PLU-call God finish-CFM then girl aunt

o-mi abable=é 59 ó-bó-mi wɔ ubí=é otsú 3SG-take bead=DET 3SG-FUT-take point girl=DET forehead

yɛ o-bo-dzi ɔkpaya CONJ 3SG-FUT-call God ‘After calling God, the girl’s aunt will take the bead and point it to the forehead and will call God(pour libation)’

08. iblɔ-go=e nu ugbedzugo=e nu-e xé e-dzi make-NOM=DET in prayer=DET in-CFM COND 3PLU-call

ɔkpaya se-e iva xé e-bé-le-blɔ God finish-CFM thing RP 3PLU-FUT-PRSPROG-make

iva kelekele iyɛ í-bí-ɖu ifuwe60. thing first 3SG 3SG-FUT-be ‘ifuwe’ ‘In the process, when the prayer in which they call God is said the first thing they will be doing is to take a special bead, “Ifuwe” for her to wear’

59 Abablee is used here to refer to the representative items like beads used for puberty rites 60 Ifuwe is a type of bead; other beads are kɔmegogoe aʋatsogeŋge and bluwe.

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09. Ifuwe imɛ yɛ e-be-mi lɛ xé i-ɖu kelekele. ‘ifuwe’ this 3SG 3PLU-FUT-take 3SGOBJ RP 3SG-be first ‘This “ifuwe” is what they will give her to wear first’

10. E-be-mi kɔmegogoe, aʋatsogeŋge kpe bluwe. 3PLU-FUT-take “kɔmegogoe, aʋatsogeŋge” CONJ “bluwe” ‘They give her other beads like “kɔmegogoe”, “aʋatsogeŋge” and “bluwe” to wear’

11. indziba imɛ ita=a i-bi-nya ɔlɛ imɔ-nu bɔtɛ bead this three=DET 3SG-FUT-stay 3SG neck-in like

abobi a-ta o-bo-to-gu iyó kpi=ɛ. moon AM-three 3SG-FUT-HAB-wash skin with=3SGOBJ ‘These three beads will stay on her neck for about three months. She will be bathing with it’

12. Xé e-blɔ se-e yedze e-be-kukɔ ɔgbɔ-nu COND 3PLU-make finish-CFM then 3PLU-FUT-go.round town.in ‘When they finish they will go round the town’

13. Ubí-ma kpe ubí-tsi e-be-za iva mla girl-mother CONJ girl-father 3PLU-FUT-cook thing bring

ababléfewo-wɔ kpɛ iva-dze-wo=e petee puberty.performer-PLU CONJ thing-look-PLU=DET all ‘The girls mother and the girls father will cook and bring to those performing the rite and all the onlookers.

14. é-bé-za iva mla é-bé-mi nda ta 3PLU-FUT-cook thing bring 3PLU-FUT-take drink give

abablefɛwo=e puberty.performer=DET ‘They will cook and bring drink to those who are performing the puberty rites’

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Logba vocabulary

Logba-English-Ewe vocabulary

The order in which words (roots) are presented in the Logba-English-Ewe vocabu-lary is similar to how entries are made in an English dictionary with some modifi-cations. The order is as follows:

a,b,d,ɖ,e,ɛ,f,g,h,i,k,l,m,n,ŋ,o,ɔ,p,r,s,t,u,v,w,x,y,z. Every entry is specified for the part of speech it belongs to. For nouns, plural is also indicated. This is followed by the English gloss and the Ewe gloss. The exam-ple sentence in Logba is provided for some of the entries with a translation equiva-lent (work is still in progress). Where a dialectal equivalent is available in the lan-guage, it is provided indicating the Logba area in which the particular word is used. Both low tone and high tones are marked on all the entries. The following abbreviations are used. adj adjective n noun adv adverb prep Preposition Conj conjunction Pro Pronoun DET determiner Pl Plural FUT future Subj Subject IMP imperativ v verb Obj object 3SG 3rd Singular pronoun

A - a a Pro 2SG.Subj. è

-a DET the (l)a

á FUT RED. -ge

á pron 3 PLU wó

abàbléfɛwò n performers of puberty rites amesiwo wɔa leke na tugbedzɛwo Ebezá iva mlá ababléfɛwo They will cook and bring to those performing puberty rites. abɛ Pl:abɛ n palmnut dě Abɛ ezi inta The palmnut is very good.

abɛgo n dead palm tree trunk edekpe Amoloŋú ɔŋkpɛ gu abɛgo e nu They are not getting anything from the dead palm trunk abɛndà n palmwine deha Kofi ɔnɔ abɛnda Kofi drank palmwine

abɛyuɛwɔ n mortar for pounding palm fruit edetoto Abɛyuɛwɔ adre The mortar for pounding palmfruit is dirty. abɛzúgbó Pl:abɛzúgbó n the fruit on the palm-tree edeta Abɛzugbo odrui The palm fruit is ripe

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abí Pl:abí n palm kernel neƒi Mane abí I bought palm kernel abí Pl:abí n palm kernel neƒi abiá Pl:mbia n chair zikpi, ableŋgɔ Ntsi abia tu I am sitting on the chair

abiasà n Logba fetish priest Logba trɔnua Abiasa odzí ɔkpaya Ayadzi Logba fetish priest prayed (poured libation) on Saturday abífɔ Pl:abifɔ n palm kernel shell neƒito abifɔ ole ɔdza nu palm kernel shell is in the fire abíofifiɛ Pl:abiofie n palm kernel oil neƒimí Mazɔ abíofifiɛ I sold palm kernel oil Tota: abíɔnfie

àbobí Pl:àbobí n moon dzinu Abobi vuvɔ odó New moon appears

abólózágò Pl:abolo n 'abolo' abolo Manɛ abólozágo I bought abolo

abótí Pl:mbótiwɔ n corpse amekuku evla aboti uname They buried the corpse yesterday Tota: abotsi

abotiatá Pl:mbotiatá n flies that swarm after rainfall ekɔ Mbotiata nle nɖue nu Flies are in the water abɔɖiabɔ

Pl:abɔɖiabɔ n bottle atukpá ŋkpɔnyi nnyɔ midze abɔɖiabɔ nu You cannot use two eyes to see in one bottle. abù Pl:abu n valley, precipice abu, balime Esi olenta fɛ abu é nu Esi fell into the valley. abùbà Pl:mbùbà n termite baba Mbùbà ŋkpɛ afuta termites ate the cloth

abúdze Pl:mbúdze n she-goat gbɔnɔ Dze abudzɛ omɛ Look at that she-goat

abuéklontí Pl:mbɔwɔklontsi n hide, skin of ani-mal elãgbalẽ abuéklonti izi The hide is good Tota: abweklontsi

abúkpá Pl:abúkpa n shoulder abɔtá

abukpákú Pl:abukpákú n shoulder bone abɔtaƒu

abué Pl:mbɔwɔ n animal lã Ɔvanuvo ɔbá abué The hunter killed the animal Tota:aboɛ

ádà Pl:ndà n lizard adoglo áda ole aglie yo lizard is on the wall

adébí Pl:adébí n kidney ayiku

Adenkluí n fresh palm wine deha yeye si vivina Adenklui mbɔndzi Fresh palm wine is sweet. adí n frog akpɔkplɔ Oŋu adí ndue nu He saw frog in the water

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Adɔ n River in Logba tɔsisi aɖe le Logba

adrú Pl:ndrú n mound etekpó Abɔla adru kpe agblenu You will prepare mound with a hoe. adrú kisai Pl:ndru kisai n ridge kpo iyoyu inya adrú kisai nu There is moisture in the ridge. Àdrùvà n Thursday Yawoɖa Ewom Adruva I was born on Thursday. ádzáfɔ n chaff atsa

adzàgò Pl:adzago n millet eƒo

adzàyí Pl:ndzàyí n firewood nakè Ndzayí ntsi ɔdzá nu Firewood is in the fire

adzexé Pl:ndzexé n bird possessed with evil spirit adzexe Adzexe ole utsa zugbo Owl is on the top of the building adzɛwàsà Pl:ndzɛwasa n witch adzetɔ Ari adzɛwàsà idze They caught a witch/wizard today adzì Pl:ndzì n bird xevi Mari adzì I caught a bird adzi Pl:ndzí n day, occasion -gbe Mabá zɔ adzi ŋkpɛ I will go one day. Used with ordinal numbers

adziá adv that day, previously ɣemaɣi adzímí Pl:ndzímíwɔ n mudfish adeɣe adzími ɔɖa fiɛ akpá mudfish is bigger than tilapia adzìsà Pl:ndzìsà n birds' nest xevi ƒe atɔ ndzìsà nle ɔyɔ á nu birds' nests are in the tree adzísiádzí adv everyday gbesiagbe Adzísiádzi ɔtuzɔ suku Everyday he goes to school adzíyí Pl:ndzíyí n kite ayisu Atiŋú adziyi e agu We saw the kite above Tota: adzíi

adzɔklɔyì n rice mɔlu Ebitsi é ɔkpɛ adzɔklɔyi The child ate rice

aɖàbàkùtó Pl:aɖàbàkùtó n eyebrow adzugo Aɖabakutó bíbli obò Kafui Kafui has black eyebrow aɖaŋù n advice aɖaŋù Aɖaŋu ɖukpa obo Esi Esi has good advice

aɖí n soda aɖí Abógla aɖi nɖu é fɛ gaze nu You will put the water con-taining soda into a metal pot aɖí n poison aɖi Kofi omi aɖi bá oglui Kofi used poison to kill the mouse aɖɔɖí n love lɔlɔ Aɖɔɖí iɖu ikago kélékélé Love is the first law

afã n half afã Afa ole futsu é nu. Half is in the soup

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áfá Pl:mfá n house aƒeme Awu tsi obò áfá á nu? Is your father in the house?

afádzɛ Pl:afádzɛwɔ n madam aƒenɔ Afádzɛ obo afán The madam is in the house

áfán Pl:mfán n compound xɔxɔnu Maŋu udzɛ afán I saw the girl in the house

afáɔblɛ n citizen of a particular town dumevi afásà Pl:afásàwɔ n landlord, man aƒetɔ Afásaa ɔsá The landlord left

afé Pl:mfé n comb ayiɖa Manɛ afé akpɛ I bought one comb afiá n pain vevesese

afiáŋugò Pl:afiáŋugo n bitterness, agony veve-sese

afiáwo Pl:afiáwo n speakers of other dialects egbe bubu gblɔlawo

afiɛ Pl:mfiɛ n strainer nutsyɔnu

aflandzá n big cutlass used for har-vesting tree crops and cutting big trees eɣiga

afɔ Pl:mfɔ n egg koklozi afɔkpá Pl:mfɔkpá n shoe afɔkpa

afɔwui

Pl:mfɔwui n socks afɔwui afúnùimúnyí Pl:afúnùimúnyí n pubic hair ehɔ Tota: afunumuni

afútà Pl:mfútà n cloth (material) avɔ Afútaa ale ukplɔa tsú The cloth is on the table afútàtsì Pl:mfútàtsi n rag, duster ɖovú

afùtsáì Pl:afùtsáì n black pepper atadi àgà Pl:àgà n valley agàme

agaànu Pl:agaànu n valley agame

agádzà Pl:ŋgádzà n crab agala

agánɛ Pl:agánɛwɔ n scorpion ahɔ Aganxoé PL:Aganxoé n Avatime name for Tota Alesi Avatimetɔwo yɔa Totae

agànyì Pl:ŋgànyì n palm branch deʋaya

agányì n fish tɔmelã, nudonui agbà Pl:agbà n yam barn etexɔ agbádzé n sieve agbadze

agbàshì Pl:ŋgbàshì n arm abɔ agbashìanú Pl:ŋgbashìanú n wrist alɔtsinu Tota: agbashianu

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agbashiawù Pl:agbashiawù n glove asiwui àgbèɖì Pl:igbéɖì n cassava agbèlì agbelìlì iɖá n instrument for grating cassava agbelililigà

agbɛ Pl:mgbɛ n dog avu Agbɛ ɔlɔfali The dog is barking agbí Pl:mgbíwɔ n grasscutter exɔ, nukpui agbìafútà Pl:ŋgbìfútà n spider's web ayiyiɖɔ agbíglɔmɔ Pl:ŋgbíglɔmɔ n spider ayiyi Ogridi ódze agbiglɔmɔ tsú The story falls on spider Tota: agbíhlɔmɔ

agbímà Pl:ŋgbímà n spider's web ayiyiɖɔ agblàmìdó Pl:ŋgblàmìdó n edible worms gbamido

agblènú Pl:ŋgblènú n hoe kodzi, agblenu

agbógbló Pl:ŋgbógbló n ladder antsroe

agbógbló Pl:ngbogblo n ladder, instrument for getting access to high buildings atrakpui agbòtɛ Pl:mgbòtɛ n pant avetɛ Tota: agbota

Agbɔ

Pl:Agbɔ n Logba name for Tafi Tafi Ogbomiwɔ elé Agbɔ Monkeys are in Tafi Agbɔnyì n Tafi citizen Tafitɔ àglì Pl:àglì n wall (of a house) glì agù Pl:agù n top dziƒo

agú Pl:ŋgúwɔ n antelope avugbɛ, aklatsu

ágù n yam plant which fruits on the top of the plant ete si wɔna ɖe kaŋu

àgùtɔ Pl:ŋgùtɔwɔ n bat agutɔ ahointsà Pl:nhointsà n chameleon agama

akandó Pl:nkando n milipede ahliha

akankabi Pl:akankabi n clitoris lukutsi akàtàmá Pl:nkàtàmá n parasol xexi lolo si fiawo zana Anansanango obo akatama fliyi Paramount chief has a red parasol áklɔ Pl:nklɔ n goat egbɔ Aklɔa ɔkpɛ igbeɖimawɔɛ The goat ate the cassava dough akó Pl:akówɔ n parrot ako

akóngrotsí n small cutlass used for weeding eɣi sue aɖe si wotsɔna ŋlɔa nue

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akɔntsí Pl:ŋkɔntsí n basket kusi Ɔŋkpá á olé akɔntsi anú The rope is on the tip of the basket àkpá Pl:mkpá n fish akpá

ákpá Pl:mkpá n leg ata

akpá iva Pl:mkpá iva n ball, shoes bɔlu, afɔkpa

akpadzìdzí Pl:mkpadzìdzí n heel afɔkpodzi akpáfló-ivà Pl:mkpáfló-ivàwɔ n ball bɔlu

àkpàkplà Pl:mkpàkplà n toad (frog) akpɔkplɔ Akpakpla á ɔklá egbi é tsu The frog hid under the stone akpákpɔ Pl:mkpákpɔ n heel afɔkpodzi akpàlí Pl:mkpàlí n grasshopper gbagblamì akpámandzò Pl:mkpámandzò n heel afɔkpodzi Akpananyi Pl:Akpanawo Fem:Akpanadzɛ A native of Logba Logbatɔ àkpàntà n shed agbadɔ akpáŋkpàyìɖàɖà Pl:ŋkpáŋkpàyìɖàɖà n black ants; live in coffee trees anyidi yibɔ, enɔa kɔfɛtsi me

akpázúgbó

Pl:ŋkpázúgbó n top of foot afɔta

akpétsí Pl:ŋkpétsí n sole afɔgɔme

akpetsíklontsi Pl:ŋkpetsíklontsi n sole afɔƒome

akpɛ n some (ame)ɖewo akpɛ eŋúnyá koko é fɛ ubo é nu. Some broadcast the cocoa in the farm akpì n local war dance aflì akpí n thousand akpe (ɖeka) akpí ɔkpɛ n one thousand akpe ɖeka

akpitagò n fork stick for roofing a thatch house gbegblevi si wozana na xɔgbagba

akpítágò Pl:ŋkpítágò n stick for playing talking drum agblɔʋuƒotsi ákpívà Pl:ŋkpívà n shoe afɔkpà

akpǒ Pl:ŋkpo n farm bag agblekotoku

akpòyì Pl:ŋkpòyì n bag bagi, kotoku

akpɔ n kenkey kɔŋù

akpɔnɔ Pl:akpɔnɔwɔ n biscuits akpɔnɔ(vivi) akpɔnyíblìgo Pl:ŋkpɔnyíblìgo n blind ŋkugbagbatɔ akró Pl:akrówɔ n boat tɔdziʋu

Akrɔbɔnyi n Krobo citizen Aklɔbɔtɔ akukɔlì Pl:ŋkukɔlì n finger nails fetsú

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alá Pl:nlá n scorpion ahɔ àlǎ Pl:nlǎ n dream drɔe

alágà Pl:alágà n speech nuƒo

Alata Pl:Alatawɔ n Person from Yoruba land Anago

Alàtàwò Yoruba n Yoruba Alata

alebe conj that, COMPL be, alebe

àlélé Pl:nléléwɔ n rat alegeli alɛ Pl:nlɛ n claybowl ʋegba

alɛhàdzàhlà Pl:nlɛhàdzàhlà n clay bowl for grind-ing pepper ʋegba

alɛwò n buyer nuƒlela

alo conj or alo

amá n back of body megbe

ámántí n back dzimegbe Ofonyi é omɛ óle amanti This gourd is at the back Tota: amantsi

amantsikú n backbone dzimeƒu

Amazon n Amazonia variety of co-coa koko si wɔna kaba awu Tete Kɔshi amɛ n the belly of a pregnant woman fuƒodo

amɛnfiá n stomach-ache dɔmeɖu

àmɛnù n stomach ƒodo

amɛwasà n pregnant woman efúnɔ àmgùnédzéklɔi Pl:àmgunédzéklɔiwɔ n sister (younger) nɔvinyɔŋu

àmgùnédzetséngo Pl:àmgùnédzetséngowɔ n sister elder dáwò tsitsitɔ àmgùsàklɔi Pl:àmgùsàklɔiwɔ n brother younger nɔvi ŋutsu

amɔ Pl:mmɔ n idol vodu

amɔ n disgrace kòkòe

amɔblɛ pron my own tɔnye Amɔblɛ ízi Mine is good Tota: amible

amɔnù n fetish shrine trɔƒe

ámú n unshelled rice mɔlu makle-makle

amú ntá pron my own(self) tɔnye

amú yó pro myself ɖokuinye

amúávú n ‘porridge’ made from local rice mɔlukplẽ ánándzè Pl:énéndzè n old lady nyagaɖeɖi anàngbà n type of mushroom that is broad eʋlo si lolo

anànsà Pl:enànsà n old man ŋutsu tsitsi ánánsá n ancestors tɔgbi, mama wɔ nuteƒe si wo ku

anasábiá n ancestral stool tɔgbizikpi

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anɖà n one another wo nɔewo Aniɖɔɖi anɖa You love each other Tota: nɖà

anɖàkàmè n friend, companion nɔvi Ðɔɖi nu anɖakame Love each other

ànɖɔ Pl:nńɖɔ n cat dadi ańdɔá oyuɖɔ inɔ á The cat stole the meat anì Pro 2nd. Pers. Plu. Subj. mi ànkɔ Pl:ŋkɔ n chicken (domestic fowl) koklo Ankɔ ɔlɔ ta anú Fowl is crow-ing ankɔ òkà n cock comb atɔtsu

ànkɔfɔ Pl:nkɔfɔ n egg koklozi ànkɔsá Pl:nkɔsa n cock koklotsu

ankɔsálìmè n poultry house kok-lokpo

antènyì Pl:ntenyi n earthworm vɔklui ànú n mouth nú

ánú n fringes (e)tó Aganyi ole meŋgba ánú Fish is on the fringes of the plate anuáŋkà n moustache nutafu

anúbámè n end nuwuwu

ányɛ conj so ekema

ányɛmɛnù conj as a result eyata

anyɛnù det so, particular esia

anyìdágò n civilisation ŋkuʋuʋu

anyikléwò

Pl:nnyinkléwò n greedy person nuklẽla

anyilé adv early kaba, blá

anyinù n face ŋkume

anyiŋtsé n thanks, used to say one is grateful akpe Anyintse tɛ alá ilɔ imɛ wa tsú Thanks that you have ex-plained this to us ànyɔ Pl:nnyɔ n louse yɔ Ányɔ n river in Logba Tota passes through Klikpo and enters the Havor river Ányɔ anyúnyuí Pl:nnyúnyuí n traditional broom abaya

an(u) ɔblɛ pron your PLU own miàtɔ aŋàŋà n rib agbaƒitsime

aŋàŋàkú Pl:aŋàŋàkúwɔ n rib (bone) agbaƒit-simeƒu

aŋgblɔe Pl:aŋgblɔewɔ n pipe for smoking tobacco ezi aŋkpá n medicine, juju atike, edzo Aŋkpá á ɔnyɔ zi The medicine is sweet aŋkpá wàsà Pl:aŋkpá wàsàwɔ n jujuman edzotɔ aŋɔnyìbì n writing nuŋlɔŋlɔ aŋùnyì n quarrel dzre Ablɔ aŋunyi They engaged in a quarrel àsàngblà

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Pl:nsangbla n tortoise eklò Asaŋgbla otoná blewuu Tortoise walks slowly

ashiánú n quantity gbɔsusu

ásɔ Pl:nsɔ n pot ze

ásɔblìgò Pl:nsɔblìgò n broken pot ezegbãgbã

asɔɛ Pl:nsɔɛ n seive sranuí Abó tsuɖɔɛ kpɛ asɔɛ You will sieve it with a seive Tota: afiɛ

asɔrívà Pl:nsɔrívà n instrument for support-ing pot on fire zelenu

asɔsɔ Pl:nsɔsɔ n instrument for plucking cocoa ati si wogbea kokoe

asɔtí Pl:nsɔtí n small pots ahakpazíwo

asùsú n brain, idea susu

átá Pl:ntá n hand asi atahányí n comrade evelia

atàmá Pl:atamá n tobacco atama

atamakpékpé n small gourd into which grounded tobacco is kept atamagui atándré Pl:atandrewɔ n pineapple atɔtɔ àtàwɔlíbí Pl:àtàwɔlìbíwɔ n star ɣletivi atélé

ateléwɔ n ant anyidi Atelé ɔtá ebítsiɛ An ant stung the child ati Pro 1PERS. PLU. we mie Atibò kɔƒewɔ nu We live in villages Tota: atsi

àtɔ Pl:atɔwɔ n laddle detsiƒogatsi, detsi-kugatsi atrɔ Pl:ntrɔwɔ n breast eno

átrɔ Pl:ntrɔ n breast eno

átrɔanú Pl:ntrɔanu n nipple enonu

átruí Pl:ntruí n hearth emlekpui atruifietsí n red clay for renovating the hearth ekɔdzi àtsá Pl:ntsá n horn elãdzo Mafini atsá á unánsa afánu I blow the horn in the chief's house átsá n tiredness ɖeɖiteameŋu

átsá n chaff atsá

átsí n night zǎ Maŋu é atsí I saw him /her in the night atsíablɛ Pl:ntsiablɛ n driver ant zanuvɔɛ átsìnì Pl:ntsìnì n scythe ebewuhe

atsintsinyɔ n midnight zãtitina

àtsɔlí n saliva etá Mizi tɛ atsú atsɔlí ka etsi It is not good to spit (saliva) on the ground

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atsú pron 1 PERS PLU SUBJ mí atsú ɔblɛ pron our own miátɔ atu ntá pron our own miaɖokui Tota: atsu nta

atúkpá n right ɖusime

átúkpàtà n right (side) ɖusime Taɛ (tiɛ) buyó atúkpata Throw it to the right hand side atútɔ n confusion tɔtɔ, masɔmasɔ àvà Pl:mvà n medicine atike

àvá Pl:mvá n deer ahlɔe

áváblɔmè Pl:nváblɔmè n hospital atikewɔƒe, Ðɔkita, Kɔdzi àvàblɔwò Pl:mvablɔwò n medical officer, na-tive doctor gbedala Oɖu avablɔwo ɔgbɔán He is a native doctor in the town avàdzé n water yam avadze

àví n groundnut azí Manɛ aví ko-toku ɔkpɛ I bought a bag of ground-nut avù Pl:mvù n porridge dzogbɔ àvúdàgò Pl:mvúdàgò n leaf aŋgba Kpitsi avúdago mlam Pluck leaf for me

awówòe n parents amedzilá

àwɔ Pl:nwɔwɔ n snake dã Ɔba awɔ á kpɛ ɔyɔti He killed the snake with a stick

awɔete n fangs eda ƒe aɖu

awɔindrubì Pl:awɔindrubì n snake's tongue eda ƒe aɖe

awù Pl:nwù n dress awu

awùrívà Pl:nwuriva n hook, for dress awu-kunu

axìxlánù n difficulty xaxame

axlàmàkpá n broad green leaves used as wrapper amakpa si wozana bla nu ɖe eme

axoe n native, house aƒe

Áyádzí n Saturday Memleɖa Amɔwasa odzugbe Áyádzí gbantɔ á The Logba priest prayed on the first Saturday ayè Pl:ayèwɔ n mother mama

áyó pron themselves wóɖokui ayó sáprádá n galic ayo

ayóntá ayó v expose oneself ɖe asi ameɖokui ŋu

ayɔébígà n gari gali ayuebí n cocoa, coffee, cash crop koko,kɔfi, agblemenuku si hea ga vɛ àzàyì n beans ayí àzùzɔ Pl:nzùzɔ n housefly tagbatsutsu

àʋì Pl:nʋì n axe fiá

aʋíenyì aʋiewò n Ewe Eʋegbetɔ

367

B - b bà v come va

bà v kill, slaughter wù Amutí ɔba aklɔsá ɔkpɛ ekpe vuvɔ á tsú My father killed a he goat in the new year bá bi be bɛ bɔ v FUT -a

ba anú v come to an end va ɖo nu-wuwu

bàfúnúbá Pl:bàfúnúbáwɔ n pawpaw aɖiba

bálá v wind, tie sth round bla

bàmá v fear vɔ ɔtsɔbamá ta antenyi He/She fears earthworm basabasa adv unruly behaviour basabasa Vui blɔ basabasa Do not put up unruly behaviour bàtɛ v like abe

batɔ n owner of restaurant batɔ báyá n person who works in the company that buys cocoa and coffee amesi wɔa dɔ le dɔwɔƒe si ƒlea Koko kple Kɔfi bè v well-cooked ɖáɖá (nyuie) bé ivà v clear forest ƒo ave

bé úwá v clear forest ƒo ave

Benuegba n Tafi name for Logba Alesi Tafitɔwo yɔa Logbatɔwoe

Benugba n Avatime and Nyagbo name for Logba Alesi Avatimetɔwo kple Nyagbotɔwo yɔa Logbatɔwoe

bɛ Pl:bɛwɔ n puff adder efã

bí v bend bi, bɔbɔ

bí v FUT

bí v pluck gbe atikutsetse le ati dzi bíbí adj small sue

bíblì adj black yibɔ bíná v move through yi to

bìsí Pl:bìsíwɔ n cola nut agoɖo

bítɔ prep up to vaseɖe

blankɔ Pl:blankɔwɔ n mushroom eʋlo eυlo

blànyɛ n present time ɣeyiɣi sia

-blé n ordinal suffix to number -lia

blekété n palm mat on which cocoa is dried dabé si dzi wosia koko ɖo

blewu adv slowly blewu Maná ble-wuu mɔ I walk slowly there

blɛ n own etɔ Anú wá áblɛ How about your own side? blí v break gba Ebitsi ɛ oblí tumpá á The child broke the bottle blí v be black yibɔ blɔ v make; used also to congratulate someone for doing a great thing wɔ Esi ɔblɔ imɔa tsyɔɔ Esi did that for a long time blɔgò n the act of making something nuwɔwɔ blù v stir blù

bò v stay, be in nɔ bò íntsé v be very difficult sese, mele bɔbɔe o

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bo (ɔ)dzá v be hot (fire) xɔ dzo Evi ɛ obodzá udátsí mɛ The sun is hot this morning bòsò ífú n candle bosomikaɖi bɔ v press zí, te ɖe anyi bɔfí v throw away doɖá

bɔkìtì Pl:bɔkitiwɔ n bucket baketi bɔlú Pl:bɔlúwɔ n lobster bɔlu

bɔtɛ v look like, resemble le abe, dze abe nane ene Obodzú wesee batɛ gali It will turn coarse like gali Tota: bàtɛ

bù v (be) rotten gblẽ, ƒaƒa Pepí obu koko á Harmattan spoiled the cocoa

bù v give an account wɔ akɔnta

bú v ask bia Ɔbú enzi You have asked well bú v ask (request) bia Yoo, abú enzi OK, you ask well bú v open ʋu

bù v respect bu

bù (koko) v ferment bu

buágò n folded ƒoƒo

búbɔ v bend bɔbɔ bùétsí v fall dze anyi Ɔla ɔsá buétsi He/She knocked the man down búgù v rise dze

búidú v be heavy ekpe Ubí obúidu The child is heavy bùsú n abomination busu

búyó n distance adzɔge

bùzúgbón v think bu tame Mábuzúgbónu gu amú ɔgbá yó I shall think about my ways bua v wear eg. hat ɖɔ (kuku) Ɔsá ɔbua kuto The man put on a hat

buá v coil, fold xatsa, ƒo Ɔbuá afúta á He folds the cloth

biá v boil, of water fie

D - d dá v open ʋu Madá uzie I opened the door dá v tell someone sth. gblɔ nya na ame Da wa ɔsá ɔmɛ Tell that man

dá v marry ɖe srɔ dà nɔ n first teƒe gbãtɔ Tota: dzà nɔ

dàdá Pl:dádáwɔ n sister (elder) dá

dèglètsú n thumb degblefetsú Tota: deglevetsu

dìlɛ v call (summon) yɔ Tota: dzie

dò v build tu (xɔ) dóɖù v pour kɔ Ómí iku ko fini dóɖu He/She blasted the song and the sound poured down dògò n the act of leaving dzodzo, dodo

dónù v shrink mia

dòŋklui n moss adru

dóvù v pour out trɔ nu akɔ ɖe nu me

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dɔ v give discount de nu dzi dɔ conj in addition to that kpeɖe eŋua

dɔ adv again, also ga, ake

dɔ óyó v to help someone kpeɖe ame ŋu Ma dɔ Kofi yó I helped Kofi help someone dɔ (ɔgbámá) v follow kplɔ ame ɖo Madɔ ɔgbámá zɔ suku I followed him to school drè v be dirty ƒoɖi druí v be red dzɛ druí v to be ripe ɖì druyi adj red dze

dzà v be ahead do ŋgɔ dzaa adv only ko

dzáá v cut sé

dzálélé expression of pain, grief vevesese ɣlidodo

dzányì v collect lɔ nu, le kpɔɖeŋu me, lɔ ete le agble me

dzata Pl:dzatawɔ n lion dzata

dze v look kpɔ (nu) dze v start dze

dze v contact dze

dzé v belch ƒà

dzé adv ago kpɔ dzì v call yɔ ame

dzì v tie firmly dzi dzí v stand tsó Madzíye xé maŋú ivagblawo é afánu I stood up when I saw the teacher in the house

dzì ivà v swear ta nu, yɔ nu

dzídzé v measure dzidze

dzígù prep from, reference to time tso

dzìkú n annoyance dziku

dzinkle n bowl containing assorted clothes to show the wealth of a clan kesinɔnu si dea asixɔxɔ ƒometɔwo ŋu These clothes are displayed on spe-cial occasions, festivals, funerals. dzòsú n blood ʋù Dzosu gblɛlɛ ódo oyó Much blood has come out from his body dzótú v forget ŋlɔ bé Omi ilɔ á dzótú He/She forgets the word Tota: dzòtsu

dzɔ v be straight dzɔ dzɔɛ v vomit dzɔ dzɔlèaƒé n indegene aƒevi dzɔshí v sneeze nye

dzù v sound ɖi dzú v return trɔ dzú v arrive, happen gbɔ dzú v become zu

dzùanú v like nyo ame ŋu

dzúbà v return to speaker trɔvá

dzúdzú v smear sìsì dzué conj but gake Mayayie dzue maŋúnué I searched for it but I did not see it Tota: dzuɛ

dzùgbè v pray do gbeɖa

dzúgbɛ v take and lean tsɔ nane na ziɔ ɖe nu ŋu

dzuíɖé v stand tso Tota: dzuye

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dzúsà v return (away from the speaker) trɔdzo

dzútsí v sit down (IMP) nɔ anyi

dzúzɔ v return trɔ

Ð - ɖ ɖà v fat, big lolo

ɖánkíɖá Pl:ɖankiɖawɔ n nail gatagbadze

ɖàsè n thank akpe Ðase moma There is no thanks. (Don't mention it) ɖeblekú n fog afù

ɖèblekú Pl:ɖèblekúwɔ n cloud alĩlĩkpo Ðe-bleku ɔglɛ idiɛn Cloud has covered the sky ɖetsiflu n cotton ɖetsifu Tota: ɖetsifu

ɖi v suck nyí ɖí v eat; suck ɖu; nyi ɖɔ adv again ake

ɖɔɖí v love lɔ Ɔɖɔɖí ɔga intá He loves his wife very much

ɖɔkà v reserve something dzra nane ɖo

ɖù v extinguish tsi ɖù v be heavy kpè

ɖú v leak ŋɔ ɖú v be (is) enye Iyɛ íɖu Ɔkpaya ikago kélékélé It is the first law of God ɖù ivà v sow (seeds in a hole) plant ƒa nu dó Ɔsá oɖú aví gblɛlɛ The man planted plenty of groundnuts ɖúkpá v be good nyo Nya uzuŋgba ɖukpa lead a good life

ɖúkpátsì v good enyo

ɖúkùbí n handkerchief takuvi ɖutsa ɔkpɛ n eleven wuiɖekɛ

E - e ebí n beans of cocoa koko

ebiábɛ n past time etsã

ebíasiá adv always ɣesiaɣi ébínyígò Pl:ebinyigowɔ n fruit atikutsetse

èbítí Pl: ebítɔ n child ɖevi èblètà n left miame

edítàfà n place where dirges are sung teƒe si wo dzia konyifaha le

eɖí n na eɖi working in the farm in turns in groups of three or four. efi-dodo

èfèshì Pl:nfèshìwɔ n sheeàlẽ efietsìfɔ n piece of cracked calabash etrekakɛ Udzɛ ókplo gali kpɛ efieyitsifɔ The woman fried gali with cracked calabash èfìéyí

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Pl:nfìéyí n calabash etré Efieyie alɛ nɖú tsú The calabash is on the water

égbè n stone ekpe Ɔtá egbe aklɔ á yó He/She threw stone at the goat

égbè vùtí v cave agado Otenyi fɛ egbe vutsí nu He ran into a cave

egbètàtsì n pebble kpekui èkè n root eke Tota: ɔyɔloli

èkèlé Pl:ekèléwɔ n grass egbe

èkèlén Pl:nkèlén n bush, outside egbeme, gota used in the Alakpeti dialect to mean outside. ékpé n harmattan pepi ékpébè n dry season dzomeŋɔlĩ ékplé adv now azɔ ékúanú n joints (in the human body) kpeƒekpeƒewo

endengle n incomplete nusi mede o

endeŋglé n naked amama

entsì n porridge made for babies akplẽ si woɖa na ɖeviwó

énzí adv well nyuie

èŋgblɛ Pl:èŋgblɛwɔ n snail abɔbɔ Maŋú eŋgblɛ vutsi nu I saw snail in a hole

étè étèwɔ n tooth aɖú

étèkùshì n gum enyè

étí Pl:étíwɔ n earth (soil) anyigba Andɔ a ótsi ukplɔ a eti The cat sits under the table Tota: etsi

etíkótsoé n ground anyigba Afúta á akpɔ etíkótsoé The cloth is on the ground étsí n under, down ete

Etsiagù n North Dziehe

etsíbàn n under of a thing nane te

étsieoŋkpá Pl:etsieoŋkpawɔ n snake edã

Etsíetsí n South Anyihe

etsífíní n snake that has two heads eda si eta eve le esi étsínɛ n way, process alesi étsíntsié n middle, environment dome, nutome

étsítómé n begining gɔmedzedze

etsivíní Pl:etsivíníwɔ n snake edã

èví n fever ŋudza

èví n sun ɣe Eví óbo ɔdzá idze The sun is hot today èviáŋgbá n noon ŋdɔ Mbázɔ ubonu eviáŋgbá I shall go to farm at noon

Evibúmè n East Ɣedzeƒe

Eviègbefɛmè n West Ɣetoɖoƒe

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Ɛ - ɛ -ɛ DET the la, -a

ɛ Pro 3rd. Pers. Plu. Subj. wó

ɛ Pro 3rd Pers. Sg. Obj. -e, -i Ɛfɔ n Fon language Efɔgbe

ɛkpɛ Pl:ŋkpɛ n year eƒe Ɛkpɛ vuvɔ tá wú New year to you ékpé

F - f fãã adv freely fãã

fálí v make noise, bleating of a goat wó, do ɣli Agbi ɛ ɔfali The dog barks fálífɛ v charm ɖu dzo ame

fámvè v step over sth. dá ata nu

fáshí v tear vuvu Afúta ɔfashi The cloth is torn fèkè v to have hicups dzidze na tsɔ ame

fésré Pl:fésréwɔ n window fesre

fézí v shout do ɣli Ivá blɔgo tɛ mafɛ uzí The act has made me to shout

fɛ prep put in ɖe... fɛ v wear eg. dress do (awu) Ina ɔfɛ ishikpe The person wears a ring

fɛ adv also hã

fɛ ánú v greet do gbe Mazɔ tɛ nfɛ anú I go that I greet him

fɛdù v sleep dɔ alɔ Adzi ŋkpɛ ebitsi ɛ ɔfɛdu One day the child slept Tota: fɛdzu

fɛvù v frighten do vɔvɔdzi na ame

fia v hurt ve ame

fídà v meet, assist carry a load do go, kpe ame kple eƒe agba

fíɖágò n confluence teƒe si tɔsiwo dogo le

fié v dehusk corn nyɔ ebli fiɛ v smear pomade on body si ami fiɛ v dehusk corn kle ebli fiɛ v drink soup kplɔ detsi fiɛ v exceed wú

fífì v break ŋe (ati) Udzigbo maáfifi A bunch of broom does not break fíní fìfìndù v whistle lia akui fiòfió Pl:fiofiowɔ n broom atsixali flɛ v fly dzò Adzi ɔflɛ fɛ ɔyɔanu A bird flies into the tree flì v cut sth. in parts se nane

flí v be white le ɣie Iɖienu petée iflí All the sky is white flíyì adj white ɣi fló v play ball ƒo bɔl flɔ v reach the required number de, flɔ flɔflɔ adj light hodzoe

fò v reach ɖó

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fǒ Pl:fǒwɔ n brother (elder) fǒ fò (ivà) v wash (thing), clean nyà nú, klɔ Ɔzɔ tɛ ófó iva odzún He/She has gone to wash in the river fɔnyí v breaking cocoa pods to re-move beans gbã koko aɖe ku le eme

fɔnyí v peel, remove cocoa pod for the beans ɖe tsro le nu ŋu ɔfɔnyi koko é. ɔfɔnyi kɔɖiatsya He breaks the cocoa. He peels the banana fɔtètè n green edible leaves ama si wo ɖana ɖuna

fù v flower ƒo se

fùfò ɔlɔlá v blow (of wind) gbɔ ya

fúfú v smash gba nu le to me

fùfuí n fufu fufu

fuí v to lose way, direction, get lost bu mɔ lose way, direction ; get lost

fúní v eat in bits ɖu nu vivivi fútɔ v mix blu

fùtsù n old farm futsu, agble xoxo Tota: fùtù

fútsú n soup detsi fútsúsàtɔ Pl:fútsúsàtɔwɔ n laddle detsikugatsi

G - g ga adv also hã

gà (ivà) v count xlẽ Suku ebítwɔ á eléga iva The school children are reading gà (ugú) v pay xe fe Ga (u)gu tá ebítsi é Pay the child

gadamè n place where cocoa is weighed afisi wodaa koko le na

gákráná keep quiet zi ɖoɖoe Ebítwɔ ɔ égákráná kpoo The children kept quiet gàli n gari gali galikplòálɛ n earthen bowl for frying gari galitɔgba Galikplòáliɛ ablí The earthen bowl for frying gali is broken gàmágbá v trouble someone ɖefu na ame

gànú v greet (salute) in the morning do gbe na ame Ngaanu loo I sa-lute/greet you gànú(bí) pl:gànú(bí)wɔ n tin ganu(vi) gàŋkú n pair of spectacles gankui gàsɔ n bicycle gasɔ gàté n mill gate

gàzé Pl:gazewɔ n metal pot gaze

gàzérívà Pl:gàzérívàwɔ n metal for supporting metal pot on fire gazeleŋu

gbà v sweep kplɔ teƒe Udzi ɛ ɔgbá afánu The woman swept the house

gbà v lead kplɔ ame yi teƒe aɖe ɔgba gbadza ɔgbá nú zɔ Ugɛ The broad way takes you to Accra

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gbã n first gbã Ɔmɔ ole gbãtɔ anu nu Who had the first position among you? gbãtɔ

gbá (afútà) v put on (cloth) ta (avɔ) gbàgblaà adv flat gbadzaa

gbálí adj bad gbegble Iva gbali petée tá ízɔ imɛ loo All the bad things should leave here gbàntɔ n first gbãtɔ gbáŋgbáŋ adv fast sesie

gbè v evaporate nò nɖú é petée ŋgbé All the water evaporated gbèdzègbèdzè n red ants; live in fruit trees. gbedze Gbèdzègbèdzè ole ɔyɔ á nu Red ants are in the tree

gbéngeé adj broad, especially of leaves gbadzaa

gbɛ v lean ziɔ ɖe nu ŋu Magbɛ agbógbló agli é yó I lean the ladder on the wall gbɛgbánfɔ n bread yevubolo Manɛ gbɛgbánfɔ I bought bread Tota: gbɛgbafɔ

gbɛnŋgbɛ n praying mantis

gbi adj many sugbɔ Nkpakplawɔ gbi ndó Many frogs came out

gbígbè v crawl tá Ebítsie óló gbígbè The child is crawling gblà v teach fia

gblɛlɛ adj many geɖe Ina gblɛlɛ aɖaŋu izi fiɛ ina ɔkpɛ Advice from many people is better than advice from one person gbó v fall mu

gbógbɛ v sth. fall and lying down mu ɖe anyi gbòkà n line, forming a line le fli me

gbòkà n line efli gbómá n green edible leaves gboma

gbǒntá v touch (with hand) de asi nane ŋu

gbɔkɔkɔ n goitre avɔ gbɔmɔgbɔmɔ adv ill-treat a child fia fu ɖevi geɖee det many geɖee

glà v pour kɔ tsi le nane me Gla nfú é fɛ abɔɖiabɔ nu Pour the palm oil into the bottle glà v exchange ɖoli Atu ifiami igla Our cutlasses exchanged glànŋkpɛ n seven adre Tam egbe glanŋkpe Give me seven stones

glé v become sticky, liquid turning to solid as a result of boiling etò he blá

glɛ v tie (rope) sa (eka) Udzi ɛ ɔglɛ belet The girl 'ties' belt

glɛ (imunyi) v plait (hair) ƒo (ɖa) Udzɛ ológlɛ imunyi The woman is plaiting hair glui v uproot, dig ho Ma glui idzɔ ɔ I uprooted the yam. -go n nominalising suffix the act of this suffix collocates with action verbs (nu)wɔwɔ gògògó adj diferent vovovo

gɔ v grind tu Magɔ tɔnka egbe tsú I grind pepper on the stone gɔkɔáɖu n nine asiekɛ

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gɔnií adv sticky le ɖe nu ŋu

gɔŋgɔ adv expression used to tease a person that what happens fits him gɔŋ gù v fight wɔ aʋa, wɔ dzre

gù prep from tso

gù v pour kɔ gù ímà v fight da kɔ Ebítwɔ elegú íma The children are fighting

gù ɔtá v make war, wage war wɔ aʋa Akpanawoé egu otá ŋkpe geɖee The Logba people fought for many years gù (iyó) v wash (body) le tsi Ɔmɔ ologu wu iyó é? Who is going to bathe you?

gùdù v nurse a seed wu núkú

gùdzù v nurse seeds eg. tomatoes, pepper, garden egg wu nukuviwo abe tomatos, atadi, agbitsa

gùmè n origin, source dzɔtsoƒe

gunè n sister nɔvinyɔnu

guɔkpɔ v fight, esp. fist to fist, ex-change of blows. wɔ avu Seli ɔguɔkpɔ kpɛ Kafui Seli fought with Kafui Tota: guima, takpɔ,

gusà n brother nɔviŋutsu

H - h hàdzàhlà adj rough flatsa

haibrid n hybrid especially of Tetteh Quashie and Amazonia haibrid Hai-brid iɖu koko xé otso nyi intá Hai-brid is cocoa which bears fruits well hàliwá n clove haliwoe

hàntàhìnì n tiny red ants anyidi dzĩ sue(wo) hè DET here yi, si Kofí he here is Kofi hè v pull he He abia bá ite Pull the chair forward hɔdɔ v stir (palm oil) blu nane me Abɔhɔdɔa tsyɔɔ abɛ ebédzi You will be stirring for long; oil will come up

hù tényí v run for safety sisi Ohu tenyi ɔgbá yó He/She run to the road side húhɔ v bathe lazily hũhɔ húhú v wave hands ʋuʋu asi húhú ágbàsì v wave (hands) ʋuʋu asi Ahúhú ngbashi yika ebítwɔ á They waved hands to the children húhúví v escape si hùíté v run ƒu du Mahuité zɔ afánu I run to the house

I - i ibè n season ɣeyiɣi, (ɣi) ibèbibiɛ n minor season kele

ibènángò n major season adà

ibètsú n time, period ɣemaɣi, ga-mame

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ibɛ n time game Ibɛ imɔa atu vla aboti? When do we bury the corpse?

ibɛ how much, how many nenie Ovi abɛ? Utsa á abɛ? How much? How many houses? íbí n faeces emi ibíkpà n palm-husk deklẽkpotso

ibísà n palm-chaff edelɔ ibòtɛ conj because elabena

idágò n marriage srɔɖeɖe

idzɛ adv today, till today egba Mbázɔ suku idzɛ I shall go to school today ìdzì n beard gè Kofi ógbá idzi Kofi shaved beard idzòwà n riches kesinɔnu

ídzɔ Pl:idzɔ n yam ete Mɔkpɛnu idzɔ He does not eat yam idzɔfɔ idzɔfɔ n yam slice etekɔ Idzɔfɔ inyɔ ele meŋgba á nu Two slices of yam are in the bowl idzɔŋkpá Pl:idzɔŋkpa n yam tendril eteka

idzɔyɔ Pl:idzɔyɔ n yam-pole etetsí idzɔzúgbó n seed yam etetá

iɖá n money, metal gá

iɖá ɔgɔ n corn mill gate

iɖábí n small measuring tin nudzidze ganuvi iɖáɛbi Pl:iɖáɛbiwɔ n nail gatagbadze

íɖákpà n gun etu

iɖàsɔ n metal pot gaze

iɖásɔrívà Pl:iɖásɔrívàwɔ n metal for supporting a pot on fire ezelegá

iɖàtɔ Pl:iɖàtɔ n metal spoon gatsi Iɖatɔ ótsoga memgba á nu The spoon lies across the bowl iɖáwá n madness aɖaʋa

iɖáwàsà n rich man egatɔ íɖí n atmosphere xexeame

íɖí n day ŋu(keke) íɖí imú darkness xexeame tsyɔ íɖí íwá day break ŋu ke

íɖíenù n world, weather xexeame

íɖiɛidzèmú n dusk asiƒomebuɣi íɖísàbè n dawn fɔŋlui Mbázɔ ɔvafɔ iɖísabɛ I will go to him at dawn

íɖíwágò n day ŋkeke

iɖù n gunpowder eɖu

ífé v be...stain wɔ ɖe eŋu

ifédzolego n examination dodokpɔ ífiámì Pl:ífiámì n cutlass eɣi klantɛ Ɔbɔlɔ ubo é nu kpɛ ifiami He will weed the farm with cutlass ifiɛ n fart ŋɔ (si wo nye na) ifiɔní n end nuwuwu

ífú n fat ami ifùgò n flower seƒoƒo

ifùtó n hostility, behaving badly dzrewɔwɔ

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igàgò n number xexleme

igàmɔga n million million

igàŋgò n last mamlɛtɔ igbè n arrow edà

ígbɛ n spear akplɔ Ígbɛ iwɔ abuɛ Spear has pierced the animal igbìsɔ n plant that causes the body to itch awlɔ; egbe si fia ŋuti na ame

igbɔnyì n snoring aƒanono

igbɔtà n different towns in the same traditional area duta vovovo le du me

ìglà n jaw glã

igló n six adé Ɔkpɛ abolo ifó igló He has eaten about six loaves of bread ihánágò n indiscipline ehadede

ihègòɖú n convulsion dɔgladza

ìká n charcoal aka Iká mewlin ɔdzán Charcoal is insufficient in the fire ikádzà n black berries atitoe

ikágò n plan, law ese, ɖoɖo Aɖɔɖí iɖu ikago kelekele Love is the first law ikintànyì n daughter stone for grind-ing nutukpe sue

ikpá n truth nyateƒe

ìkpà n skin rashes krusakrusá

ikpádágó n justice dzɔdzɔenyenye

ikpálígo n act of collecting unburnt sticks in the farm ati siwo mebi o fɔfɔ le agble me

Ikpána Logba language Logbagbe Ɛfɔn ibi vé fɛ ikpana nu. Ɛfɔn mixed with the Logba language ikpèté n the sediments after the ker-nel oil making neƒimiba

ikpètèivá n watery stool kpetá

ikpɛ n one ɖeka

ikpɛshìkpɛ adv everything ɖesiaɖe Ikpeshikpɛ izi Everything is good

ikpɔɛkpɔmɛ adv exactly tututu

íkpɔlì Pl:ikpɔliwɔ n toe afɔbidɛ Ikpɔli ikpɛ iɖa fiɛ ikpɛ One toe is bigger than the other ikú Pl:ikú n song ha Ko, ivanukpiwo é ónu iku é Suddenly, the hnter heard the song ilàlí n scent of something ʋeʋe

ilíkloà v smell ʋe

ililívá n grater nuliliga

ilɔ Pl:ilɔ n word enya Inɖubi itifɛ ina ilɔ nu A tongue puts a person into trou-ble ilɔwáme n place where cases are settled nyadrɔƒe

ìlùbù n small pots for palm wine tapping ahakpazi ìmà n rubber aŋe

ímbí n rice mɔlu Seli ɔzá imbi Seli cooked rice imɔ n laughter nukoko

ímɔ n neck kɔ Joe ofifi imɔ Joe broke his neck

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ímɔámá conj after that emegbe

ímɔánú n chieftaincy fiaɖuɖu

imɔmà n back of the neck ekɔ megbe

imɔnìvà Pl:imɔnivawɔ n necklace kɔmènu

imúnyí n hair eɖa

imúnyíblɔwò n hairdresser ɖawɔla

imúnyífùgò n grey hair wɔ iná n four ene Ɔga iva iná He has counted four ìnà Pl:ahá n person ame Ina gblɛlɛ abo afánu Many people are in the house

íná n walk azɔli ìnà ɔkpɛ n somebody ame aɖe

inàdzengò n person, human being amegbetɔ ìnàdzɛ Pl:edzé n woman nyɔnu

inánágo n the act of walking zɔzɔ inàshínà n everybody amesiame

inàvlámè n cemetery ameɖibɔme

indzíbà Pl:ìdzíbàwɔ n bead dzonu Awɔ moófe indzíba A snake does not wear beads indzóɖú adv may be ɖewohi inɖáblɔgò n friendship nɔviwɔwɔ ìnɖù n tears aɖatsì ínɖú adv may be ɖewohi ìnɖùbí n tongue aɖé Awɔ óbo inɖubi nnyɔ A snake has two tongues Alakpeti: indrubi

infièyìgbàmè n sandpit ekeʋeme

infiɛyì Pl:mfiɛyì n sand eke Infiɛyi iɖu batɛ gali Sand is like gali

infíɔ Pl:infíɔwɔ n worm eŋɔ ínindzí n lie alakpa Adzo okpe in-indzí ga intá Adzo knows how to tell lies inindzígawò n dishonest person alakpatɔ ìnɔ n meat lã Inɔ á ílíklɔa The meat smells inɔsá inàsá n man (Generic) ŋutsu Inɔsá oɖu uzugbo ta afá á Man is the head of the house insɔtsá Pl:nsɔtsawɔ n local thatch house ebexɔ intá adv greatly vevie Xe óŋú é la óvɔ inta When he/she saw it he/she was so afraid ìntsé n strength sesẽ Ɔsá obo intsé The man is strong ínú n five atɔ invlá n palm branch edeʋaya

ìnyɔ n two eve

inyuí n juju edzò

ísá n penis aʋa

isàmè n happiness dzidzɔ isàmè-ìfé v be happy kpɔ dzidzɔ ìsàmèŋúgò n the experience of hap-piness dzidzɔkpɔkpɔ

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isàngò n green edible leaf ama si wo ɖana ɖuna

ishikpɛ fɛ itibí n finger for wearing ring asibidɛ si wodea asigɛ ɖo Tota: itsibi

isíkpɛ Pl:isikpɛ n ring asigɛ Udzɛ ɔfɛ isikpɛ The woman puts on a ring isíníbá n wasp ʋaʋa

ísò n faeces emi Kodzo olokpi isó Kodzo is easing himself isóbó n calf sobo

isúsɔ n thatch ebè

ità n three etɔ ité n escape si dzo

ité n front ŋgɔ Dze ite Look in front

ití n soil eké Tota: itsi

ìtìbí Pl:ìtìbí n finger asibidɛ Tota: itsìbí

itìbiànú itìbiànúwɔ n finger tip asibidɛnu Tota: itsìbiànú

itítè v stand erect dzɔ itsɛ n cheek atse, alɔgo

ìtsɛ Postp beside exa

itsíbà n vegetable amagbe, detsiƒonuwo

itsítsìgo n changes, innovations tɔtrɔwo

itutolì Pl:itutolìwɔ n sore, wound in the toenail afɔfetsu

ivà

Pl:ivàwɔ n thing nu

ivà det different things vòvòvòwo

ivàdaivà n scale nudánú

ivàdzèwò Pl:ivàdzèwòwɔ n onlooker nukpɔla

ìvafɛgò n clothes nudodo

ivàflɛgo n insect nudzodzui ivàfɔ n slice (yam, cassava,potato) nukɔ ivàfúivà n soap, locally made ameyibɔdzalẽ ivàgbálí n sin, bad deeds nuvɔ ivàgbálí n whitlow nuvɔɛ ivàgblàwò Pl:ivàgblàwòwɔ n teacher nufialá Ivàgblàwo oɖu onie xe otogbla iva Teacher is a person who teaches ɔgblawò

ivàgɔegbè n grinding stone nutukpe Ɔgɔ tɔŋka ivagɔegbe tsú He/She grinds pepper on a grinding stone ivàkpè n knowledge nunya Agbiglɔmɔ ɔlé wá ko ivakpe inya Ananse would be the only one who will have knowledge. ivàkpegò n food nuɖuɖu Ina momí ivakpego mí bɔfi We do not throw edible food away ivàmɛivà Pl:ivamɛivawɔ n needle abi Ivamɛíva iwɔm The needle pricked me.

ivàmɛwò n seamstress nutɔla

ivàntsiɛnù n these places, areas nutowo me Akpana édo gu Egypt

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kpɛ Sudan ivantsienu The Logbas migrated from Egypt and Sudan areas ivànù n bush egbeme

ivànùvò Pl:ivànùvo n hunter adelã Ivanukpi-woé ɔbá agú The hunter killed ante-lope Tota: ɔvanuvò, ivanukpiwo

ivànyágò Pl:ivànyágòwɔ n possession nunɔamesí ivànyìnù n experience nuteƒekpɔkpɔ ivàŋɔnyì ɔyɔtsì Pl:ivaŋɔnyi ɔyɔtsiwɔ n pen; thing for writing nuŋlɔtsí Ivàŋɔnyì ɔyɔtsì ofifi The pencil/pen is broken ivatagò Pl:ivatagòwɔ n picture nɔnɔmetata, nutata Ɔmɔ ivatago iɖú imɛ? Whose picture is this? ivàtàgò Pl:ivàtàgòwɔ n gift nunana

ivàtúglí ivà Pl:ivàtúglíivàwɔ n belt, waist tying cord. alidziblanú Maglɛ iva kpɛ ivàtúglí ivà I have tied my waist with waist tying cord Tota: ivatsugli iva

ivàtúnáivà Pl:ivàtúnáivà n pressing iron ayɔn

ivàvévé n important thing nu vevie

ivàviágò n nursery teƒe si wovia nukuwo ɖo

ivàviálívà Pl:ivàviàlivàwɔ n thing for fun; pet fefenu

ivàvùmàgo n boil nutete

ivazásɔ Pl:ivazásɔwɔ n cooking pot nuɖaze Ebítsie obli ivazásɔ The child broke the cooking pot ivàzàtɔ Pl:ivàzàtɔ n wooden laddle etsi ivàzɔtsá n store fiase

ivàzɔwò n trader asitsala

ivèbí Pl:ivebiwɔ n seed nuku

ivì n dirt eɖi ivìná pron something nane

ivɔ n foam futukpɔ ivɔ n kind of green leaves ademe

ivɔgò n fear vɔvɔ ívù n intestines dɔkavi ivúmá v swell ( intr.) of boil ete

Iʋì n Ewe language Eʋegbe

iwàn n toilet afɔdzi iwánùwò n dwarf aziza

iwò n bee wax anyiŋɔ iwonɖu n honey anyitsí íwòtsò n sting of bees nusi anyi tsɔ tea ame

íwɔ n cold vuvɔ iyánù n atmosphere yame

iyɛ 3SG. Independent eya

iyó n dance ɣe

iyó n body ŋuti iyódɔgò n help kpekpeɖeŋu

iyógbè n sadness (nu) blanui Amú ilɔ á iɖu iyógbe My case is a sad case

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iyógù ɔfá n bath house tsilekpɔ iyógùasɔ n pot buried in the bath-house for bathing kolò

iyógùmè Pl:iyógùmèwɔ n bathhouse tsileƒe Iyógume idre inta The bathhouse is very dirty iyókú ivà n other things nu bubuwo

iyókúinà n kinsman ƒometɔ iyókuínɔ n skin ŋutigbalẽ iyónágo v reply ɖonyaŋu

iyóyú n peace ŋutifafa Anukpa afɛ iyóyú atsí Chiefs made peace among them iyɔkplɛ Pro that is eyatae Oŋu udziku iyokplɛ mɔɔzɔn He/She was angry that is why he did not go iyɔlólì n roots eke

iyú Pl:iyúwɔ n thorn eŋu Iyú iwɔɛ ak-petsi uboén Thorn pierced his foot in the farm iʋì n Ewe language Eʋegbe

K - k kà v put da nane ɖi kà v set trap tre mɔ kà v instal ɖo (fia) kà ányí v identify de dzesi kà eví v dry sia nu Ma ká koko eví I dried cocoa kàɖù iyɛ tsú v be certain ka ɖe edzi kákɛ v take part from ka nane le eŋu

kámè n place where something is placed teƒe si nane nɔna

kàmpɛ n scissors saksi kániófònyì Pl:kaniofònyìwɔ n chimney tsimini kanyi v realise dzesi kànyí n light akaɖi kányì v oversmoked nusi fiã

kàsàní Pl:kàsàníwɔ n squirrel adɔ kàwúyoányí n self realisation ameɖokuikpɔkpɔdzesi

kè v open ʋu

ké v jump dzo kpo

kèkè v spread keke

kèlékèlé n first gbãtɔ kétéké n train keteke

kinké kinkéwɔ n bicycle gasɔ kisa v be long legbe

kísáyì adj long (of stick) legbe Ɔgbá kisayi moové ubɔme yo A long road does not pass by a town klá v paste kla Ɔklá pepa na aglie yó He pasted paper on the wall

klà v hide bè Ɔklá fɛ ɔyɔ á nu He hid in the tree klántsì Pl:klàntsìwɔ n rubbish heap aɖukpodzi klànù v hide, stay secretly nɔ anyi kpo, bè

klé v split fé

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klé v shine kle

klé v light klẽ klɔá v insult dzù ame

klɔyì adj small (person) suetɔ Ebitwɔ klɔyi ko atsiɖu We are only small children klwá v stink ʋeʋe

ko adj only kò Agu ntsaa dzaa ko yɛ ndó The antelope's horn only came out kòkò àkpó n cocoa sack koko ko-toku

kòkòafɔtsí n empty cocoa pod kokogui ƒuƒlu

kòkòakpòfɛgò n putting cocoa beans in a sack kokodedekotoku

kokobíɖá n instrument for plucking cocoa kokogbetsi alo kokogbegá

kòkòdàmè n cocoa buying centre kokodaƒe

kòkòevíkágò n drying of cocoa koko siasia

kókólágò n preparation of a local porridge kókóƒóƒó

koŋ adv real koŋ kòtòkú Pl:kòtòkúwɔ n sack kotoku

kotomble Pl:kotomble n cocoyam leaf kotomble Tota: kotombre

kótsóe adj bare ƒuƒlu

kɔ v wring (clothes) fia (awu) kɔ v be hang le eŋu

kɔdìátsya n banana akɔɖu Kɔɖiatsia ibɛ aloyayiɛ? How many bananas do you want? kɔdìátsya fɔtsí Pl:kɔdìátsya fɔtsíwɔ n banana peel akɔɖutsro

kɔƒé Pl:kɔƒéwɔ n village kɔƒe

kɔlí ɔkɔ v cough kpé ekpe

kɔm v pray do gbeɖa

kɔŋklɔ adj old, something used for a long time nusi tsi, do xoxo Mami ifiami kɔŋklɔ fɔnyi kokoe I used old cutlass to break the cocoa for the beans kɔŋkɔ Pl:kɔŋkɔwɔ n drinking glass kɔŋkɔ Ɔnɔ akpeteshi kɔŋkɔ inyɔ He/She drank two glasses of akpeteshi kɔsiɖá n week kwasiɖa

kɔtsú n hospital kɔdzi kɔwlá Pl:kɔwláwɔ n necklace kɔgá

kpágò n torn vúvú

kpákpá Pl:kpákpáwɔ n duck kpakpaxe

kpákpátsá adj flat gbadzaa

kpálí v collect, cuttings on a farm lɔ hlo le agbleme

kpálí v flow (of a river) sí Odzú moókpali milé ukpó A river does not flow climbing a hill kpánɛ adv now fifilaa

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kpánintá adv now fifia Tota: kpáintá

kpántráìtsì n wire used as a trap for animals galɛ aɖe si wotrea mɔ na lãwo. kpányígbè n sheen akpaligbe

kpàtà adv suddenly kpata

kpè v know nya Inashina okpe ɔŋkpɛ Everybody knows something

kpè v peel yam, remove outer cover kpa ete okpé idzɔɔ He/She peels the yam kpè v tap (palm tree) kpa ede

kpè ɔyɔ v carve kpa ati kpehelé n green edible leaf ama si woɖana ɖuna

kpètèshì n strong local gin akpeteshi kpetse v throw up and down da (nane) ɖe dzi woava anyi kpɛ conj and kple

kpɛ ivà v eat ɖu nu Yoo ba tɛ atsí kpɛ iva Yes, come that we eat

kpɛ lɛ v bite ka kple aɖu

kpi v go yi kpí v go (completive) dè

kpiagù adj tall kɔkɔ kpíní v become lean zu sue

kpintá adv really vãvãtɔa

kpítá v stumble kli afɔ kpítsí v remove something, harvest eg. pepper ɖe nane ɖa

kpíwán v defecate de afɔdzi

kplà v reduce canopy of a tree kɔ ati ŋu

kplò v fry tɔ kplògò n fried tɔtɔe

kplɔtúafutà Pl:kplɔtúmfutá n tablecloth kplɔdzivɔ kpòetí v lie down mlɔ anyi kpófú v bark wó

kpòkù Pl:kpòkùwɔ n knee eklo

kpókúamátsí n fine, in the form of a fowl. koklo si wo nana abe fedodo na ame ene

kpóntì adj short (of stick) kpui kpóó adv quietly kpoo

kpóyì adj all katã

kpɔ v lie mlɔ anyi ɖe teƒe aɖe

kpɔ ínyuí v sleep dɔ alɔ kpɔmé n place where something is placed teƒe si nane nɔna

kpɔmí v remove leaves from a tree ƒlɔ ati kráná adv quiet klenee

kù v die kú

kufetù Pl:kufetùwɔ n envelope agbalẽ kotoku

kúkɔ v go round tsa godoo Álana kukɔ tsɔŋ They are walking round for a long time kúkúdzáɖí n kitchen dzodoƒí kúmá v catch something thrown lé nane si woda

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kùndà v be drunk ku aha

kúnkúmà n elbow abɔkugluinu

kùsèkùsèkùsè n peace, tranquility kusekusekuse used in libation prayer when asking for peace

kùtó Pl:kùtówɔ n hat (cap) kuku

kútsí v collect lɔ Tota: kuti

L - l là v beat (person) ƒo ame Ɔgblawo e ɔlà ebitsi ɛ The teacher beat the child

là v remove ɖe nane ɖa

lá v make, prepare sth. wɔ, ɖe (mɔ) lá clause final marker lá

là (afuta) v take off (clothes) ɖe avɔ là (ndu) v swim ƒu tsi là (úkú) v beat (drum) ƒo ʋu Mbálá úkú tɛɛ I shall beat drum for him

labídonyui n outdooring viheheɖego

le v be.located le

lè v germinate mie

lè v climb lia Olé ɔyɔa He/She climbed the tree légbá n idol légba

lèntá v fall from a high position dze anyi lɛ v buy ƒle Málɛ abolo ta amu bi I shall buy abolo for my child Tota: nɛ

lí v hold le nu ɖe asi Tota:ri

lí adv again gà

lìà v be hard sesẽ lìlì v grate lìlì -lo v PRES. PROG. ASP suffix le -m

ló v bitter vé

lò imunyi v weave, plait hair ƒo ɖa

lò (afuta) v weave (cloth) lɔ avɔ Oló afúta enzi He/She weaves cloth well

loglo n sideburns tomefu

lɔ v weed, clear farm ŋlɔ nu Malɔ obuɛnu I weed the farm

M - m ma Pro Ist. Pers.Subj. me

màkàni n cocoyam makani Màmblìwó n Wednesday Kuɖa

mángò n another bubu

màngòví n small kitchen stool dzodoƒi zikpuivi mangɔ Pl:mangɔwɔ n mango mango

mànkànìɔɖɔ n cocoyam leaves kotomble; mankani ŋgba

máwɔɛ n dough amɔ mbówàsà n person who has insatia-ble desire for sweets vemevivitɔ mè adv here afisia

mèkoè n this place afisia

mèŋgbá Pl:mèŋgbáwɔ n bowl agba

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mèŋgbàkpákpátsá Pl:mèŋgbàkpákpátsáwɔ n tray traye

mɛ det this sia

mɛ v sew tɔ nu Ɔmɛ afútakpagoe He sews the torn cloth mɛ v swallow mi mɛ adv what nuka, aleke

mɛ mɛ adv to show intensity of sth. te gbe ɖe nusi wo gblɔ dzi mɛnù adv where afika Mɛnu alɔzɔ Where are you going? mgbíní n okro fetri mì v use, take zá, tsɔ Ɔmí ikpɛ iva inyɔ á nu He chooses one among the two things mìkpɛ v choose tiã

mìkú v annoy do dziku

míní v lick ɖuɖɔ miɔmiɔ adv cold miɔmiɔ mlà v bring tsɔ nu vɛ

mlá v crowded especially in a farm mimi vevietɔ le agbleme

mlámìná n eight enyi mlámlámlá adv kabakaba

mlànkpámá v escape si, dzó

mmɔ adv there afima

mmuá n flour ewɔ mo adv not me...o

mókoé adv there afima

mɔ det that má

mɔ v laugh ko nu Ɔmɔ inaa He/She laughs at the person mɔkplɛ adv why nukatá

mú Pro 1st Pers. Sg. Obj. -m

mú v be dark tsyɔ mùmú v complete (e)de, le blibó

múní ɔŋkpá v tie rope bla eka

múnímúní adv talking undertone nuƒoƒo ɖe gbeme

N - n nà v walk zɔ (azɔlĩ) Asaŋgbla ɔna blewuu. Awa ana loo Tortoise walks slowly. You are wellcome ná prep on da nane ɖe

naá question word ma hã

nàgó v different to vovo

nántróblíkpó n anthill in the form of an umbrella babakɔ si le abe xexi ene. nányí v remember ɖo ŋku nane dzi nàŋgò adj big, great, large gã, lolo Ɔyɔ naŋgo oye utsaa yó A big tree is at the side of the building

ndà n liquor ahà Ɔsaa odzi ndà The man is drunk ndágùálɛ Pl:ndágualɛwɔ n claybowl for storing drinks ahakugba

ndágùásɔ Pl:ndágùasɔ n pot for storing drinks ahakuze

ndàzámè n distillery ahaɖaƒe

nɖú n water etsi Nɖú ntsi asɔa nu Water is in the pot nɖúbiagò n boiling water etsi fiefie

nɖúdzá n hot water tsidzodzoe

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nɖúdzáɔdzá n very hot water tsi dzodzoe heliheli nɖúgɔ n thirst tsikɔwuame Nɖúgɔ nɖu nyam I am thirsty

nɖúkpálígo n river, stream etɔsisi nɖúnɔ ivà Pl:ndunɔ ivawɔ n cup, instrument for use in drinking water tsinonu, kɔpu Ɔmi nɖúnɔ iva na memgba tsú He put the cup in the bowl nɖúnɔgò n drinking water etsinono

nɖúyúgò n cold water tsifafe

nentswí Pl:nentswíwɔ n cow enyi Aba nentwí ekpe vuvɔ á tsú The killed a cow in the new year Tota: nenkpi

nɛ v get, buy xɔ nɛnù v believe xɔ dzi se Onenu tɛ Yesu oɖu onukpa ikpá He believes that Jesus is truly a king ńfú n palm oil dzomi nkràwòsá n ginger agumetaku

nɔ v drink nò Mbánɔ nɖú I shall drink water nɔ v fall (rain) dza (tsi) nɔ (umùshí) v smoke no Ɔnɔ umushí He/She smokes nta n own ŋutɔ ntá n hand asi Atsifó ntá xe atsibí kpɛ iva We wash hand when we want to eat ntámà n back of palm asimegbe

ntátsí n palm (of hand) asiƒome

ntɔ v pour, liquid. drop on kɔ ɖe nu ŋu

ntɔ n ashes afí ntrɔnɖú n breastmilk enotsi ntsùrí n ladder eli ntúbɔ n front of palm asiƒome

nù v hear se (nya) nú Pro 2nd Pers. Plu. Obj. wó

númà v fall down dze anyi númá v put cloth on ta avɔ númá v suck breast no eno

nyà v live nɔ nyá v to own tɔ, nu le esi own

nyá v stay (completive) nɔ nyàngbò n rainfall tsidzadza Nyagbo ɔnɔ uname It rained yester-day nyàngbò ivù n cloud alilĩkpo Nyagbo ivu iĺe agu There is cloud in the sky nyàngboìbè n rainy season tsidzaɣi Atsibo nyagboibɛ We are in the rainy season nyàngbònɔgò n rainfall tsidzadza

nyì v be that nye má

nyí v bear fruit tse ku

nyibi n native child aƒevi nyíndé Pl:nyíndéwɔ n date palm ayidé

nyínklé Pl:nyínkléwɔ n avocado evo

-n(u) neg not -o

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Ŋ - ŋ ŋámá v yawn há

ŋgbíní n okra fetri ŋgbini ntsi futsue nu Okro is in the soup

ŋgbɔ n rashes, lumps on the skin ekɔ ŋkpɛ n one ɖeka

ŋkpɔnyíoɖú n blindness ŋkudɔ ŋɔnyì v write ŋlɔ nu (ɖe agbalẽ me) Matanyinu ivaa ŋɔnyi He could not write Tota: ŋɔni

ŋɔnyí v take lion share xɔ teƒe gãatɔ le numama me

ŋɔtsìgò n era ɣeyiɣi si nane wɔna

ŋú v see kpɔ Maŋú udziɛ I saw the girl ŋùnyá v sprinkle, broadcast a seed wutsi nu dzi Akpɛ eŋúnyá koko é fɛ uboénu Some broadcast the cocoa in the farm ŋùyókányí n self realization ameɖokuikpɔkpɔdzesi

O - o O det No Ao

ó- Pro 3SG SUBJ é- obotsú n dew ahu Inɔsa moovɔ ubotsú A man does not fear dew

obúmbà Pl:obúmbàwɔ n wing aʋálã

ódó Pl:ódówɔ n feather fu

ódró Pl:ódrówɔ n elephant atiglinyi Abá odró nango ɔkpɛ They killed a big elephant odró ɔɖɔ n elephant trunk atiglinyiɖɔ odùdò Pl:odùdòwɔ n butterfly akpakpaluʋi Odzɔgbènyi n Northerner Dzogbedzitɔ ódzú

Pl:odzúwɔ n river etɔ Oló ori é odzu é nu Crocodile caught him in the river Òdzùfì n River in Logba tɔsisi aɖe le Logba

odzúlégò n rainbow anyieʋɔ ódzúnùinɔ Pl:ódzúnùinɔwɔ n fish akpa

ódzútsúkló Pl:ódzútsúklówɔ n boat tɔdziʋú

odzúvlèntsí n stream tɔsisi oɖú n sickness dɔlele

ofá n fence kpɔtɔtɔ ofífie Pl:ofífiéwɔ n oil ami óflù n crazy person amenuwɔ ofòntsì n tin ganugui ófónyì Pl:mfónyì n gourd ego

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ofù n pain, suffering fù, vevesese

ófú n nose ŋɔti ófú Pl:ófúwɔ n guest amedzro Ófú é ɔsa idze The guest left today

ofúflú n red porridge dzɛŋkple

ofùfò n wind eya

ofùfònù n atmosphere yame

ofuí Pl:afuí n thigh atagba

ofuienùkú n thigh bone ataƒu

ofúntsù n red ant found in the ground anyidi dzĩ si nɔ anyigba me

ofúntsù n visitor amedzro

ofùnú n navel gbɔgbɔnú

ofúnúmúnyí n hair in the nostril ŋɔtsimefú

ofútɔ n enemy futɔ ogbómí Pl:ogbómíwɔ n monkey kese

ogbótó Pl:igbótó n unripe fruit atsikutsetse gbogbo

oglɔyí n knee cap klokpakpɛ ògluí Pl:ògluíwɔ n mouse afi, alegeli Oglui oké vutsie nu The mouse rushed out of the hole Ogódómé n Logba name for Ava-time Alesi Logbatɔwo woyɔa Avatimetɔwoe

Ogódóményì n Avatime citizen Avatimetɔ

ogríɖí Pl:ogríɖíwɔ n story ŋutinya eglí Onukpatsi ɛ ɔdá ogridi wa tsú The old man told us a story ohàfì Pl:ihàfì n mattock hoe kodzi si wo-hona atiglie

ohoyébí n cowry hotsui okó n crop (cock) atɔ si le veme na koklo

okpá n type of fibre (local) ekà

okpenutsigò n half afã

okpùkpɛ adv alone ɖeka ko Tota: okùkpɛ

okú n place teƒe

okú áfá n land of the dead tsieƒe

ókúe Pl:ókúewɔ n residence nɔƒe

okúmì Pl:okúmìwɔ n garden egg agbitsa

okúnàfɔ Pl:okúnàfɔwɔ n buttocks meƒi Tota: kunafɔ

okúnkpɛ n one part (of it), some-where akpa ɖeka, afiaɖe

okúnù n anus meƒime Tota: okuna

okúnyié n that place afima

okúshíokú n everywhere afisiafi okùtèxoé n funeral grounds kuteƒe

òló Pl:òlówɔ n crocodile elo

olómí n testis voku

olùbù

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Pl:ilùbù n small pot for tapping palm wine ahakpazi ombuɛ wutsítsí n lemon dɔŋutsi onflí n black ants anyidi yibɔ onflú n red porridge dzenkple

onjie Pl:nzie n owl adzexe Tota: ojinjiɛ

onkpá Pl:aŋkpá n rope eka

ónúkpá Pl:anúkpá n king, chief amega, fia

onúkpá nángò Pl:anúkpá nángò n paramount chief Logba fiaga

onukpánangò n paramount chief fiaga

ónyuí n juju edzo

ónyùí n outside gota, xexe Vuinta: odzɔgbe mainly used in the Vuinta dialect oŋfú Pl:oŋfuwɔ n worm eŋɔ oŋúyé n small insects making nests in the house ahasusue

opépré n spices pepre

ópété n vulture akaga

otoénù n public assembly ground ablɔme

otónù Pl:otonúwɔ n guinea fowl atsaxe Tota: ɔtɔnɔ

otsá n farm-bag agble kotoku

otsíntsí

Pl: otsíntsíwɔ n spectacle gankui otsíntsǐ n spectacles gankui otswe Postp side, fringes eto

otswé Pl:ntsoe n ear eto Kofi otswe oɖá Kofi Kofi's ear is big otsófì Pl:otsófìwɔ n python eʋɔ ótsú n forehead ŋgonu

òtsúntsɔ n Xylopia aethiopica etsyo

otsùrɔ Pl:atsùrɔ n brother-in-law enyo

otsyweishíkpɛ Pl:otsyweishíkpɛ n ear ring togɛ otú Pl:otú n forehead ŋgonu Tota: otsú

otú Pl:itú n gun etu

otú kpágò n baldness of the forehead etakpakpa ɖe ŋgonu

ótúlí Pl:ótúlíwɔ n mosquito emu

ovánánié pron something nane

ovínvlɛ n green mamba egbedzrolo

ovyò n black berries atitoe

ovyò n litter, refuse gbeɖuɖɔ ovókpó n insect that causes blind-ness nudzodzoe si ateŋu ana ame ƒe ŋku agbã

ovù n market asi òvù n breath gbɔgbɔ ovuénù

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Pl:ovuéwɔnu n market asime Amu ma ɔmi ikpɛ zɔ ovuenu My mother took some to the market ovuí n mother's brother, uncle nyrui Ma kpi amu ovwí wa I went to my uncle's place ovúmvlè n plant with leaves that causes the body to itch edza; egbe si fia ŋuti na ame

ovúnù n market asime Igbeɖi é ilé ovunu The cassava is in market

owò n bee anyí Owo olé vuti ɛ nu Bee is in the hole òwòsà Pl:nwòsàwɔ n beehive anyitɔ oyúbítsí Pl:oyúbìtsiwɔ n thief fiafi oyúyúɖɔgò n stealing fififi oziáwàsà n poor man ehiatɔ ozònyì n Akan (person) Eblutɔ ozúmè adv tomorrow etsɔ

Ɔ - ɔ ɔbà n mud ebà

ɔbɛndà n palmwine deha Tota: abenda

ɔbɛnɖù n palmnut-soup ede detsi Ɔblɔwoe n Creator Mia wɔla

ɔbɔmɛ n settlement, division kpɔnu

ɔdà n lowest part of valley abume, balime

ɔdɔ n place in a cocoa farm teƒe le koko gble me

ɔdɔntí n waist ali ɔdɔntsi ɔlɔ fiɛ Waist is paining him Tota: ɔdɔntsí

ɔdzá n fire edzo

ɔdzátsúme Pl:idzátsúme n kitchen dzodoƒi Ivakpɛgo iye ɔdzatsume Food is in the kitchen ɔdzɔgbè n outside xexe, gota mainly used in the Tota dialect ɔɖábíblì n gun etu

ɔɖɔmè Pl:ìɖɔmè n bud ati ɖɔmi

ɔfáfɛgò n fence kpɔtɔtɔ ɔfánù n house, bathhouse tsilekpɔme

ɔfɔkétsí n armpit axatome

ɔfɔtsí n door ʋɔtru

ɔgà Pl:ágà n wife, spouse srɔnyɔnu, srɔ ɔgàngò n last, the rest mɔmlɔe

ɔgànyì n palm frond edeʋaya

ɔgàyɔ n plantain abladzo abladzo

ɔgbá Pl:igbá n road mɔ ɔgbá gblà itìbí n forefinger nyagblɔsi ɔgbádzèmódzè adv suddenly enu-make

ɔgbánàgò Pl:igbánàgòwɔ n journey mɔzɔzɔ Ɔgblɔlɔwò n Nigerian Nigeriatɔ ɔgbɔ Pl:igbɔ n town du

ɔgɔ n hunger dɔwuame

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ɔgɔ n grinding stone ete

ɔhà Pl:ihà n pig eha

ɔhá Pl:ihá n congregation, group hame, eha

ɔhlɔyí n lust dzodzro

ɔhlɔyí n throat veme

ɔkà n swelling in the groin zɔɣeku

ɔkà n hen-comb koklo ƒe atɔ ɔká n palm door mat afɔtutunu

ɔkànúgbágbá n fowl koklo

ɔkébí n ataku

ɔklà Pl:ìklà n mat aba

ɔkɔ n custom ekɔ ɔkɔánú n lap, around the chest akɔnu, akɔme

ɔkɔátú n chest akɔtá Tota: ɔkɔátsu

Ɔkpàyà n God Mawu Atsi dzú ugbe ta Ɔkpaya We prayed to God

ɔkpàyàbí n Jesus Yesu Ɔkpayabí anyíntsé Jesus thank you

ɔkpàyàdzìgo n prayer, calling God gbedodoɖa

ɔkpàyàdzìmɛ n chaper, a place where prayer is performed tsɔtsixɔ, teƒe si wo doa gbe ɖa le

ɔkpáyàílɔ n word of God Mawunya

Ɔkpayaílɔklontsí n Bible Biblia

Ɔkpayasùmùmè n Chapel; a place where God is worshipped Tsɔtsixɔ ɔkpɛ n one ɖeka

ɔkpɛshiɔkpɛ n any, everyone ɖesiaɖe

ɔkpìɛ n indef. something not known aɖe

ɔkplɛ conj because, reason elabe

ɔkpɔ n fist ekɔ ukpɔ

ɔkpɔnyí Pl:mkpɔnyí n eye ŋkú

ɔkúanú n space in front teƒe si le ŋgɔ Ɔmáwúbí n Jesus, son of God Mawuvi, Yesu

ɔmbuɛ Pl:àmbwɛ n orange atɔtɔŋuti ɔmbué ole ɔyɔá nu Orange is in the tree

ɔndzí adj sweet vivi Ɔmbué obò ɔndzi The orange is sweet

ɔnɖà Pl:anɖà (wɔ) n friend, companion nɔvi ɔnɖá Pl:anɖá (wɔ) n friend nɔvi, eveliá

ɔnfiɛ Pl:infié n pomade, oil ami, amisisi ɔngɔ Pl:iŋgɔ n unriped fruit, uncooked food, raw numumu, numabimabi ɔntá pron his own etɔ ɔnyá n charm edzo si wowɔna ɖe ame dzi ɔnyá n round and yellowish fruit when ripe akukɔ ɔnzye Pl:inzye n owl adzexe

ɔŋgɔ adj not dry múmu

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ɔŋgɔ adj green gbemu

ɔŋgɔ n immature, unripe, premature, impure blood matsimatsi, eʋugbegble

ɔŋkpá Pl:iŋkpá n rope eka Ɔŋkpáa ɔkɔ ɔyɔa yo The rope is hanging on the tree

ɔŋkpɛ n something nane

ɔŋkpɛshiɔkpɛ n nothing naneke o

ɔpánshiá n immature yam etematsitsi ɔpɛ n instrument for plucking cocoa kokogbegá

ɔsá Pl: asa n man ŋutsu

ɔsá n sperm ŋutsunú

ɔsálókpótó n smallish person amevíme

ɔsámínángò Pl:asámínángò n leopard ekpɔ ɔsánsà Pl:nsansã n hawk aʋako

ɔsɔ Pl:isɔ n horse esɔ ɔtá n boundary pole (tree) liƒotsi ɔtá n war aʋà

ɔtagùgò n making war aʋawɔwɔ ɔtɔ Pl:ntɔ n cheek alɔgo

ɔtsoeyoiɖá Pl:ntsoeyoidàwɔ n ear ring togɛ Udzie ɔfɛ ɔtsoeyoiɖá The woman wears an ear ring ɔtsɔɖìbɔ n material added to gun-powder for firing kabisi

ɔtsẃɛgo n sponge dish adzalẽgui ɔtswɛnsã n sponge akutsa Ati mí ɔtswɛsã gu yó We use sponge to wash our body ɔtsyɔɖìbó support what is being said da asi ɖe nane dzi ɔtswɛ Pl:itswɛ n soap adzalẽ ɔvà n behaviour (good) respect nɔnɔme

ɔvanùvò Pl:ɔvanùvòwɔ n hunter adelã Tota: ivanùvò

ɔvávà n local soap ameyibɔdzalẽ ɔviábɛ adv how much? ho nenie? Tota: óhuiabɛ

ɔvɔwò Pl:ɔvɔwòwɔ n coward vɔvɔnɔtɔ ɔwɔ Pl:iwɔ n mortar eto Ma ywe iva ɔwɔ á nu I pound in the mortar

ɔwɔbí Pl:iwɔbí n pestle tatsi ɔxà n trap exà, emɔ ɔyɔ Pl:ayɔ n tree ati ɔyɔ Pl:ìyɔ n grave yɔdo

ɔyɔ mkpàlɛ Pl:iyɔmkpàlɛ n beam in a building xɔgbati ɔyɔafɔtí n bark of a tree ati ƒe akpá Tota: ɔyɔafɔtsi

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ɔyɔalá Pl:oyɔnláwɔ n branch atilɔ ɔyɔdzínù Pl:iyɔdzìnù n trunk ati ƒe lobolobo me

ɔyɔkló Pl:iyɔkló n hole in a tree atito Ozin-zie otsi ɔyɔklo é nu The owl is in the hole in the tree ɔyɔkpéwò n carpenter kabita, atik-pala Ɔyɔkpéwo é ɔlɔmi utrɔmɛ utsa zugbo The carpenter is working on top of the house

ɔyɔlólì Pl:iyɔlòlì n cassava agbeli Ma glui ɔyɔlolì idzɛ I uproot cassava today

ɔyɔmǎntí Pl:iyɔma ntí n bark of a tree atikpa

ɔyɔtì Pl:iyɔti n stick, cane ati Ɔla ebítsi é kpɛ ɔyɔti He/She caned the children with a stick ɔyɔtsìgbó Pl:iyɔtsìgbó n stump atikpó

ɔziá n poverty ehia

P - p pàmprò Pl:pampro n bamboo pamplo

pépí n harmattan pépi péyà Pl:peya n pear peya

pɛpɛpɛ adv exactly pɛpɛpɛ pɛtɛ(ɛ) Pro completely, all katã

prɔ v wet fotsi p(i)rénté n plate agba

R - r rí v hold, catch lé ɖe asi, lé ame

rí ányíná v watch closely le ŋku ɖe nu ŋu Tota: li anyina

rí imɔ v be involved in a case or problem kpɔ nya

S - s sà v leave, go dzo

sá nɖú v fetch water ku tsi sà zie v lock door tu ʋɔ sàgò n migration dzodzo

sákɛ n hook for catching fish eƒù

sákúnábɛ n insects that destroy co-coa pod nu dzodzoe si gblẽa koko

sándzé n brownish growth on cas-sava that is peeled and kept overnight

nu yibɔ aɖe si wɔna ɖe agbeli ŋu ne woklee daɖi eŋuke ɖe edzi. dze asitsu

sànú Pl:sànúwɔ n seive sranu

sàŋkú n organ saŋku

sàprádá n onion sabala

satifini n bird with bushy tail adúblekese

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sé v cease, stopped se, ewu nu

seƒoƒo Pl:seƒoƒowɔ n flower seƒoƒo

sègè n part akpa

shí v cover a container to be airtight tre nane nu

shíatɔ v be near te ɖe eŋu

shíbí v cut tso, lã shíɖɛ v leave someone at the time that one is needed de megbe le ame ŋu

sìmpɔá n deadly boil in the neck, inside nose ƒoƒui si wua ame

skeli n scale nudanu

sɔkɔɖú n chewing stick atiɖuɖu

sɔlèmètsá

Pl:sɔlèmètsáwɔ n chapel tsɔtsixɔ Sɔlimenyì n Christian Kristotɔ sɔtí v force into ge ɖe eme

srà v sieve srà

sú v pierce ŋɔ suá v bore hole in a palm tree ɖe do ɖe edeti me

sùkùgú n school fees sukufe

sùkùkpoétsú n school compound sukukpodzi sùsú v urinate ɖɔ aɖuɖɔ súsú v think bù nane ŋuti Masusu tɛ mikisa kuraa atsibiblɔ iyɛ utrɔmɛ I think that it will not be long we will work on it

T - t ta v give na

tá v shoot, throw da tú da (nane) tá v draw ta nu ɖe agbalẽ me

tá v let na

tá v sting (bee, ant, scorpion) te ame

tà áwá n Greetings (morning) ŋdi na wò

ta (i)va v swear ta nu

tàdzè kò adv immediately enumake

tányì v can ateŋu

tàpòlì Pl:tapoliwɔ n wooden instrument for grinding in a bowl tapoli tásà n claw of a crab or scorpion aɖugbo

tású Pl:etású n paternal aunt etɛ tátá v inform kla (ame) tàtɛ adv as a result eyata

tèdzè v learn srɔ nu

tédzi Pl:tédziwɔ n donkey tedzi teè adv straight tee

téé adv may be ɖewohi téfé v search dzí tèlé v make effort wɔ ŋutete

téní v escape si dzo Tota: tenyi

téní ìnà v respect bu ame, si ame Tota: tenyi ina

teńtré v lie flat dzeŋe

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Tete Kwashi n Tetteh Quashie, the first variery of cocoa brought to Ghana. Tete Kɔshi, koko si xɔa ƒe adre hafi tsena. The name of the man who brought cocoa to Ghana. The name is used to refer to this variety tɛ v say bé

tɛ COMPL that bé

tìmátì n tomato tomato

tínítìnì n instrument for blowing air into fire ayitsi Tota: tsintsin

tò adv never megawɔ nane o

tǒ ábɛ v fell palm tree mù edeti tò wú ágù not to be worried mega tsi dzi o

tókpótókpó n type of mushroom that is short eʋlo si le kpuie

tòlɛ v send dɔ ame

tòngò n thick (of liquid) kpẽkẽe

tòtòkpà n formerly etsã

tɔ v put a pot under a felled palm tree for wine to drip into it. da ahazi ɖe edeti si womu te ne aha na tsyɔ ɖe eme

tɔ v fix on le ɖe nane ŋu

tɔlɛ v push tutu tɔɛ

tɔnká gɔ ègbè n grinding stone (pepper) atadi tukpe

tɔntá v push tutu

tɔŋká n pepper atadi trò v refuse gbé

trɔ v carry (load) tsɔ (agba) tsà v be tired ɖeɖi ƒe ameŋutete

tsà v lodge with someone dze amedzro

tsè v be ready for harvest atikutsetse si tsi ne woagbe

tsè v be old tsi tséngò n old tsitsitɔ tsɛnklɛ adj thin tsralee

tsɛtsɛnklɛ adj very thin tsralee

tsí v sit nɔ anyi tsí v stay in, sit nɔ eme

tsì ìvà v divide, share out ma nu

tsìbì v small (quantity) sue

tsìdzɔndzɔ v squat nɔ klotsinu

tsíɖí v be in line le fli me

tsié tí v sit down nɔ anyi tsímí v crack (palm kernel) zi (neƒi) tsítsì v overturn trɔ gbo

tsitsiɛ n how something is done alesi wo wɔ nanee

tsíyí n maize ebli tsó v cut lã

tsoé v dry ƒú

tsògá v cross tsoga

tsonyui v start dze gɔme

tsɔénɖú v be good and dry esp. friut or vegetable ƒutsi tsɔmí v lick bowl in the course of eating ɖuɖɔ agbame ne nu ɖum

tsɔŋ adv for a long time ʋuu

tsú ɔdzá v set fire dó dzo

tsuatsɔlí v spit ɖe tá

tsùɖɔ v sieve tsra

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tsúnɔ v tree that is no more yielding ati si tse vɔ tsyɛ v select tsiá

tsyoéyì v be dry ƒú

Tsyókpózíwò n Hausa man Awusatɔ tsyɔɔ adv long legbee

-tu v PAST PROG.ASP. suffix nɔ -m

tú v untie tú

tú Pro 1st Pers. Plu. Obj. mi Tota:tsu

tú v move to another place ʋù

tuɛ v miss target da dadagbo Tota: tsuɛ

tulí Pl:tulíwɔ n mosquito emu

tùmgèdzè n hunchback ekpó

tùmpá Pl:tùmpáwɔ n bottle atukpa

tùmpánúzìvà Pl:tùmpánúzìvàwɔ n bottle -top tuk-panutuvi tútúmántú Pl:tutumantuwɔ n aligator evé

tútútú adv exactly tututu

U - u -u DET the (l)a

ubá n sth. you have not paid for afúnú ubì Pl:ebì n wound abì ùbí Pl:ebitɔ n child ɖevi ùbídzé Pl:ebiédzé n daughter vinyɔnuvi ubínyítágò Pl:ebínyítágò n naming ceremony ŋkɔnanaɖevi ubíɔsá Pl:ebíasá n son viŋutsuvi ubìrívà n plaster abìleŋu

ubò Pl:ebò n farm agble

ubógbà n farm path agblemɔ ubókágò n farming agbledede

úbólɔtsónyuí Pl:úbòlɔtsonyuiwɔ n tractor, farm machine agbledemɔ ùbón Pl:èbon n farm (in) agbleme

ubónùivà n farm produce agblemen-uku

ubónùkpíákpívà n sandals for farm-ing agbledefɔkpa

ubónùkpíwò Pl:ebónùkpíwò n farmer agbledela

ubónùtsá Pl:ebonùtsa n hut agblexɔ ubotsù n dew ahu, dzadza

ubɔmè n town, hidden place for consultation dume, dahu

udáìvà n opener nuʋunu

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udántsí n morning ŋdime Udántsí mɛ ka ɔzɔ suku It is this morning he/she went to school udzédívà n dowry srɔɖenú

udzédruí n tomatoes tomatos

udzédrúì n light skinned woman nyɔnu si biã

udzémílókpótó n cocoyam mankani udzémítébí Pl:edzémítébí n young lady ɖetugbi udzɛ Pl: ɛdzɛ n woman nyɔnu SG: udzɛ PLU: ɛdzɛ

udzì Pl:edzì n heart dzì udzí n rag used for carrying load tsihé

údzì n broom exa, abaya

udzinyáwò n brave kalẽtɔ udzìtsú n chest akɔta

udzitsùimúnyí n chest-hair akɔtafu

udzúamá n toilet, Tota dialect afɔdzi udzùbí Pl:udzubiwɔ n pot for storing potable water tsinoze

uɖíme n inheritance domenyinu

uɖóbè n afternoon ɣetrɔ úɖú n ten ewo

ufiàlì n sweat fifia

ufiɖàmè n meeting place Ʋɔnu, afisi wowɔa takpekpe le

ufió n family ƒome

ufɔtɔ n marshy terrain teƒe si wɔ tsi le finyafinya

ugà n hundred alafa ɖeka

ùgbè n voice, language gbe, gbegbɔgblɔ úgbè n father-in-law etó

úgbèdzɛ n mother-in-law lɔxo

Ugbédzúgo n libation prayer tsiƒoɖeanyi ùgbèdzúmè n church spiritual heal-ing centre dɔyɔƒe

ùgbèwágò n language speakers gbegblɔlawo

ugo n difference vovototo

úgù n husband srɔŋutsu

úgú n debt (for something) fe (ga si le ame ŋu) ugùfà Pl:ugufàwɔ n towel nutsitutunu (towel) úgúgà n salary, wage fetu

ugùnè Pl:egùnè n sister (either younger or older) nɔvinyɔŋu

ugùsà Pl:egusá n brother nɔviwo

ùgúwàsà n married woman srɔtɔ uhɛ Pl:uhɛwɔ n knife hé

ukíntà n elephant grass aɖagbe

ukintayì n small grinding stone for grinding medicine herbs atiketukpe

ukló

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Pl:uklówɔ n lorry eʋu

uklòntsí Pl:uklontsíwɔ n book agbale

úkluí Pl:úkluíwɔ n cooking stick akpleɖati ukpálívó n small unburnt sticks in the farm ati wuwlui siwo mebi o le dzotɔtɔ gbě vɔ. ukplɔ pl:ukplɔwɔ n table ekplɔ ùkpó Pl:èkpó n mountain eto

ukpókù Pl:ekpókù n knee eklò

ukpótsú n mountain top tó tame

ùkú Pl:èkú n drum eʋu (si wo ƒo na) úkú Pl:ekú n bone eƒu

ukúnángo Pl:ekúnángo n talking drums agblɔʋú

úkúnkú Pl:ékúnkú n elbow abɔkugluinu

úlémé n position a person holdls in a society ɖoƒe si ame aɖe le le habɔbɔ me. úló n hernia; oversized testis evo

úloégbé n grinding stone nunyrekpe

ulólì Pl:elólì n root ati ƒe eke

úmá Pl:émáwɔ n mother dada

úmágùnè

Pl:émágùnɛwɔ n maternal aunt daɖia

ùmè adv here afisia

umɛntà n salt edze

ùmɔ adv there afima

umɔkoé adv there afima

úmúshí n smoke dzudzɔ úmútí Pl:émútí n barn avá Tota: umutsi

unámbì n grandchild mamayɔví unámè n yesterday etsɔ Unáme ka ɔbá It is yesterday he came

unánsà Pl:enansà n chief tɔgbi, fia

unutsigò n half afã

unyì n fruit kutsetse

unyí Pl:enyi n day ŋkeke

ùnyì n boundary liƒó

únyí Pl:enyí n name ŋkɔ urímè Pl:urímè n handle alɔ ùsà Pl:èsà n nest atɔ ùsá Pl:usá n group, clan sã

usòntà n pit latrine afɔdzi úsú n urine aɖùɖɔ usúásɔ Pl:usúásɔ n chamber-pot aɖuɖɔzi usùmùnyì Pl:usùmùwò n worshipper subɔla

usúsɔ n old urine aɖuɖɔ tsitsi

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usùsɔfòlí n bladder aɖuɖɔgui utí Pl:etíwɔ n father fofo Tota: utsi

utísà Pl:etisà n paternal uncle tɔɖia Tota: utsísà

ùtrɔmè n work dɔ utrɔmèmìgò n work dɔwɔwɔ utsá Pl:atsá n house xɔme

utsa olo ɖú the roof is leaking afi le bedzame an expression used to state that there is someone around who hears what is being said and will pass it on to someone who is not supposed to hear it. utsádòwò Pl:etsádowo n mason xɔtula

utsíntsí n middle dome

utsíntsiɛnù n environment nutowome

útsònyuí Pl:útsònyuí n machine emɔ utú Pl:etú n anthill babakɔ utúɖímè n government dziɖuɖu

uvá n side axadzi Úvà n Friday Fiɖa

uváfɔ n part akpa aɖe

uvátú n side axadzí Tota: uvátsú

uví Pl:eví n tail asikɛ uvlómiébí n type of seed used as spice in cooking. ayiku

uvú n belly ƒodo

úwá Pl:ewá n forest ave

uwádzó Pl:ewádzó n centipede demehɔ iwɔdzò

uwádzówádzó Pl:ewádzówádzó n centipede ahlihá iwɔdzò

Uwlátɛ n Monday Dzoɖa

Uwlɔ n Sunday Kwasiɖa

Uwó n Tuesday Blaɖa

ùzí n noise ɣlidodo

úzí Pl:ezí n door (way) ʋɔtru mɔnu

uzídáiɖɛbi n key safui uzídáivà n key safui uzɔ Pl:ezɔ n big pot for storing water zɔ uzùgbó n head ta

uzúgbófía n headache taɖuame

uzúgbófíɖàgo n meeting takpekpe

uzúgbófɔ Pl:ezúgbófɔ n skull ametakoli uzúgbógbàivà Pl:uzúgbógbàivàwɔ n scissors sakisì, apasú

uzúgbógbàwò n barber takola

uzúgbóglívà n head scarf takú

uzugbóimúnyí n hair on the head táɖá

uzúgbókpágò n bald head etakpãkpã

uzúgbómà n back of the head ʋuɖome

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uzúgbóntsí n top of the head dzodome

uzúgbóvúmágò n disease condition which makes the person who suffers

from it to have a swollen head dɔlele si nana ame ƒe ta tena

uzúngbá n life agbenɔnɔ

V - v và v borrow dó nu

váfɔ n side axadzi vè v pass va yi vèfɛ v enter ge ɖe eme

vévé adj important vevie

viá v nurse a seed viá

vìálìvà v play games fe fefe, ɖi akɔ víní v weave thread, knit lɔ, gbì ka

víví v showing off ameɖokui dodo ɖe dzi vlá v bury ɖi vlí v winnow, removing chaff from maize and beans gbɔ ebli alo ayi be- na atsa nado le eme. vlɔ v peel cassava kpa agbeli ɔvlɔ igbeɖi é He/She peels the cassava

vlɔvlɔvlɔ adv growing fast tsi ka-bakaba

vlù v uproot ho

vɔ v fear vɔ

vɔnyí v ugly vló, nusi menya kpɔ o

vù v blow (with mouth) ɖo ƒuƒu ɖe nu me

vù v castrate tá

vù asɔ v mould (pot) me ze

vui adv never, stop mega wɔ nane o

vuí v stop doing something dzudzɔ nane wɔwɔ vulí n tobacco atama

vúmá v swell te

vunkpá n red pad worn by women nyɔnuwo ƒe godui dziĩ vuóvù v breathe gbɔ vu ovu

vùshì n vagina kolo

vùshìtsúimúnyí n female pubic hair eɖotafú

vutí Pl:vutíwɔ n hole edo Tota: vutsi

vùvɔ adj new yeye

vúvɔ adj spoil gbegblẽ

W - w wà v say, speak, tell someone some-thing gblɔ Atowá Ikpáná? Do you speak Logba language? wá n place gbɔ wá v break open ʋu nane

wàsà n owner ŋutɔ

wéseé adj coarse ƒlatsa (can be re-duplicated) wlà v to waste something gble nane to mazámazá me

wlí v many, plenty sugbɔ

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wlíwlí adv small parts suesue, wli-wli wlué v deceive ble ame

-wò n belong to -tɔ wò(bí) v give birth to a child dzi vi wɔ v be stuck le ɖe eŋu

-wɔ Plural suffix wó

wɔ v prick tɔ (ame) wɔ zúgbó v head to, take ones mat-ter to tsɔ ame ƒe nya yi teƒe aɖe. wɔfɛ v pierce ŋɔ wɔkpokuetsì v kneel dze klo

wɔkpɔ v knock somebody with fist ƒo ame kple kɔ wɔntɛtsí n menstruation asiɖoanyi wù v remain tsí anyí wú Pro 2nd Pers. Sg. Obj. wò

wutsítsí adj small sue

wútsíwútsí adj tiny, small grains of gari, rice wuziwuzi wúwò v heat mè

wúwò ásɔ v heat, roast inside pot after use for some time yiyi ze me

X - x xenyì conj but gake

xlèxé conj before hafi xòxòe adv already xoxo

xòxú v gather ƒoƒú

Y - y yà v erect a pole in the farm for yam tu ati ɖe ete ŋu. yáyá n nakedness amama

yáyí v look for something di yé v stand le tsitre

yéyé v wait tɔ dzɔ ame

yɛ v remove ɖe nane ɖa

yɛ conj and eye

yì v be weedy to gbe

yí v remove tsɔ do go

yì v be full yɔ yíɖé v wait for a person tɔ na ame

yó Postp side (skin) ŋuti yóvúdzè

Pl:yóvuwòedze n white woman yevunyɔnu

yòvúne Pl:yovunewɔ n coconut ene

yòvúnyì n whiteman yevu

yú v be cold fa Atsú wá iyú Our place here is cool. There is peace here yùánú v taste ɖɔ nu kpɔ yúɖɔ v steal fi yuéɖí v weep, cry fa avi yuɛ v pound (in a mortar) tó nu le to me Ɔyue fufui kpɛ igbeɖie He/She pounded fufu with cassava yuíyó v dance ɖu ɣe Udzɛ á oyo iyó The woman danced

402

Z - zzá v row, paddle, drive ku tɔdziʋu

zá v cook ɖa nu Mazíva ɔdzatsume I cooked in the kitchen zá ndá v distill ɖa aha

zàlá v dream ku drɔe

zándzé n firefly kedzuikedzui zénklǎ Pl:zenklǎwɔ n pot stand zelenu

zì v good nyui zì v close tu

zí v carry tsɔ zí v uproot hò

zí ilɔ v make a case against someone wɔ nya ɖe ame ŋu

zí (ìvà ásɔ nù) v cover (a pot) tu nu eze nu

ziá v be necessary hiá

zia v wash a sore klɔ abi zìntìmú n darkness viviti

zɔ v sell dzra nu

zɔ v go yi zɔ (ikú) v sing dzi hà Ebitsi ɔlɔzɔ iku The child is singing

zrɔní n ringworm zɔlílí zrɔni olé ebitsi zugbo ringworm is in the child's head zù v descend ɖi va anyi zù v grow big (roots) ɖó

zú v wake fɔ zúgbózúgbóbí Pl:zúgbózúgbóbíwɔ n tadpole kokovi zúgbózúgbóbí olé nɖu é nu tadpole is in the water zuikú v sing dzi ha Adzi ɛ ɔlɔzɔ iku The bird is singing zùtsí v sit nɔ anyi zúzɔ ásɔ v roast, heat new pot in oven after moulding. me ze

Logba Vocabulary

403

English-Logba index

A - a 'abolo' Pl:abolo, see:

abólózágò. abomination bùsú. advice aɖaŋù. after that ímɔámá. afternoon uɖóbè. again ɖɔ; lí. again, also dɔ. ago dzé. ahead dzà. Akan (person) ozònyì. aligator Pl:tutumantuwɔ, see:

tútúmántú. all kpóyì. alone okpùkpɛ. already xòxòe. also fɛ; ga. always ebíasiá. ancestors ánánsá. ancestral stool anasábiá. and kpɛ; yɛ. animal Pl:mbɔwɔ, see: abué. annoy mìkú. annoyance dzìkú. another mángò.

ant ateléwɔ, see: atélé. antelope Pl:ŋgúwɔ, see: agú. anthill Pl:etú, see: utú. anthill in the form of an umbrella

nántróblíkpó. anus okúnù. any, everyone ɔkpɛshiɔkpɛ. arm Pl:ŋgbàshì, see:

agbàshì. armpit ɔfɔkétsí. arrive, happen dzú. arrow igbè. as a result ányɛmɛnù; tàtɛ. ashes ntɔ. ask bú. ask (request) bú. atmosphere íɖí; iyánù; ofùfònù. Avatime and Nyagbo name for

Logba Benugba. Avatime citizen Ogódóményì. avocado Pl:nyínkléwɔ, see:

nyínklé. axe Pl:nʋì, see: àʋì.

B - b back ámántí. back of body amá. back of palm ntámà. back of the head uzúgbómà. back of the neck imɔmà. backbone amantsikú. bad gbálí. bag Pl:ŋkpòyì, see:

akpòyì. bald head uzúgbókpágò.

baldness of the forehead otú kpágò. ball Pl:mkpáfló-ivàwɔ,

see: akpáfló-ivà. ball, shoes Pl:mkpá iva, see: akpá

iva. bamboo pàmprò. banana kɔdìátsya. banana peel Pl:kɔdìátsya fɔtsíwɔ,

see: kɔdìátsya fɔtsí. barber uzúgbógbàwò.

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404

bare kótsue. bark kpófú. bark of a tree ɔyɔafɔtí; Pl:iyɔmantí,

see: ɔyɔmantí. barn Pl:émútí, see: úmútí. basket Pl:ŋkɔntsí, see:

akɔntsí. bat Pl:ŋgùtɔwɔ, see:

àgùtɔ. bath house iyógù ɔfá. bathe lazily húhɔ. bathhouse Pl:iyógùmèwɔ, see:

iyógùmè. be black blí. be certain kàɖù iyɛ tsú. be cold yù. be dark mú. be dirty drè. be drunk kùndà. be dry tswéyì. be full yì. be good ɖúkpá. be good and dry esp. friut or vegeta-

ble tsuénɖú. be.. hang kɔ. be happy isàmè-ìfé. be hard lìà. be heavy bwidú; ɖù. be hot (fire) bo (ɔ)dzá. be in line tsíɖí. be involved in a case or problem

rí imɔ. be (is) ɖú. be located le. be long kisa. be near shíatɔ. be necessary ziá. be old tsè. be ready for harvest tsè. (be) rotten bù. be straight dzɔ. be stuck wɔ. be that nyì. be tired tsà. be very difficult bò íntsé.

be weedy yì. be white flí. bead Pl:ìdzíbàwɔ, see:

indzíbà. beam in a building Pl:iyɔmkpàlɛ,

see: ɔyɔ mkpàlɛ. beans àzàyì. beans of cocoa ebí. bear fruit nyí. beard ìdzì. beat (drum) là (úkú). beat (person) là. because ibòtɛ. because, reason ɔkplɛ. become dzú. become lean kpíní. become sticky, liquid turning to

solid as a result of boiling glé.

bee owò. bee wax iwò. beehive Pl:nwòsàwɔ, see:

òwòsà. before xlèxé. begining étsítómé. behaviour (good) respect ɔvà. belch dzé. believe nɛnù. belly uvú. belong to -wò. belt, waist tying cord.

Pl:ivàtúglíivàwɔ, see: ivàtúglí ivà.

bend bí; búbɔ. beside ìtsɛ. be...stain ífé. Bible Ɔkpayaílɔklontsí. bicycle gàsɔ; kinkéwɔ, see:

kinké. big ɖà. big cutlass used for harvesting tree

crops and cutting big trees aflandzá.

big, great, large nàŋgò.

Logba Vocabulary 405

big pot for storing water Pl:ezɔ, see: uzɔ.

bird Pl:ndzì, see: adzì. bird possessed with evil spirit

Pl:ndzexé, see: adzexé.

bird with bushy tail satifini. birds' nest Pl:ndzìsà, see: adzìsà. biscuits Pl:akpɔnɔwɔ, see:

akpɔnɔ. bite kpɛ lɛ. bitter ló. bitterness, agony Pl:afiáŋugo, see:

afiáŋugò. black bíblì. black ants onflí. black ants; live in coffee trees

Pl:ŋkpáŋkpàyìɖàɖà, see: akpáŋkpàyìɖàɖà.

black berries ikádzà; oviò. black pepper Pl:afùtsáì, see: afùtsáì. bladder usùsɔfòlí. blind Pl:ŋkpɔnyíblìgo, see:

akpɔnyíblìgo. blindness ŋkpɔnyíoɖú. blood dzòsú. blow (of wind) fùfò ɔlɔlá. blow (with mouth) vù. boat Pl:akrówɔ, see: akró;

Pl:ódzútsúklówɔ, see: ódzútsúkló.

body iyó. boil ivàvùmàgo. boil, of water biá. boiling water nɖúbiagò. bone Pl:ekú, see: úkú. book Pl:uklontsíwɔ, see:

uklòntsí. bore hole in a palm tree suá. borrow và. bottle Pl:abɔɖiabɔ, see:

abɔɖiabɔ; Pl:tùmpáwɔ, see: tùmpá.

bottle -top Pl:tùmpánúzìvàwɔ, see: tùmpánúzìvà.

boundary ùnyì. boundary pole (tree) ɔtá. bowl Pl:mèŋgbáwɔ, see:

mèŋgbá. bowl containing assorted clothes to

show the wealth of a clan dzinkle.

brain, idea asùsú. branch Pl:oyɔnláwɔ, see:

ɔyɔalá. brave udzinyáwò. bread gbɛgbánfɔ. break blí; fífì. break open wá. breaking cocoa pods to remove

beans fɔnyí. breast Pl:ntrɔwɔ, see: atrɔ;

Pl:ntrɔ, see: átrɔ. breastmilk ntrɔnɖú. breath òvù. breathe vuóvù. bring mlà. broad, especially of leaves

gbéngeé. broad green leaves used as wrapper axlàmàkpá. broken pot Pl:nsɔblìgò, see:

ásɔblìgò. broom Pl:fiofiowɔ, see:

fiòfió; údzì. brother gusà; Pl:egusá, see:

ugùsà. brother (elder) Pl:fowɔ, see: fo. brother younger Pl:àmgùsàklɔiwɔ,

see: àmgùsàklɔi. brother-in-law Pl:atsùrɔ, see:

otsùrɔ. brownish growth on cassava that is

peeled and kept over-night sándzé.

bucket Pl:bɔkitiwɔ, see: bɔkìtì.

bud Pl:ìɖɔmè, see: ɔɖɔmè. build dò. bury vlá.

Logba Vocabulary

406

bush ivànù. bush, outside Pl:nkèlén, see: èkèlén. but dzué; xenyì. butterfly Pl:odùdòwɔ, see:

odùdò.

buttocks Pl:okúnàfɔwɔ, see: okúnàfɔ.

buy lɛ. buyer alɛwò.

C - c calabash Pl:nfìéyí, see: èfìéyí. calf isóbó. call dzì. call (summon) dìlɛ. can tányì. candle bòsò ífú. carpenter ɔyɔkpéwò. carry zí. carry (load) trɔ. carve kpè ɔyɔ. cassava Pl:igbéɖì, see: àgbèɖì;

Pl:iyɔlòlì, see: ɔyɔlólì. castrate vù. cat Pl:nɖɔ, see: ànɖɔ. catch something thrown kúmá. cave égbè vùtí. cease, stopped sé. cemetery inàvlámè. centipede Pl:ewádzó, see:

uwádzó; Pl:ewádzówádzó, see: uwádzówádzó.

chaff ádzáfɔ; átsá. chair Pl:mbia, see: abiá. chamber-pot Pl:usúásɔ, see: usúásɔ. chameleon Pl:nhoanitsà, see:

ahointsà. changes, innovations itsítsìgo. chapel Pl:sɔlèmètsáwɔ, see:

sɔlèmètsá. Chapel; a place where God is wor-

shipped Ɔkpayasùmùmè.

chaper, a place where prayer is per-formed ɔkpàyàdzìmɛ.

charcoal ìká. charm fálífɛ; ɔnyá. cheek itsɛ; Pl:ntɔ, see: ɔtɔ. chest ɔkɔátú; udzìtsú. chest-hair udzitsùimúnyí. chewing stick sɔkɔɖú. chicken (domestic fowl) Pl:ŋkɔ, see:

ànkɔ. chief Pl:enansà, see:

unánsà. chieftaincy ímɔánú. child Pl: ebitɔ, see: èbítí;

Pl:ebitɔ, see: ùbí. chimney Pl:kaniofònyìwɔ, see:

kániófònyì. choose mìkpɛ. Christian Sɔlimenyì. church spiritual healing centre

ùgbèdzúmè. citizen of a particular town afáɔblɛ. civilisation anyìdágò. clause final marker lá. claw of a crab or scorpion tásà. clay bowl for grinding pepper

Pl:nlɛhàdzàhlà, see: alɛhàdzàhlà.

claybowl Pl:nlɛ, see: alɛ. claybowl for storing drinks

Pl:ndagualɛwɔ, see: ndágùálɛ.

clear forest bé ivà; bé úwá. climb lè. clitoris Pl:akankabi, see:

akankabi. close zì.

Logba Vocabulary

407

cloth (material) Pl:mfútà, see: afútà.

clothes ìvafɛgò. cloud Pl:ɖèblekúwɔ, see:

ɖèblekú; nyàngbò ivù. clove hàliwá. coarse wéseé. cock Pl:nkɔsa, see: ànkɔsá. cock comb ankɔ òkà. cocoa buying centre kòkòdàmè. cocoa, coffee, cash crop ayuebí. cocoa sack kòkò àkpó. coconut Pl:yovunewɔ, see:

yòvúne. cocoyam màkàni;

udzémílókpótó. cocoyam leaf Pl:kotomble, see:

kotomble. cocoyam leaves mànkànìɔɖɔ. coil, fold bwá. cola nut Pl:bìsíwɔ, see: bìsí. cold íwɔ; miɔmiɔ. cold water nɖúyúgò. collect dzányì; kútsí. collect, cuttings on a farm kpálí. collect something eg yam dzányì. collecting unburnt sticks in the farm ikpálígo. comb Pl:mfé, see: afé. come bà. come to an end ba anú. coming year ekpè ángò. complete mùmú. completely, all pɛtɛ(ɛ). compound Pl:mfan, see: áfán. comrade atahányí. confluence fíɖágò. confusion atútɔ.

congregation, group Pl:ihá, see: ɔhá.

contact dze. convulsion ihègòɖú. cook zá. cooking pot Pl:ivazásɔwɔ, see:

ivazásɔ. cooking stick Pl:úkluíwɔ, see: úkluí. corn mill iɖá ɔgɔ. corpse Pl:mbótiwɔ, see:

abótí. cotton ɖetsiflu. cough kɔlí ɔkɔ. count gà (ivà). cover a container to be airtight shí. cover (a pot) zí (ìvà ásɔ nù). cow Pl:nentsuíwɔ, see:

nentswí. coward Pl:ɔvɔwòwɔ, see:

ɔvɔwò. cowry ohoyébí. crab Pl:ŋgádzà, see:

agádzà. crack (palm kernel) tsímí. crawl gbígbè. crazy person óflù. Creator Ɔblɔwoe. crocodile Pl:òlówɔ, see: òló. crop (cock) okó. cross tsògà. crowded especially in a farm mlá. cup, instrument for use in drinking

water Pl:ndunɔ ivawɔ, see: nɖúnɔ ivà.

custom ɔkɔ. cut dzáá; shíbí; tsó. cut sth. in parts flì. cutlass ífiámì,

D - d dance iyó. darkness íɖí imú; zìntìmú.

date palm Pl:nyíndéwɔ, see: nyíndé.

Logba Vocabulary

408

daughter Pl:ebiédzé, see: ùbídzé.

daughter stone for grinding ikintànyì.

dawn íɖísàbè. day íɖí; íɖíwágò; Pl:enyi,

see: unyí. day break íɖí íwá. day, occasion Pl:ndzí, see: adzí. dead palm tree trunk abɛgo. deadly boil in the neck, inside nose

sìmpɔá. debt (for something) úgú. deceive wlué. deer Pl:mvá, see: àvá. defecate kpíwán. dehusk corn fié; fiɛ. descend zù. dew obotsú; ubótsù. die kù. diferent gògògó. difference ugo. different nàgó. different things ivà. different towns in the same tradi-

tional area igbɔtà. difficulty axìxlánù. dirt ivì. disease condition which makes the

person who suffers from it to have a swol-

len head uzúgbóvúmágò.

disgrace amɔ. dishonest person inindzígawò. distance búyó. distill zá ndá. distillery ndàzámè. divide, share out tsì ìvà. dog Pl:mgbɛ, see: agbɛ. donkey Pl:tédziwɔ, see: tédzi. door ɔfɔtsí. door (way) Pl:ezí, see: úzí. dough máwɔɛ. dowry udzédívà. draw tá. dream Pl:nla, see: àla; zàlá. dress Pl:nwù, see: awù. drink nɔ. drink soup fiɛ. drinking glass Pl:kɔŋkɔwɔ, see:

kɔŋkɔ. drinking water nɖúnɔgò. driver ant Pl:ntsiablɛ, see:

atsíablɛ. drum Pl:èkú, see: ùkú. dry kà eví. dry season ékpébè. drying of cocoa kòkòevíkágò. duck Pl:kpákpáwɔ, see:

kpákpá. dusk íɖiɛidzèmú. dwarf iwánùwò.

E - e ear Pl:ntsue, see: otsué. ear ring Pl:otsueishíkpɛ, see:

otsueishíkpɛ; Pl:ntsueyoidàwɔ, see: ɔtsueyoiɖá.

early anyilé. earth (soil) Pl:étíwɔ, see: étí.

earthen bowl for frying gari galik-plòálɛ.

earthworm Pl:ntenyi, see: antènyì.

East Evibúmè. eat kpɛ ivà. eat in bits fúní. eat; suck ɖí.

Logba Vocabulary

409

edible worms Pl:ŋgblàmìdó, see: agblàmìdó.

egg Pl:mfɔ, see: afɔ; Pl:nkɔfɔ, see: ànkɔfɔ.

eight mlámìná. elbow kúnkúmà; Pl:ékúnkú,

see: úkúnkú. elephant Pl:ódrówɔ, see: ódró. elephant grass ukíntà. elephant trunk odró ɔɖɔ. eleven ɖutsa ɔkpɛ. empty cocoa pod kòkòafɔtsí. end anúbámè; ifiɔní. enemy ofútɔ. enter vèfɛ. envelope Pl:kufetùwɔ, see:

kufetù. environment utsíntsiɛnù. era ŋɔtsìgò. erect a pole in the farm for yam yà. escape húhúví; ité;

mlànkpámá; téní. evaporate gbè.

everybody inàshínà. everyday adzísiádzí. everything ikpɛshìkpɛ. everywhere okúshíokú. Ewe aʋiewò, see: aʋíenyì. Ewe language Iʋì. exactly ikpɔɛkpɔmɛ; pɛpɛpɛ;

tútútú. examination ifédzolego. exceed fiɛ. exchange glà. experience ivànyìnù. expose oneself ayóntá ayó. expression of pain, grief dzálélé. expression used to tease a person

that what happens fits him gɔŋgɔ.

extinguish ɖù. eye Pl:mkpɔnyí, see:

ɔkpɔnyí. eyebrow Pl:aɖàbàkùtó, see:

aɖàbàkùtó.

F - f face anyinù. faeces íbí; ísò. fall buétsí; gbó. fall down númà. fall from a tree lèntá. fall (rain) nɔ. family ufió. fangs awɔete. farm Pl:ebo, see: ubo. farm bag Pl:ŋkpo, see: akpo. farm (in) Pl:èbon, see: ùbón. farm path ubógbà. farm produce ubónùivà. farm-bag otsá. farmer Pl:ebónùkpíwo, see:

ubónùkpíwò. farming ubókágò. fart ifiɛ.

fast gbáŋgbáŋ. fat ɖà; ífú. father Pl:etíwɔ, see: utí. father-in-law úgbè. fear bàmá; ivɔgò; vɔ. feather Pl:ódówɔ, see: ódó. fell palm tree to ábɛ. female pubic hair

vùshìtsúimúnyí. fence ofá; ɔfáfɛgò. ferment bù (koko). fetch water sá nɖú. fetish shrine amɔnù. fever eví. fight gù; gù ímà. fight, esp. fist to fist, exchange of

blows. guɔkpɔ.

Logba Vocabulary

410

fine, in the form of a fowl. kpókúamátsí.

finger Pl:ìtìbí, see: ìtìbí. finger for wearing ring ishikpɛ fɛ

itibí. finger nails Pl:ŋkukɔlì, see:

akukɔlì. finger tip itìbiànúwɔ, see:

itìbiànú. fire ɔdzá. firefly zándzé. firewood Pl:ndzàyí, see: adzàyí. first dà nɔ; gbã; gbàntɔ;

kèlékèlé. fish agányì; Pl:mkpá, see:

àkpá; Pl:ódzúnùinɔwɔ, see: ódzúnùinɔ.

fist ɔkpɔ. five ínú. fix on tɔ. flat gbàgblaà; kpákpátsá. flies that swarm after rainfall

Pl:mbotiatá, see: abotiatá.

flour mmuá. flow (of a river) kpálí. flower fù; ifùgò; Pl:seƒoƒowɔ,

see: seƒoƒo. fly flɛ. foam ivɔ. fog ɖeblekú. folded buágò. follow dɔ (ɔgbámá). Fon language Ɛfɔ. food ivàkpegò.

for a long time tsɔŋ. force into sɔtí. forefinger ɔgbá gblà itìbí. forehead ótsú; Pl:otú, see: otú. forest Pl:ewá, see: úwá. forget dzótú. fork stick for roofing thatch house

akpitagò. formerly tòtòkpà. four iná. fowl ɔkànúgbágbá. freely fãã. fresh palm wine Adenkluí. Friday Úvà. fried kplògò. friend Pl:anɖá (wɔ), see:

ɔnɖá. friend, companion anɖàkàmè;

Pl:anɖà (wɔ), see: ɔnɖà.

friendship inɖáblɔgò. frighten fɛvù. fringes ánú. frog adí. from gù. from, reference to time dzígù. front ité. front of palm ntúbɔ. fruit Pl:ebinyigowɔ, see:

ébínyígò; unyì. fry kplò. fufu fùfuí. funeral grounds okùtèxoé. FUT á; bá; bí.

G - g galic ayó sáprádá. garden egg Pl:okúmìwɔ, see:

okúmì. gari ayɔébígà; gàli. gather xòxú. germinate lè.

get, buy nɛ. get lost fuí. gift Pl:ivàtàgòwɔ, see:

ivàtàgò. ginger nkràwòsá. give ta.

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411

give an account bù. give birth to a child wò(bí). give discount dɔ. glove Pl:agbashiawù, see:

agbashiawù. go kpi; zɔ. go (completive) kpí. go round kúkɔ. goat Pl:nklɔ, see: áklɔ. God Ɔkpàyà. goitre gbɔkɔkɔ. good ɖúkpátsì; zì. gourd Pl:mfónyì, see:

ófónyì. government utúɖímè. grandchild unámbì. grass Pl:ekèléwɔ, see: èkèlé. grasscutter Pl:mgbíwɔ, see: agbí. grasshopper Pl:mkpàlí, see: akpàlí. grate lìlì. grater ililívá. grave Pl:ìyɔ, see: ɔyɔ. greatly intá. greedy person Pl:nnyinkléwò,

see: anyikléwò. green ɔŋgɔ.

green edible leaf isàngò; kpehelé. green edible leaves fɔtètè; gbómá. green mamba ovínvlɛ. greet fɛ ánú. greet (salute) in the morning

gànú. Greetings (morning) tà áwá. grey hair imúnyífùgò. grind gɔ. grinding stone ivàgɔegbè; ɔgɔ;

úloégbé. grinding stone (pepper) tɔnká gɔ

ègbè. ground etíkótsoé. groundnut àví. group, clan Pl:usá, see: ùsá. grow big (roots) zù. growing fast vlɔvlɔvlɔ. guest Pl:ófúwɔ, see: ófú. guinea fowl Pl:otonúwɔ, see:

otónù. gum étèkùshì. gun íɖákpà; Pl:itú, see:

otú; ɔɖábíblì. gunpowder iɖù.

H - h hair imúnyí. hair in the nostril ofúnúmúnyí. hair on the head uzugbóimúnyí. hairdresser imúnyíblɔwò. half afã; okpenutsigò;

unutsigò. hand Pl:ntá, see: átá; ntá. handkerchief ɖúkùbí. handle; the role a person plays in a

group. Pl:urímè. happiness isàmè. harmattan ékpé; pépí. hat (cap) Pl:kùtówɔ, see: kùtó. Hausa man Tsyókpózíwò. hawk Pl:nsansã, see: ɔsánsà.

head uzùgbó. head scarf uzúgbóglívà. head to, take ones matter to wɔ

zúgbó. headache uzúgbófía. hear nù. heart Pl:edzì, see: udzì. hearth Pl:ntruí, see: átruí. heat wúwò. heat pot after use for some time

wúwò ásɔ. heel Pl:mkpadzìdzí, see:

akpadzìdzí; Pl:mkpakpɔ, see: akpákpɔ;

Logba Vocabulary

412

Pl:mkpámandzò, see: akpámandzò.

help iyódɔgò. help someone dɔ óyó. hen-comb ɔkà. here hè; mè; ùmè. hernia; oversized testis úló. hide klà. hide, skin of animal

Pl:mbɔwɔklontsi, see: abuéklontí.

hide, stay secretly klànù. his own ɔntá. hoe Pl:ŋgblènú, see:

agblènú. hold lí. hold, catch rí. hole Pl:vutíwɔ, see: vutí. hole in a tree Pl:iyɔkló, see: ɔyɔkló. honey iwonɖu. hook for catching fish sákɛ. hook, for dress Pl:nwuriva, see:

awùrívà. horn Pl:ntsá, see: àtsá. horse Pl:isɔ, see: ɔsɔ.

hospital Pl:nváblɔmè, see: áváblɔmè; kɔtsú.

hostility, behaving badly ifùtó. hot water nɖúdzá. house Pl:mfá, see: áfá;

Pl:atsá, see: utsá. house, bathhouse ɔfánù. housefly Pl:nzùzɔ, see: àzùzɔ. how much? ɔviábɛ. how much, how many ibɛ. how something is done tsitsiɛ. hunchback tùmgèdzè. hundred ugà. hunger ɔgɔ. hunter Pl:ivànùvo, see:

ivànùvò; Pl:ɔvanùvòwɔ, see: ɔvanùvò.

hurt fia. husband úgù. hut Pl:ebonùtsa, see:

ubónùtsá. hybrid especially of Tetteh Quashie

and Amazonia hai-brid.

I - i identify kà ányí. idol Pl:mmɔ, see: amɔ;

légbá. ill-treat a child gbɔmɔgbɔmɔ. immature, unripe, premature, impure

blood ɔŋgɔ. immature yam ɔpánshiá. immediately tàdzè kò. important vévé. important thing ivàvévé. in addition to that dɔ. incomplete endengle. indef. something not known ɔkpiɛ. indegene dzɔlèaƒé. indiscipline ihánágò.

inform tátá. inheritance uɖíme. insect ivàflɛgo. insect that causes blindness ovókpó. insects that destroy cocoa pod

sákúnábɛ. instal kà. instrument for blowing air into fire

tínítìnì. instrument for grating cassava ag-

belìlì iɖá. instrument for plucking cocoa

Pl:nsɔsɔ, see: asɔsɔ; kokobíɖá; ɔpɛ.

Logba Vocabulary

413

instrument for supporting pot on fire Pl:nsɔrívà, see: asɔrívà.

insult klɔá.

intestines ívù. Ist. Pers.Subj. ma.

J - j jaw ìglà. Jesus ɔkpàyàbí. Jesus, son of God Ɔmáwúbí. joints (in the human body) ékúanú. journey Pl:igbá nàgòwɔ, see:

ɔgbánàgò.

juju inyuí; ónyuí. jujuman Pl:aŋkpa wasawɔ, see:

aŋkpá wàsà. jump ké. justice ikpádágó.

K - k kabakaba mlámlámlá. keep quiet gákráná. kenkey akpɔ. key uzídáiɖɛbi; uzídáivà. kidney Pl:adébí, see: adébí. kill, slaughter bà. kind of green leaves ivɔ. king, chief Pl:anúkpá, see:

ónúkpá. kinsman iyókúinà. kitchen kúkúdzáɖí;

Pl:idzátsúme, see: ɔdzátsúme.

kite Pl:ndzíyí, see: adzíyí. knee Pl:ekpókù, see:

ukpókù. knee cap oglɔyí. kneel wɔkpokuetsì. knife Pl:uhɛwɔ, see: uhɛ. knock somebody with fist wɔkpɔ. know kpè. knowledge ivàkpè. Krobo citizen Akrɔbɔnyi.

L - l ladder Pl:ŋgbógbló, see:

agbógbló; ntsùrí. ladder, instrument for getting access

to high buildings Pl:ngbogblo, see: agbógbló.

laddle Pl:atɔwɔ, see: àtɔ; Pl:fútsúsàtɔwɔ, see: fútsúsàtɔ.

land of the dead okú áfá.

landlord, man Pl:afásàwɔ, see: afásà.

language speakers ùgbèwágò. lap, around the chest ɔkɔánú. last igàŋgò. last, the rest ɔgàngò. laugh mɔ. laughter imɔ. lead gbà. leaf Pl:mvúdàgò, see:

àvúdàgò.

Logba Vocabulary

414

leak ɖú. lean gbɛ. learn tèdzè. leave, go sà. leave someone at the time that one is

needed shíɖɛ. left èblètà. leg Pl:mkpá, see: ákpá. lemon ombuɛ wutsítsí. leopard Pl:asámínángò, see:

ɔsámínángò. let tá. libation prayer Ugbédzúgo. lick míní. lick bowl in the course of eating

tsɔmí. lie ínindzí; kpɔ. lie down kpòetí. lie flat teńtré. life uzúngbá. light flɔflɔ; kànyí; klé. light skinned woman udzédrúì. like bàtɛ; dzùanú. line gbòkà. line, forming a line gbòkà. lion Pl:dzatawɔ, see: dzata. liquor ndà. litter, refuse oviò.

live nyà. lizard Pl:ndà, see: ádà. lobster Pl:bɔlúwɔ, see: bɔlú. local soap ɔvávà. local thatch house Pl:nsɔtsawɔ,

see: insɔtsá. local war dance akpì. lock door sà zie. lodge with someone tsà. Logba fetish priest abiasà. Logba language Ikpána. Logba name for Avatime

Ogódómé. Logba name for Tafi Pl:Agbɔ, see:

Agbɔ. long tsyɔɔ. long (of stick) kísáyì. look dze. look for yáyí. look like, resemble bɔtɛ. lorry Pl:uklówɔ, see: ukló. lose way, direction fuí. louse Pl:nnyɔ, see: ànyɔ. love aɖɔɖí; ɖɔɖí. lowest part of valley ɔdà. lust ɔhlɔyí.

M - m machine Pl:útsònyuí. madam Pl:afadzɛwɔ, see:

afádzɛ. madness iɖáwá. maize tsíyí. major season ibènángò. make a case against someone zí

ilɔ. make effort tèlé. make noise, bleating of a goat fálí. make, prepare sth. lá.

make; used also to congratulate someone for doing a great thing blɔ.

make war, wage war gù ɔtá. making war ɔtagùgò. man Pl: asa, see: ɔsá. man (Generic) inàsá, see: inɔsá. mango Pl:mangɔwɔ, see:

mangɔ. many gbi; gblɛlɛ; geɖee. many, plenty wlí. market ovù; Pl:ovuewɔnu,

see: ovuenù; ovúnù.

Logba Vocabulary

415

marriage idágò. married woman ùgúwàsà. marry dá. marshy terrain ufɔtɔ. mason Pl:etsádowo, see:

utsádòwò. mat Pl:ìklà, see: ɔklà. material added to gunpowder for

firing ɔtsɔɖìbɔ. maternal aunt Pl:émágùnɛwɔ, see:

úmágùnè. mattock hoe Pl:ihàfì, see: ohàfì. may be indzóɖú; ínɖú; téé. measure dzídzé. meat ìnɔ. medical officer, native doctor

Pl:mvablɔwò, see: àvàblɔwò.

medicine Pl:mvà, see: àvà. medicine, juju aŋkpá. meet, assist carry a load fídà. meeting uzúgbófíɖàgo. meeting place ufiɖàmè. menstruation wɔntɛtsí. metal for supporting a pot on fire

Pl:iɖásɔrívàwɔ, see: iɖásɔrívà.

metal for supporting metal pot on fire Pl:gàzérívàwɔ, see: gàzérívà.

metal pot Pl:gazewɔ, see: gàzé; iɖàsɔ.

metal spoon Pl:iɖàtɔ, see: iɖàtɔ. middle utsíntsí. middle, environment étsíntsié. midnight atsintsinyɔ. migration sàgò. milipede Pl:nkando, see:

akandó. mill gàté.

millet Pl:adzago, see: adzàgò.

million igàmɔga. minor season ibèbibiɛ. miss target tuɛ. mix fútɔ. Monday Uwlátɛ. money, metal iɖá. monkey Pl:ogbómíwɔ, see:

ogbómí. moon Pl:àbobí, see: àbobí. morning udántsí. mortar Pl:iwɔ, see: ɔwɔ. mortar for pounding palm fruit

abɛyuɛwɔ. mosquito Pl:ótúlíwɔ, see: ótúlí;

Pl:tulíwɔ, see: tulí. moss dòŋklui. mother Pl:ayèwɔ, see: ayè;

Pl:émáwɔ, see: úmá. mother-in-law úgbèdzɛ. mother's brother, uncle ovuí. mould (pot) vù asɔ. mound Pl:ndrú, see: adrú. mountain Pl:èkpó, see: ùkpó. mountain top ukpótsú. mouse Pl:ògluíwɔ, see: ògluí. moustache anuáŋkà. mouth ànú. move through bíná. move to another place tú. mud ɔbà. mudfish Pl:ndzímíwɔ, see:

adzímí. mushroom Pl:blankɔwɔ, see:

blankɔ. my own amɔblɛ. my own(self) amu ntá. myself amu yo.

Logba Vocabulary

416

N - n nail Pl:ɖankiɖawɔ, see:

ɖánkíɖá; Pl:iɖáɛbiwɔ, see: iɖáɛbi.

naked endeŋglé. nakedness yáyá. name Pl:enyí, see: únyí. name for Tota used by the Avatime

people PL:Aganxoé, see: Aganxoé.

naming ceremony Pl:ebínyítágò, see: ubínyítágò.

native child nyibi. native, house axoe. native of Logba Pl:Akpanawo

Fem:Akpanadzɛ, see: Akpananyi.

navel ofùnú. neck ímɔ. necklace Pl:imɔnivawɔ, see:

imɔnìvà; Pl:kɔwláwɔ, see: kɔwlá.

needle Pl:ivamɛivawɔ, see: ivàmɛivà.

nest Pl:èsà, see: ùsà. never tò.

never, stop vui. new vùvɔ. Nigerian Ɔgblɔlɔwò. night átsí. nine gɔkuáɖu. nipple Pl:ntrɔanu, see:

átrɔanú. No O. noise ùzí. nominalising suffix -go. noon èviáŋgbá. North Etsiagù. Northerner Odzɔgbènyi. nose ófú. not m(o) -n(u). not dry ɔŋgɔ. not to be worried tò wú ágù. nothing ɔŋkpɛshiɔkpɛ. now ékplé; kpánɛ;

kpánintá. number igàgò. nurse a seed gùdù; viá. nurse seeds eg. tomatoes, pepper,

garden egg gùdzù. nursery ivàviágò.

O - o oil Pl:ofífiéwɔ, see:

ofífie. okra ŋgbíní. okro mgbíní. old tséngò. old farm fùtsù. old lady Pl:énéndzè, see:

ánándzè. old man Pl:enànsà, see:

anànsà.

old, something used for a long time kɔŋklɔ. old urine usúsɔ. on ná. one ikpɛ; ŋkpɛ; ɔkpɛ. one another anɖà. one part (of it), somewhere

okúnkpɛ. one thousand akpí ɔkpɛ. onion sàprádá.

Logba Vocabulary

417

onlooker Pl:ivàdzèwòwɔ, see: ivàdzèwò.

only dzaa; ko. open bú; dá; kè. opener udáìvà. or alo. orange Pl:àmbuɛ, see: ɔmbuɛ. ordinal suffix to number -blé. organ sàŋkú. origin, source gùmè. other things iyókú ivà.

our own atsú ɔblɛ; atu ntá. outdooring labídonyui. outside ónywí; ɔdzɔgbè. oversmoked kányì. overturn tsítsì. owl Pl:nzye, see: onjie;

Pl:inzie, see: ɔnzie. own blɛ; nta; nyá. owner wàsà. owner of restaurant batɔ.

P - p pain afiá. pain, suffering ofù. pair of spectacles gàŋkú. palm branch Pl:ŋgànyì, see: agànyì;

invlá. palm door mat ɔká. palm frond ɔgànyì. palm kernel Pl:abí, see: ; Pl:abí,

see: abí. palm kernel oil Pl:abiofie, see:

abíofifiɛ. palm kernel shell Pl:abifɔ, see:

abífɔ. palm mat on which cocoa is dried

blekété. palm (of hand) ntátsí. palm oil ńfú. palm-chaff ibísà. palm-husk ibíkpà. palmnut-soup ɔbɛnɖù. palmwine abɛndà; ɔbɛndà. pant Pl:mgbòtɛ, see:

agbòtɛ. paramount chief Pl:anúkpá nángò,

see: onúkpá nángò; onukpánangò.

parasol Pl:nkàtàmá, see: akàtàmá.

parents awówòe. parrot Pl:akówɔ, see: akó.

part sègè; uváfɔ. pass vè. PAST PROG.ASP. suffix -tu. past time ebiábɛ. paste klá. paternal aunt Pl:etású, see: tású. paternal uncle Pl:etisà, see: utísà. pawpaw Pl:bàfúnúbáwɔ, see:

bàfúnúbá. pay gà (ugú). peace iyóyú. peace, tranquility kùsèkùsèkùsè. pear Pl:peya, see: péyà. pebble egbètàtsì. peel cassava vlɔ. peel, remove cocoa pod for the

beans fɔnyí. peel yam, remove outer cover kpè. pen; thing for writing Pl:ivaŋɔnyi

ɔyɔtsiwɔ, see: ivàŋɔnyì ɔyɔtsì.

penis ísá. pepper tɔŋká. performers of puberty rites

abàbléfɛwò. person Pl:ahá, see: ìnà. Person from Yoruba land

Pl:Alatawɔ, see: Alata.

person, human being inàdzengò.

Logba Vocabulary

418

person who has insatiable desire for sweets mbówàsà.

person who works in the company that buys cocoa and coffee báyá.

pestle Pl:iwɔbí, see: ɔwɔbí. picture Pl:ivatagòwɔ, see:

ivatagò. piece of cracked calabash

efyetsìfɔ. pierce sú; wɔfɛ. pig Pl:ihà, see: ɔhà. pineapple Pl:atandrewɔ, see:

atándré. pipe for smoking tobacco

Pl:aŋgbluewɔ, see: aŋgblue.

pit latrine usòntà. place okú; wá. place in a cocoa farm ɔdɔ. place where cases are settled

ilɔwáme. place where cocoa is weighed

gadamè. place where dirges are sung edítàfà. place where something is placed

kámè; kpɔmé. plait (hair) glɛ (imunyi). plan, law ikágò. plant that causes the body to itch

igbìsɔ. plant (tubers) ɖu (ìvà). plant with leaves that causes the

body to itch ovúmvlè.

plantain ɔgàyɔ. plaster ubìrívà. plate p(i)rénté. play ball fló. play games vìálìvà. pluck bí. Plural suffix -wɔ. poison aɖí. pomade, oil Pl:infié, see: ɔnfiɛ. poor man oziáwàsà.

porridge Pl:mvù, see: avù. porridge made for babies entsì. porridge made from local rice

amúávú. position a person hols in a society

úlémé. possession Pl:ivànyágòwɔ, see:

ivànyágò. pot Pl:nsɔ, see: ásɔ. pot buried in the bath-house for

bathing iyógùasɔ. pot for storing drinks

Pl:ndágùasɔ, see: ndágùásɔ.

pot for storing potable water Pl:udzubiwɔ, see: udzùbí.

pot stand Pl:zenklawɔ, see: zénkla.

poultry house ankɔsálìmè. pound (in a mortar) yuɛ. pour dóɖù; glà; gù. pour, liquid. drop on ntɔ. pour out dóvù. poverty ɔzyá. pray dzùgbè; kɔm. prayer, calling God ɔkpàyàdzìgo. praying mantis gbɛnŋgbɛ. pregnant woman amɛwasà. preparation of a local porridge

kókólágò. PRES. PROG. ASP suffix -lo. present time blànyɛ. press bɔ. pressing iron Pl:ivàtúnáivà, see:

ivàtúnáivà. prick wɔ. pubic hair Pl:afúnùimúnyí, see:

afúnùimúnyí. public assembly ground otwénù. puff adder Pl:bɛwɔ, see: bɛ. pull hè. push tɔlɛ; tɔntá. put kà.

Logba Vocabulary

419

put a pot under a felled palm tree for wine to drip into it. tɔ.

put cloth on númá. put in fɛ. put on (cloth) gbá (afútà).

putting cocoa beans in a sack kòkòakpòfɛgò.

python Pl:otsófìwɔ, see: otsófì.

Q - q quantity ashiánú. quarrel aŋùnyì. question word naá.

quiet kráná. quietly kpóó.

R - r rag, duster Pl:mfútàtsi, see:

afútàtsì. rag used for carring load udzí. rainbow odzúlégò. rainfall nyàngbò;

nyàngbònɔgò. rainy season nyàngboìbè. rashes, lumps on the skin ŋgbɔ. rat Pl:nléléwɔ, see: àlélé. reach fò. reach the required number flɔ. real koŋ. realise kanyi. really kpintá. red druí; druyi. red ant found in the ground ofúntsù. red ants; live in fruit trees.

gbèdzègbèdzè. red clay for renovating the hearth

atruifietsí. red pad worn by women vunkpá. red porridge ofúflú; onflú. reduce canopy of a tree kplà. refuse trò. remain wù. remember nányí. remove là; yɛ; yí. remove leaves from a tree kpɔmí.

remove something, harvest eg. pep-per kpítsí.

reply iyónágo. reserve something ɖɔkà. residence Pl:ókuewɔ, see: ókue. respect bù; téní ìnà. return dzú; dzúzɔ. return (away from the speaker)

dzúsà. return to speaker dzúbà. rib aŋàŋà. rib (bone) Pl:aŋàŋàkúwɔ, see:

aŋàŋàkú. rice adzɔklɔyì; ímbí. rich man iɖáwàsà. riches idzòwà. ridge Pl:ndru kisai, see:

adrú kisai. right atúkpá. right (side) átúkpàtà. ring Pl:isíkpɛ, see: isíkpɛ. ringworm zrɔní. rise búgù. river Pl:odzúwɔ, see: ódzú. River in Logba Adɔ; Òdzùfì. river in Logba Tota through Klikpo

and enters the Havor river Ányɔ.

river, stream nɖúkpálígo.

Logba Vocabulary

420

road Pl:igbá, see: ɔgbá. roast, heat new pot in oven after

moulding zúzɔ ásɔ. root èkè; Pl:elólì, see:

ulólì. roots iyɔlólì. rope Pl:aŋkpá, see: onkpá;

Pl:iŋkpá, see: ɔŋkpá. rough hàdzàhlà.

round and yellowish fruit when ripe ɔnyá. row, paddle, drive zá. rubber ìmà. rubbish heap Pl:klàntsìwɔ, see:

klántsì. run hùíté. run for safety hù tényí.

S - s sack Pl:kòtòkúwɔ, see:

kòtòkú. sadness iyógbè. salary, wage úgúgà. saliva àtsɔlí. salt umɛntà. sand Pl:mfiɛyì, see: infiɛyì. sandals for farming

ubónùkpíákpívà. sandpit infièyìgbàmè. Saturday Áyádzí. say tɛ. say, speak, tell someone something

wà. scale ivàdaivà; skeli. scent of something ilàlí. school compound sùkùkpoétsú. school fees sùkùgú. scissors kàmpɛ;

Pl:uzúgbógbàivàwɔ, see: uzúgbógbàivà.

scorpion Pl:agánɛwɔ, see: agánɛ; Pl:nlá, see: alá.

scythe Pl:ntsìnì, see: átsìnì. seamstress ivàmɛwò. search téfé. season ibè. see ŋú. seed Pl:ivebiwɔ, see: ivèbí. seed yam idzɔzúgbó.

seive Pl:nsɔɛ, see: asɔɛ; Pl:sànúwɔ, see: sànú; tsùrɔ.

select tsyɛ. self realisation kàwúyoányí. self realization ŋùyókányí. sell zɔ. send tòlɛ. set fire tsú odzá. set trap kà. settlement, division ɔbɔmɛ. seven glànŋkpɛ. sew mɛ. shed àkpàntà. sheen kpányígbè. sheep Pl:nfèshìwɔ, see:

èfèshì. she-goat Pl:mbúdze, see:

abúdze. shine klé. shoe Pl:mfɔkpá, see:

afɔkpá; Pl:ŋkpívà, see: ákpívà.

shoot tá. short (of stick) kpóntì. shoulder Pl:abúkpa, see:

abúkpá. shoulder bone Pl:abukpákú, see:

abukpákú. shout fézí. showing off víví. shrink dónù.

Logba Vocabulary

421

sickness oɖú. side uvá; uvátú; váfɔ. side, fringes otsue. side (skin) yó. sideburns loglo. sieve agbádzé; srà; tsùɖɔ. sin, bad deeds ivàgbálí. sing zɔ (ikú); zuikú. sister gunè. sister (either younger or older)

Pl:egùnè, see: ugùnè.

sister elder Pl:àmgùnédzetséngowɔ, see: àmgùnédzetséngo.

sister (elder) Pl:dádáwɔ, see: dàdá. sister (younger)Pl:àmgunédzéklɔiwɔ,

see: àmgùnédzéklɔi. sit tsí; zùtsí. sit down tsié tí. sit down (IMP) dzútsí. six igló. skin iyókuínɔ. skin rashes ìkpà. skull Pl:ezúgbófɔ, see:

uzúgbófɔ. sleep fɛdù; kpɔ ínyuí. slice (yam, cassava,potato) ivàfɔ. slowly blewu. small bíbí; wutsítsí. small cutlass used for weeding

akóngrotsí. small gourd into which grounded

tobacco is kept atamakpékpé.

small grinding stone for grinding medicine herbs ukintayì.

small insects making nests in the house oŋúyé.

small kitchen stool màngòví. small measuring tin iɖábí. small parts wlíwlí. small (person) klɔyì.

small pot for tapping palm wine Pl:ilùbù, see: olùbù.

small pots Pl:nsɔtí, see: asɔtí. small pots for palm wine tapping

ìlùbù. small (quantity) tsìbì. small unburnt sticks in the farm ukpálívó. smallish person ɔsálókpótó. smash fúfú. smear dzúdzú. smear pomade on body fiɛ. smell ilíkloà. smoke nɔ (umùshí); úmúshí. snail Pl:èŋgblɛwɔ, see:

èŋgblɛ. snake Pl:nwɔwɔ, see: àwɔ;

Pl:etsieoŋkpawɔ, see: étsieoŋkpá; Pl:etsievíníwɔ,

see: etsivíní. snake that has two heads etsífíní. snake's tongue Pl:awɔindrubì,

see: awɔindrubì. sneeze dzɔshí. snoring igbɔnyì. so ányɛ. so, particular anyɛnù. soap Pl:itsɔɛ, see: ɔtsɔɛ. soap, locally made ivàfúivà. socks Pl:mfɔwui, see:

afɔwui. soda aɖí. soil ití. sole Pl:ŋkpétsí, see:

akpétsí; Pl:ŋkpetsíklontsi, see: akpetsíklontsi.

some akpɛ. somebody ìnà ɔkpɛ. something ivìná; ovánánié;

ɔŋkpɛ. son Pl:ebíasá, see: ubíɔsá. song Pl:ikú, see: ikú.

Logba Vocabulary

422

sore, wound in the toenail Pl:itutolìwɔ, see: itutolì.

sound dzù. soup fútsú. South Etsíetsí. sow (seeds in a hole) ɖù ivà. space in front ɔkúanú. speakers of other dialects

Pl:afiáwo, see: afiáwo.

spear ígbɛ. spectacle Pl: otsíntsíwɔ, see:

otsíntsí. spectacles otsíntsi. speech Pl:alágà, see: alágà. sperm ɔsá. spices opépré. spider Pl:ŋgbíglɔmɔ, see:

agbíglɔmɔ. spider's web Pl:ŋgbìfútà, see:

agbìafútà; Pl:ŋgbímà, see: agbímà.

spit tsuatsɔlí. split klé. spoil vúvɔ. sponge ɔtsɔɛnsã. sponge dish ɔtsɔɛgo. spread kèkè. sprinkle, broadcast a seed ŋùnyá. squat tsìdzɔndzɔ. squirrel Pl:kàsàníwɔ, see:

kàsàní. stand dzí; dzuíɖé; yé. stand erect itítè. star Pl:àtàwɔlìbíwɔ, see:

àtàwɔlíbí. start dze; tsonyui. stay, be in bò. stay (completive) nyá. stay in, sit tsí. steal yúɖɔ. stealing oyúyúɖɔgò. step over sth. fámvè.

sth. fall and lying down gbógbɛ. sth. you have not paid for ubá. stick, cane Pl:iyɔti, see: ɔyɔtì. stick for playing talking drum

Pl:ŋkpítágò, see: akpítágò.

sticky gɔnií. sting (bee, ant, scorpion) tá. sting of bees íwòtsò. stink kluá. stir blù. stir (palm oil) hɔdɔ. stomach àmɛnù. stomach-ache amɛnfiá. stone égbè. stop doing something vuí. store ivàzɔtsá. story Pl:ogríɖíwɔ, see:

ogríɖí. straight teè. strainer Pl:mfiɛ, see: afiɛ. stream odzúvlèntsí. strength ìntsé. strong local gin kpètèshì. stumble kpítá. stump Pl:iyɔtsìgbó, see:

ɔyɔtsìgbó. suck ɖi. suck breast númá. suddenly kpàtà; ɔgbádzèmódzè. sun èví. Sunday Uwlɔ. support what is being said

ɔtsyɔɖìbó. swallow mɛ. swear dzì ivà; ta (i)va. sweat ufiàlì. sweep gbà. sweet ɔndzí. swell vúmá. swell ( intr.) of boil ivúmá. swelling in the groin ɔkà. swim là (ndu).

Logba Vocabulary

423

T - t table pl:ukplɔwɔ, see:

ukplɔ. tablecloth Pl:kplɔtúmfutá, see:

kplɔtúafutà. tadpole Pl:zúgbózúgbóbíwɔ,

see: zúgbózúgbóbí. Tafi citizen Agbɔnyì. Tafi name for Logba Benuegba. tail Pl:eví, see: uví. take and lean dzúgbɛ. take lion share ŋɔnyí. take off (clothes) là (afuta). take part from kákɛ. talking drums Pl:ekúnángo, see:

ukúnángo. talking undertone múnímúní. tall kpiagù. tap (palm tree) kpè. taste yùánú. teach gblà. teacher Pl:ivàgblàwòwɔ, see:

ivàgblàwò. tear fáshí. tears ìnɖù. tell someone sth. dá. ten úɖú. termite Pl:mbùbà, see: abùbà. testis olómí. Tetteh Quashie, the first variery of

cocoa brought to Ghana. Tete Kwashi.

thank ɖàsè. thanks, used to say one is grateful

anyiŋtsé. that mɔ; tɛ. that, COMPL alebe. that day, previously adziá. that is iyɔkplɛ. that place okúnyié. thatch isúsɔ.

the -a; -ɛ; -u. the act of leaving dògò. the act of making something

blɔgò. the act of walking inánágo. the belly of a pregnant woman amɛ. the experience of happiness

ìsàmèŋúgò. the fruit on the palm-tree

Pl:abɛzúgbó, see: abɛzúgbó.

the roof is leaking utsa olo ɖú. the sediments after the kernel oil

making ikpèté. themselves áyó. there mmɔ; mókoé; ùmɔ;

umɔkoé. these places, areas ivàntsiɛnù. thick (of liquid) tòngò. thief Pl:oyúbìtsiwɔ, see:

oyúbítsí. thigh Pl:afuí, see: ofuí. thigh bone ofuienùkú. thin tsɛnklɛ. thing Pl:ivàwɔ, see: ivà. thing for fun; pet Pl:ivàviàlivàwɔ,

see: ivàviálívà. think bùzúgbón; súsú. thirst nɖúgɔ; unɖúgɔ. this mɛ. this place mèkoè. thorn Pl:iyúwɔ, see: iyú. thousand akpí. three ità. throat ɔhlɔyí. throw tá. throw away bɔfí. throw up and down kpetse. thumb dèglètsú. Thursday -, see: Àdrùvà. tie firmly dzì.

Logba Vocabulary

424

tie (rope) glɛ. tie rope múní ɔŋkpá. time ibɛ. time, period ibètsú. tin pl:gànú(bí)wɔ, see:

gànú(bí); ofòntsì. tiny red ants hàntàhìnì. tiny, small grains of gari, rice

wútsíwútsí. tiredness átsá. to be ripe druí. to have hicups fèkè. to show intensity of sth. mɛ mɛ. to waste something wlà. toad (frog) Pl:mkpàkplà, see:

àkpàkplà. tobacco Pl:atamá, see: atàmá;

vulí. today, till today idzɛ. toe Pl:ikpɔliwɔ, see:

íkpɔlì. toilet iwàn. toilet, in the Tota dialect of Logba.

udzúamá. tomato tìmátì. tomatoes udzédruí. tomorrow ozúmè. tongue ìnɖùbí. tooth étèwɔ, see: étè. top Pl:agù, see: agù. top of foot Pl:ŋkpázúgbó, see:

akpázúgbó. top of the head uzúgbóntsí. torn kpágò.

tortoise Pl:nsangbla, see: àsàngblà.

touch (with hand) gbontá. towel Pl:ugufàwɔ, see:

ugùfà. town Pl:igbɔ, see: ɔgbɔ. town, hidden place for consultation

ubɔmè. tractor, farm machine

Pl:úbòlɔtsonyuiwɔ, see: úbólɔtsónyuí.

trader ivàzɔwò. traditional broom Pl:nnyúnyuí,

see: anyúnyuí. train kétéké. trap ɔxà. tray Pl:mèŋgbàkpákpátsáwɔ, see:

mèŋgbàkpákpátsá. tree Pl:ayɔ, see: ɔyɔ. tree that is no more yielding tsúnɔ. trouble someone gàmágbá. trunk Pl:iyɔdzìnù, see:

ɔyɔdzínù. truth ikpá. Tuesday Uwó. two ìnyɔ. type of fibre (local) okpá. type of mushroom that is broad

anàngbà. type of mushroom that is short

tókpótókpó. type of seed used as spice uvlómiébí.

U - u ugly vɔnyí. under, down étsí. under of a thing etsíbàn. unripe fruit Pl:igbótó, see: ogbótó. unriped fruit, uncooked food, raw

Pl:iŋgɔ, see: ɔngɔ. unruly behaviour basabasa.

unshelled rice ámú. untie tú. up to bítɔ. uproot vlù; zí. uproot, dig glui. urinate sùsú. urine úsú.

Logba Vocabulary

425

use, take mì.

V - v vagina vùshì. valley Pl:àgà, see: àgà;

Pl:agaànu, see: agaànu.

valley, precipice abù. variety of cocoa Amazon. vegetable itsíbà. very hot water nɖúdzáɔdzá.

very thin tsɛtsɛnklɛ. village Pl:kɔƒéwɔ, see: kɔƒé. visitor ofúntsù. voice, language ùgbè. vomit dzɔɛ. vulture ópété.

W - w waist ɔdɔntí. wait yéyé. wait for a person yíɖé. wake zú. walk íná; nà. wall (of a house) Pl:àglì, see: àglì. war ɔtá. wash a sore zia. wash (body) gù (iyó). wash (thing), clean fò (ivà). wasp isíníbá. watch closely rí ányíná. water nɖú. water yam avàdzé. watery stool ikpètèivá. wave (hands) húhú ágbàsì. way, process étsínɛ. wear eg. dress fɛ. wear eg. hat bua. weave (cloth) lò (afuta). weave, plait hair lò imunyi. weave thread, knit víní. Wednesday Màmblìwó. weed, clear farm lɔ. week kɔsiɖá. weep, cry yuéɖí. well énzí. well-cooked bè. West Eviègbefɛmè.

wet prɔ. what mɛ. where mɛnù. whistle fíní fìfìndù. white flíyì. whiteman yòvúnyì. whitewoman Pl:yóvuwòedze, see:

yóvúdzè. whitlow ivàgbálí. why mɔkplɛ. wife, spouse Pl:ágà, see: ɔgà. wind ofùfò. wind, tie sth round bálá. window Pl:fésréwɔ, see: fésré. wing Pl:obúmbàwɔ, see:

obúmbà. winnow, removing chaff from maize

and beans vlí. wire used as a trap for animals

kpántráìtsì. witch Pl:ndzɛwasa, see:

adzɛwàsà. woman Pl:edzé, see: ìnàdzɛ;

Pl: ɛdzɛ, see: udzɛ. wooden instrument for grinding in a

bowl Pl:tapoliwɔ, see: tàpòlì.

wooden laddle Pl:ivàzàtɔ, see: ivàzàtɔ.

Logba vocabulary

426

word ilɔ. word of God ɔkpáyàílɔ. work ùtrɔmè; utrɔmèmìgò. working in the farm in turns in

groups of three or four. eɖí.

world, weather íɖíenù. worm Pl:infíɔwɔ, see: indae;

Pl:oŋfúwɔ, see: oŋfú.

worshipper Pl:usùmùwò, see: usùmùnyì.

wound Pl:ebì, see: ubì. woven palm front for drying cocoa

blékété. wring (clothes) kɔ. wrist Pl:ŋgbashìanú, see:

agbashìanú. write ŋɔnyì. writing aŋɔnyìbì.

X - x Xylopia aethiopica òtsúntsɔ.

Y - y yam Pl:idzɔ, see: ídzɔ. yam barn Pl:agbà, see: agbà. yam plant which fruits on the top of

the plant ágù. yam slice idzɔfɔ. yam tendril Pl:idzɔŋkpa, see:

idzɔŋkpá. yam-pole Pl:idzɔyɔ, see: idzɔyɔ.

yawn ŋámá. year Pl:ŋkpɛ, see: ɛkpɛ. yesterday unámè. Yoruba Yoruba, see: Alàtàwò. young lady Pl:edzémítébí, see:

udzémítébí. your PLU own an(u) ɔblɛ.

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Summary A grammar of Logba (Ikpana) provides a description of Logba, one of the fourteen Ghana-Togo-Mountain (GTM) languages spoken by approximately 7,500 speakers on the South-Eastern frontiers of the Ghana-Togo border. This book is made up of fourteen chapters and it is the outcome of a research based on two periods of a total of fifteen months of fieldwork in the Logba speaking communities. Chapter one introduces the people, geographical location, the classification of the language and some of its characteristic features. Chapter two describes the phonological system of the language showing clearly that Logba has three syllable types which are all open syllables. These are: peak only, which can be a vowel or a nasal, simple onset and peak, and an onset made up of two consonants plus peak. Logba is a tone language with two basic tones: These are High and Low with falling and rising tones generated phonetically. Tone is realized on vowels and syllabic nasals. Logba has twenty-two consonants and seven vowel phonemes. There are no phonemically nasalized vowels in the language. An Advanced Tongue Root (ATR) vowel harmony system where the stem determines the [ATR] value of the affixes is found in Logba. In chapter three the noun class system is presented showing Logba to have three interconnected systems: prefix classes, singular plural pairings and agreement systems. This reveals a combination of external verb agreement and noun phrase internal agree-ment resulting in nine different agreement classes: five singular and four plural classes. Two of the ‘plural’ agreement classes also contain nouns that have no number distinc-tion. There are mass nouns with a noun prefix i- in class VIII and liquid nouns with a nasal prefix in class II. The types and the structure of NP are discussed in chapter four. One striking feature displayed in the NP is that it is only the numerals one to six that function in the Quantifier slot and the Determiners that are marked for agreement with the noun head. There is no agreement relation, however, between the adjective and the noun head. Logba has an adjective class comprising a non derived term gbali ‘bad’ and several terms derived from other categories and they are only used attributively. The discussion in chapter five is centred on the two adposition classes in the language: Logba has five prepositions and nine postpositions out of which five have grammatical-ised from body part terms. Chapter six is about basic clause structure and some specific verbal and non verbal constructions. Logba is an SVO language. The subject is cross referenced on the verb with a form which agrees with the subject in class. The subject marker is followed by tense aspect and mood (TAM) markers and then the verb stem. In three place construc-tions with a single verbal element, the Recipient precedes the Theme. The five chapters that follow are centered on verbal constructions with different degrees of complexity. Chapter seven discusses verbs and verbal modifiers. The struc-ture of the verb, and the inherent semantic features used to classify the verbs are also

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discussed. The verbs are classified according to the number of core arguments they require. One place verbs require one core argument. Two place verbs require two argu-ments and the largest number of verbs belongs to this group. There are however few three place verbs. Some verbs can belong to more than one of the three groups depend-ing on a change of semantic function of the subject. The next chapter provides a brief background on the notion of sentence functions and goes on to discuss declarative, imperative and interrogative sentences. Prosodic pitch raising of final syllable is used to signal polar questions while special tags and question words are employed in the forma-tion of other types of questions. mɔ ‘which’ mɛ ‘what/how’ and bɛ ‘how much/how many’ are the three question words identified in Logba. Clauses that are embedded in other structures or are adjoined to other clauses in complex sentences are discussed in chapter nine. The first part is centered on relative clauses and it is followed by a section on complement clauses and various types of adverbial clauses. The position of a non-core constituent that is relativised is filled by an invariant marker in the relative clause. This marker displays the same assimilatory phonological pattern as the definiteness morpheme. Chapter ten discusses Serial Verb Constructions (SVCs). In an SVC in Logba the subject is marked on the initial verb and the subsequent verbs are not marked. The VPs share the same TAM expressed with the initial verb and negation is expressed with the initial verb using a bipartite morpheme. Reported speech, reflexive construction and reciprocal constructions are discussed in chapter eleven. Chapter twelve presents topic and focus in Logba. First, topic constructions are discussed indicating that there is no special marker to signal the topicality of a constitu-ent but rather a topicalised constituent occurs at the starting point of the sentence. This is followed with a description of focus constructions. Two strategies are described which vary according to dialects for term focus. In one, the term-focus marker ka is used and is placed immediately after the constituent that is focused. The other strategy is used mainly in the Tota dialect. The prominent NP is fronted and is recapitulated by the independent pronoun followed by the rest of the clause (without any dedicated focus marker). The verb is focused by placing the bare form of the copy of the verb immedi-ately before the verb. The last two chapters relate to constructions that are sometimes considered marginal to grammar but which are crucial for communication. Chapter thirteen is a discussion of three kinds of words: Ideophones, interjections and particles. The final chapter presents routine expressions used for social interaction. This includes greetings, expressions used to show appreciation to someone at work, invitations to someone for dinner and expres-sions of welcome, disclaimers and expressions of farewell. These expressions are cul-tural codes and are given a particular interpretation depending on how and where it is performed. An attempt is made to explain the circumstances in which these expressions are used and their underlying meanings.

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The book ends with representative texts collected from native speakers resident in the Logba towns. These include stories, proverbs, riddles, procedural and socio-cultural organizational texts. In addition, there is a Logba-English-Ewe wordlist and English-Logba index.

Samenvatting A grammar of Logba (Ikpana) geeft een beschrijving van het Logba. Het Logba wordt gesproken door zo’n 7,500 bewoners van het gebied in het Zuidoosten palend aan de grens tussen Ghana en Togo en is één van de veertien Ghana-Togo-Mountain (GTM) talen. Dit proefschrift, bestaande uit veertien hoofdstukken, is het resultaat van vijftien maanden veldonderzoek in Logba sprekende gemeenschappen. In hoofdstuk één introduceert de auteur de Logba gemeenschappen, hun geografische locatie, de classificatie van de Logba taal en enkele kenmerken ervan. In het tweede hoofdstuk wordt het fonologische systeem van de taal besproken. Dit systeem toont duidelijk aan dat het Logba onderscheid maakt tussen de volgende drie typen open lettergrepen: (1) lettergreep met alleen een piek, dit kan een klinker of een nasaal zijn, (2) lettergreep met enkelvoudige onset en een piek, en (3) lettergreep met complexe onset en een piek. Logba is een toontaal. De basistonen zijn hoog en laag met dalende en stijgende tonen als fonetische allotonen. Toon is gerealiseerd op lettergrepen en syllabische nasalen. Logba heeft tweeëntwintig medeklinkers en zeven klinkers. De taal kent geen fonemisch onderscheiden nasalen. Wel kent het Logba een Advanced Tongue Root (ATR) klinker harmonie systeem waarbij de stam de ATR waarde van de voor- en achtervoegsels bepaalt. In hoofdstuk drie wordt ingegaan op het Logba naamwoordklassensysteem. Dit bestaat uit drie samenhangende systemen: één op basis van naamwoord voorvoegsels, één op basis van enkelvoud-meervoud paren en één op basis van concordantie. De externe concordantie met het subject in werkwoorden en de concord binnen de nominale constituent resulteren in negen verschillende klassen: vijf enkelvoud- en vier meervoudklassen. Twee van de meervoudklassen bevatten ook zelfstandig naamwoorden die geen getalonderscheid kennen (mass nouns): Klasse VIII die bestaat uit zelfstandig naamwoorden met voorvoegsel i- en klasse II die bestaat uit zelfstandig naamwoorden voor vloeistoffen met een nasaal voorvoegsel. In hoofdstuk vier behandelt de auteur de verschillend soorten nominale constituenten en de structuur van de NP. Een opvallend kenmerk van de NP is dat enkel de telwoorden één tot en met zes concordantie vertonen. De deteminers ook vertonen concordantie met het hoofd van de nominale constituent. Er is echter geen concordantie tussen het bijvoeglijk naamwoord en het hoofd van de nominale constituent. Logba kent een klasse van bijvoeglijk naamwoorden bestaande uit de niet-afgeleide term gbali ‘slecht’ en verschillende termen die zijn afgeleid van andere categorieën; bijvoeglijk naamwoorden worden louter attributief gebruikt. In hoofdstuk vijf staan de voorzetsels centraal. Het Logba kent vijf voorzetsels en negen postposities, waarvan er vijf gegrammaticaliseerd zijn van woorden die verwijzen naar lichaamsdelen. In hoofdstuk zes wordt ingegaan op de basis zinsstructuur en enkele specifieke verbale en niet-verbale constructies. Logba is en SVO taal. Het onderwerp wordt

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gecodeerd op het werkwoord door middel van concordantie met de klasse van het onderwerp. Het subjectvoorvoegsel wordt gevolgd door tense-aspect-mood (TAM) morfemen en de stam van het werkwoord. In zinnen met drie argumenten gaat de recipiënt vooraf aan het thema. In de vijf volgende hoofdstukken ligt de nadruk op verbale constructies met verschillende graden van complexiteit. In hoofdstuk zeven worden werkwoorden en hun modificeerders besproken. Ook wordt ingegaan op de structuur van het werkwoord en de inherente semantische kenmerken die gebruikt worden voor de classificatie van werkwoorden. De werkwoorden worden geclassificeerd volgens het aantal kernargumenten dat deze werkwoorden vereisen. De intransitieve werkwoorden hebben slechts één kernargument. Het grootste aantal werkwoorden bestaat echter uit werkwoorden met twee argumenten. Daarnaast zijn er een aantal werkwoorden met drie argumenten. Sommige werkwoorden kunnen tot verschillende van deze drie groepen behoren als gevolg van een verandering van de semantische functie van het subject. In hoofdstuk acht wordt kort ingegaan op de functies van zinnen en worden bewerende, imperatieve en vraag zinnen behandeld. Een stijgende toon op de zinsfinale lettergreep maakt de zin tot een ja/nee vraag; andere vraagzinnen vereisen vraagwoorden. In het Logba zijn de volgende drie vraagwoorden vastgesteld: mɔ ‘welke’, mɛ ‘wat/hoe’ en bɛ ‘hoeveel’. In hoofdstuk negen bespreekt de auteur zinnen die zijn ingebed in andere zinnen of underszins met andere zinnen complexe zinnen vormen. Het eerste deel gaat over bijzinnen en wordt gevolgd door een sectie over complementzinnen en verschillende typen bijwoordelijke zinnen. In de bijzin is er een onveranderlijk element op de plaats van het hoofd bijzin mits het geen kernargument is. Dit element vertoont dezelfde fonologische patronen van assimilatie als het definietheidsmorfeem. Hoofdstuk tien behandelt seriële werkwoord constructies (SVCs). In een seriële werkwoord constructie in Logba wordt het subject alleen op het eerste werkwoord aangeduid en niet op de daarop volgende werkwoorden. De VPs delen dezelfde TAM die worden uitgedrukt op het eerste werkwoord en ook de negatie wordt uitgedrukt op het eerste werkwoord met gebruik van een tweeledig morfeem. In hoofdstuk elf behandelt de auteur de indirecte rede, en de wederkerige en wederkerende constructies. In hoofdstuk twaalf worden topic en focus in het Logba gepresenteerd. Eerst behandelen we topic constructies. Topics staan aan het begin van de zin en hebben geen specifieke topic-aanduider. Daarna volgen de focusconstructies. Twee strategieën worden beschreven voor constituentfocus die variëren per dialect. In één van de twee strategieën, wordt de constituentfocusaanduider ka direct na de constituent geplaatst waarop de nadruk ligt. De andere strategie is hoofdzakelijk gebruikt in het Tota dialect. De prominente NP wordt aan het begin van de zin geplaatst gevolgd door het ernaar verwijzende onafhankelijke voornaamwoord en weer gevolgd door de rest van de zin

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(zonder enige specifiek aanduiding focus markeerder). Het werkwoord wordt benadrukt door de kopie van het (naakte) werkwoord onmiddellijk voor het werkwoord te plaatsen. De laatste twee hoofdstukken gaan over constructies, die in een grammatica soms als marginaal worden beschouwd, maar die cruciaal zijn voor de communicatie. In hoofdstuk dertien worden drie typen woorden besproken: ideofonen, tussenwerpsels en partikels. In het laatste hoofdstuk presenteren we standaarduitdrukkingen gebruikt worden voor sociale interactie. Deze omvatten groeten, uitdrukkingen die gebruikt worden om waardering te tonen voor iemand op het werk, uitnodigingen voor een maaltijd, uitdrukkingen die dienen om iemand welkom te heten, en uitdrukkingen voor het nemen van afscheid. Deze uitdrukkingen kunnen worden opgevat als culturele codes. De interpretatie is afhankelijk van hoe en waar zij worden uitgesproken. De juiste omstandigheden voor correct gebruik van deze uitdrukking worden behandeld. Het proefschrift eindigt met een representatieve verzameling van teksten van moedertaalsprekers die woonachtig zijn in Logba gebied. Deze omvatten verhalen, spreekwoorden, raadsels, procedurele en sociaal-culturele teksten. Tenslotte zijn in dit proefschrift ook een Logba-Engels-Ewe woordenlijst en een Engels-Logba index opgenomen.

Curriculum vitae Kofi Dorvlo was born in Keta in the Volta Region of Ghana on 10th April 1953. From 1974 to 1976, he trained as a teacher after secondary school and taught briefly in basic schools in the Volta Region. He continued his education at the then Advanced Teacher Training College, Winneba from 1981 to 1984 where he obtained a Diploma in English and Education. After teaching in Bishop Herman Secondary School, Kpando, and Ho Polytechnic from 1984 to 1992, he entered the University of Ghana where he studied for and was awarded a Bachelor of Arts degree in English and Linguistics in 1996. After teaching for two years at OLA Girls’ Secondary School, Ho, he embarked on a Masters in Linguistics course in 1998. In 2000, he received a Master of Philosophy degree in Linguistics (University of Ghana, Legon) and was subsequently appointed Research Fellow at the Language Centre of the same university. From May 2003 to October 2007 he was a PhD scholar in the Department of African Languages and Cul-tures and the Leiden University Centre for Linguistics (LUCL) researching and docu-menting the language and culture of Logba funded under the Endangered Languages Programme of the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO).